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/}UsJJ ^l^iTui/^ 






At length I have the honour to place in Your Majes- 
ty's hands the concluding volume of the lAfe of the Prince 

I cannot hid adieu to a task, which has for many years 
engaged my anxious attention, without acknowledging in 
the hroadest terms how much its difficulty and responsibility 
have been lightened by the confidence shown to me by Your 
Majesty, in not merely placing the amplest materials at my 
disposal, but also in leaving me entire freedom as to how 
they should be used. The trust was one of which I have 
striven to prove myself not unworthy, by withdrawing no 
further than seemed to be necessary the veil from the inci- 
dents either of the domestic life of the Palace, or of the 
political and public life in which Your Majesty and the 
Prince Consort have played so important a part. In what I 
have recorded my only aim has been to illustrate the charac- 
ter of the Prince, — ^the spirit in which all his private and 
public duties were discharged, — ^and the great void which 
his unlooked-for death created, not only in his home, but in 
the ranks of those governing minds, by whose sagacity and 

experience the integrity and honour of Your Majesty's domi- 
nions are upheld. 

The world is justly impatient of the panegyric of a biogra- 
pher. If a man's deeds and thoughts do not of themselves 
sufficiently proclaim his worth, the fault is either his bio- 
grapher's or his own. In the case of the Prince Consort, all 
that could be told of him went to make the narrative a 
* chronicle of actions bright and just ; ' and, if at times I 
have unwittingly added superfluous words of praise, I can 
only plead in excuse the difficulty of silence, where the 
chronicler has had occasion to scrutinise a character, under 
many and very varied aspects, so narrowly as it has been 
my duty to scrutinise that of the Prince, and has at every 
step found fresh occasion to admire its purity, its unselfish- 
ness, its consistency, and its noble self-control. Let me 
hope, that in any case the record which I have now brought 
to an end will have conveyed to the minds of those who 
read it no feeble reflex of the profound impression which 
these qualities produced upon my own mind during many 
years of close and conscientious study. 

Much has necessarily become known to myself, which it 
would have been either premature or unfitting to record in 
these volumes ; much that has only tended to deepen my 
admiration of the Prince, and my sympathy for the members 
of that loving circle, which his kind and noble nature had 
bound to him with the ties of absolute devotion, and which 
his death left stunned and desolate. I may, therefore, well 
fear that my picture of what he was will appear colourless 
and imperfect to his children, and to those friends — ^now, 
alas ! how few ! — who survive ; and, if to them, then how 
much more so to Tour Majesty, the companion of his heart 
and of Jiis life ! 

But as none can measure so well the difficulty of my task, 
so do I know that no one will judge of its fulfilment more 
generously and forbearingly than Your Majesty, who has 
throughout, when my heart might otherwise have failed me, 

given me the best encouragement, by accepting with approval 

the successive volumes in which I have endeavored to make 

the Prince known to the world, — ^the Prince, of whom Tour 

Majesty, in the first days of supreme grief, wrote to his 

oldest and his dearest friend, that he was your 'husband, 

father, lover, master, friend, adviser, and guide.* 

I have the honour to remain. 


Tour Majesty's devoted 

Subject and Servant, 

Thbodobb Mabtin. 
81 Okslow Squabs: 

6th January^ 1880, 


Gott im Herzen, vorwarts schanend, 
Stets sich opfernd, anf Ihn bartend, 
Auf warts strebend, 
Mit slob bebend 
Geist Dud Wissen seiner Zeit, 
Diente er der Ewigkeit. 

JST. E, H, the Crown Princess o/Frussia. 




England and France— Franoe and the Plapal Power— State of Italy— Poaitlon of England 
towards Italy— Rumours of Cession of Savoy and Nice to France— Bayarian and Wfir- 
temberg Concordats —Opinion of Prince Consort on Question whether it is enedient 
for a State to oonciode a Concordat with the Pope . . . . . Pago 18 


Opening of Parliament— Letter by Prince Consort to Prince Regent of Prussia— Move- 
ment in Central Italy— France demands Savoy and Nice— Anniversary of Royal 
Marriage— Commercial Treaty with France— The Budget — Scene at the Tuueries— Dis- 
cussion between Emperor of the French and Lord Cowley— Effect of Lord Cowley^s 
Remonstrance 28 

1860 — contintted. 

Letter to Prince Consort by Prince Regent of Prussia— Alarm created by Cearion of Savoy 
and Nice— Belbnn BUI introduced by Lord John Russell— Indifference of Country on 
the Subject 48 



Bread of ftarther French Annexations- State of Oermany— Views of Prince Consort on the 
Subject in Letter to Lord John Russell— Debates in Parliament on Cession of Savoy 
and Nice — ^Danger of a Rupture between England and France— Emperor of Frenches 
Anxiety to avoid it— Speech of Prince Consort at Clothworkers^ Halt— Ylsit of Prince 
of Wales to Canada and the United SUtes projected 60 



1860 — contintted. 

Death of the Qaeen^s Brother-in-Law the Prince of Hohenlohe-LaDgenbnrg— Bnsslan Prcy- 
lects — Agitation by Kussla of Complaints against Turkey— Uneasiness of the Western 
Powers— Debates on Reform— Speech of Sir E. L. Bulwer— Tennyson's Idylla of ffie 
King— Frince Consort's Admiration for them— Letter to Mr. Tennyson — Outbreak of 
Bevolution in Sicily— Garibaldi and Count Cavonr— Goyemment Scheme of National 
Defences— Rejection of Paper-Doty Bill — Order of Merit for India— Establishment of 
Order of Star of India— Proposed Changes in Organization of Indian Army . . 77 


1860 — contirmed, 

Comi; at Osborne— Mnltiferious Nature of Prince Consort^s Occupations— Prince Louis of 
Hesse — Wellington College— Prince Consort's Speech at Dinner of Grenadier Guards — 
Volunteer Review in Hyde Park— Speech at Trinity House— First Wimbledon Rifle 
Competition— French Eiaperor seeks to restore Conndence— Meets Prince Regent of 
Prussia at Baden ■ 99 


1 860 — canUrmed, 

Opposition to Government Scheme for National Defences— Mr. Gladstone's and Lord Pal- 
merston's Views — House of Lords rejects Paper-Duty Bill— Letters by Prince Consort 
—International Statistical Congress— Address by Prince Consort— Birth of Queen's 
first Granddaughtez^Fortifications Bill— Prince of Wales in Newfoundland . 115 


1 860 — contin ued. 

Massacres in Syria— Steps for European Occupation— Continued Distrust of the Emperor 
of the French— His Explanatory Letter to M. Persigny- Effect produced by it in Eng- 
land- Venetia—EIingdom of Two Sicilies— Meeting at Toplitz of Emperor of Austria 
and Prince Regent of Prussia—Letter by Prince Consort to Prince R^ent of Prussia 
— Review of Scottish Volunteers by Queen at Edinburgh— At Balmoral— Letters by 
Prince Consort on Naval Reserves— The Duchess of Kent — Interview of Lord Clarendon 
with Emperor of the French— The latter's Italian Policy— Illness of Dowager Dudiess 
ofCoburg 182 

1860 — continued. 

Fh>TOgation of Parliament— Garibaldi invades Kingdom of Naples— Enters Naples— Threat- 
ens to advance on Rome— Arrested by Cavonr's Determination to invade Umbria and 
the Marches- Cavour's Circular Note— Its Effect in Europe— Papal States invaded by 
Sardinian Army— Dictatorship of Garibaldi^Success of Cavour's Measures— Court re- 
turns firom Bahnoral to London IM 



1860 — anUinued, 

Jonrnejr of Qaeen and Prince to Cobiii^--8ta7 at Gobnrg and Ylsits to the Environs — 
Alsnning' Accident to the Prince Consort— A Boar-Drive— Case of Captain Maodonald 
— dtay at GoUenz and Brussels— Betom to Windsor Castle 165 

1660— continued^ 

Letter by Qaeen as to Memorial in gratltade f<x> Princess £sc^>e— The Vlctoria-Stift at 
Coborg— The European Powers and Sardinia— Victor Emmanuel meets Garibaldi— 
Meeting of Emperors of Austria and Bussis and Prince Regent of Prussia at Warsaw 
—Attacks by Ine TimM upon Prussia— Distress of the Prince— Visit by Prince Alfred 
to South Africa— Visit of ninoe of Wales to Canada and the (Tnited States— Letter of 
Pkesident Buchanan to the Queen— Her Mi^^sty's Beply 184 


I860 — eontimted. 

Blockade of GaSta— Appeal of Francis II. to European Powers— Ineffectual— Surrender of 
Gaeta— French Internal Kefurms— State of Italy— Betrothal of Princess Alice— Death 
of Lord Aberdeen— Naval Defences — Letter by Prince Consort to Duke of Somerset on 
the State of the Navy— Letter by Prince Consort to Crown Princess of Prussia on The- 
ory of Govanmient--Clo8e of Cmnese War^— Christmas and New Year Greetings . SOT 



Prince Consort^s Habits of Working— His great Personal Actiyity— State of Europe at Be- 
ginning of 18(n— Scheme for Sale of Venetia to Sardiniar— Found to be impracticable- 
Letter by Emperor of the French to the Queen— Her Mi^sty''s Beplhr— Death and 
Funeral of King of Prussia— Indian Army Consolidation— Sir Cnaries Wood — State of 
Parties in England— Death in Railway Accident of Dr. Baly— Opening of Parliament 
—Prevailing Disquietude as to Italy— Great Exhibition of 1862— Domestic Happi- 
ness 228 

1861 — continued* 

Prince Consort^s Constitution impaired— Signs of thto— Meeting of First Italian Parlia- 
ment— Frendi Occupation of Rome — Memorandum by Prince Consort on Recent De- 
bates in the French Chambers — The Hungarian Question — His Opinions upon it in Let- 
ter to the King of Prussia— Letter from King of Prussia— Death of Sir George Couper 
—French Occupation of Syria— Due d^Aumale^s Pamphlet-^tate of Europe— Letter 
by Prince Consort to King of Prussia 246 



1861 — conUntied. 

ninesB and Death of the Duchess of Kent— Letter by the Qaeen to King Leopold— Ctonenl 
Begret— Addresses of Condolence from both Uooses of Parliament— Letters to the 
Queen from her Sister— Funeral of the Duchess of Kent— Princess Labours increased 
by her Death— Letters by him to the King of Prussia and to Baron Btockmar . 268 


1861 — continued, 

Misreprosentations of the Prince by The TVmM— Mr. Gladstone's Speech introducing the 
Budget— Discrepancy between his Views on the Necessity for Expenditure on National 
Defences and those of the Cabinet— The Duchies of S(uileswig and Holstein— Letter 
by Prince Consort on Unprovoked War— The Maodonald Albir— Lritating DiscussionB 
upon it in Parliament and in Prussian Chambers— Prince's Opinions on the Subject- 
Announcement of intended Maniage of Princess Alice— Books read by Flince Con- 
sort . 281 

1861 — canUniied. 

Opening of Horticultural Gardens at South Kensington — Death of Count Gavour— Speeches 
in Parliament on his Death— The State of Italy— Action of French Government— Ru- 
mors of intended Cession of Island of Sardinia to France— Their Baselessness— Baron 
Bicasoli— Civil War breaks out in America— Failure of Supply of Cotton to England- 
Sandhurst Biilitary College— Letters by Prince Consort as to Good-Conduct Marks for 
Cadets— Illness and Death of Lord Herbert— Ministerial Changes— Attack by Becker 
on King of Prussia at Baden— Parliament prorogued— Yisit of Queen and Prince to 
Mausoleum of Duchess of Kent at Frogmore 295 

1861 — continued. 

Visit of Queen and Prince to Ireland— In Dublin— At the Curragh— Prince Consort's last 
Birthday— Visit to Lord Castlerosse and Mr. Herbert of Muckross at Killamey— Re- 
turn to Dublin and Holyhead — Prince Consort makes Excursion to Carnarvon, and 
through Vale of Uanberis to BeddgeUert— Arrival at Balmoral— Letter by Prince Con- 
sort to Baron Stockmar— Agitation in Qennsaiy for Unification— Letter by Prince Con- 
sort to King of Prussia on State of Parties in G^many— life at Balmoral— Prince of 
Wales visits Germany— Objects of Visit— Lord Clarendon agrees to attend Coronation 
of King of Germany as representing the Queen— Letter to him and to the King of 
Prussia by Prince Consort— Besnlts of Meeting at Compidgne between King of Prussia 
and Emperor of the French . 818 

1861 — continued. 

Coronation at Konigsberg of King of Prussia— The Crown Princess— Irritation of Feeling 
in Qermanv against England — Greatly fomented hy the Attacks on Germany and Ger- 
mans in The S^'^im- Lord Clarendon's Uneasiness on the Subject— His Letter to tiie 


Qaeen— Letter flrom Lord EUenborongh to the Prinee Oonsort on the Omniaetloii of 
the Volunteer Foree»— The Prlooe^s Reply— Letter hv Prinoe Consort to Lord Pftlmer- 
ston on Breeeh-loadlnff Bifles for the Army — Gonrt leaTes Halmoral^Prlnce Consort 
Uye two Fonndatlon stones at Edinboi^— Betnin to Windsor Castle— Illness and 
Death of King of Portogal— Its Effect on the Prince Consort— Letters by him on the 
Bubject— Letter by him to Crown Princess on her Birthday 880 


1861 — oonUtwed, 

lUness of Prinoe Consort— The Trent Affair— Draft Memorandom for Lord John Bossell 
on the SnMeet— The Last Draft prepared by the Prinoe— Its Suggestions adopted 
—Salutary Besolts— Progress of the Princess lUness— His Death- Cooeloding Re- 
marks 844 


U. RoTAL Mavsolxitm at Fboomoxb .., •••.•.. 881 


INDEX .880 



Portrait of H.B.H. the Prince Consort. . . . To face TUie, 

Portrait of H.R.H. the Crown Princess of Germant . " p. 127 

Portrait of H.B.H. the Princess Alice . . . . *• 211 

Facsimile of Draft Memorandum by H.B.H. the Prinoi 

Consort, December 1, 1861 , ** 349 


or mB BOTAL Biomrxes 



England and France— France and the Pi^ Power^State of Italy— Position of England 
towards Italy— Bumoors of Cession of Savoy and Nice to France — Bavarian andW&r- 
temberg Concordats —Opinion of Prince Consort on Question whether It is expedient 
for a State to conclude a Concordat with the Pope. 

* We began 1860 very peaceably and happily, and I never 
remember spending a pleasanter Isew Years Day, surrounded 
by our children and dear Mama. It is really extraordinary 
how much our good children did for the day in writing, 
reciting, and music' 

It was thus the Queen wrote to King Leopold on the 3rd 
of January of the happy holiday season, which the Royal 
children had striven, as usual, to make happier for their 
parents by such proofs of proficiency in their studies as 
they knew would be the most welcome tribute of their grati- 
tude and affection. To the beloved daughter at Berlin the 
Prince accompanied his New Year's greetmg with the follow- 
ing words of encouragement and counsel : — 

* You enter upon the New Year with hopes, which God 
will surely graciously suffer to be fulfilled, but you do so also 
with good resolutions, whose fulfilment lies within your own 
hand and must necessarily contribute to your success also hap- 
piness in this suffering and difficult world. Hold firmly by 
these resolutions, and evermore cherish the determination, 
with which comes also the strength, to exercise unlimited 


control over yourself, that the moral law may govern and 
the propensity obey, — the end and aim of all education and 
culture, as we long ago discovered and reasoned out to- 
gether. . . .'* 

At the opening of 1860 the aspect of affairs at home was 
upon the whole satisfactory. Trade was good, employment 
among the working classes abundant and remunerative, and 
the farmers were fairlj contented with their condition and 
prospects. Although increased taxation to meet the expen- 
diture on National Defences was known to be imminent, so 
satisfied was the country of the necessity for the steps which 
had been taken in this direction, and for the more costly 
measures which were contemplated, that it was prepared to 
accept the burden with equanimity. Whatever action might 
be taken in Europe by their restless neighbour in France, 
they were determined, should not find them unprepared. 

Distrustful as the Sovereign naturally had become of the 
wavering and occult policy of the Emperor of the French, 
she did not omit to tender him her wonted congratulations 
at the opening of the year, not without a hope that his 
unmistakable desire to retain her good opinion might have 
some influence upon his councils. In a letter to him on the 
last day of 1859 Her Majesty wrote : — 

* May the New Year bring you only happiness and con- 
tent ! That which is about to close has been full of storm 
and trial {orageux et p&nible), and has brought suffering to 
many a heart. I pray God, that in this which we are about 
to enter we may see the work of pacification accomplished, 
with all its benefits for the repose and progress of the world. 
There will be many divergent opinions and apparent hostile 
interests to be reconciled, but with the help of heaven, and a 
firm determination to seek only the welfare of those whose des- 
tiny we have to direct and shape (r&gler), one must not despair 
of a satisfactory result.' 

In his reply next day, the Emperor was unable to echo 
Her Majesty's single-minded desire to think only of the 

» In the same spirit the Prince, a year later (29th January, 1861) wrote to 
his daughter : ' In this way you mav both have the consciousness of doing 

§ood, and what more can man desire s What can make him more truly happy 
lan this consciousness ? ' 


welfare of the Italian people, of whose destiny he had 
become for a time in a certain sense the arbiter. * I hope,' 
were the Emperor's words, 'that the year now beginnmg 
will be marked by none of those sudden turns of fortune 
(piripkies) which have marked the year 1859, and what I 
desire above all is, that in the interests of the progress and 
the peace of the world it may draw closer our alUance, which 
has always been fertile in happy results.' 

In neither respect were tne Emperor's hopes fulfilled. 
The turns of fortune, for which this year will ever be mem- 
orable in Italian history, were such as to upset all his cal- 
culations, and the revelations of his policy which it brought 
made his warmest friends in the English Government recoil 
from that intimate alliance with France, which they had 
previously been disposed to cultivate. 

Although the Emperor of the French continued for a 
time to profess great anxiety that the Congress should meet, 
it is difficult to believe that these professions were more 
than phrases. He had himself made its meeting impossible 
by the publication of the pamphlet Z^e Pape et le CongrkSy 
referred to by the Prince in the last chapter, which, although 
ostensibly the work of M. de la Gu6ronni6re, was well known 
to have been directly inspired by himself.* Was it possible 
that either the Pope or Austria should enter a Congress, at 
the wish of a potentate who had openly stated it to be his 
deliberate conviction, that not only was the Romagna lost 
for ever to the Papal See, but that m the interests of Europe 
the Pope should be deprived of all his temporal dominions, 
Rome only^ excepted, where he was to be maintained for 
the future by the guarantee of the Great Powers, upon a 
revenue to be paid by the Catholic States, * as a tribute of 
respect and admiration to the Head of the Church ? ' That 
it was not possible, no one could have known better than 
the Emperor of the French. And, in fact, Austria lost no 
time in intimating that she must decline to enter the Con- 
gress, unless upon an assurance from the French Govern- 
ment, that it would neither bring forward there the measures 
advocated by the pamphlet, nor support them if brought f or- 

« On the 25th of December, 1859, Lord Cowley wrote to Lord John RuBsell: 
* There is not a sentiment or idea in it which I have not heard over and over 
again from the Emperor, and, if I did not know from other sources that he 
ori^ated it^ I should have been certain of the fact from its contents. His 
Majesty rephes to those who ask — " 1 did not write the pamphlet, but I agree 
in all that it says." * 

16 STATE OF ITALY. 1860 

ward by others. Bat that no such assurance could or would 
be given was soon made clear by the publication of a letter 
written by the Emperor Napoleon to the Pope on the 31st of 
December, 1859, in which he recommended His Holiness to 
sacrifice his revolted provinces and to call upon the European 
Powers to guarantee him the possession of what was left of 
the Papal dominions. The removal from office a few days 
afterwards (4th January, 1860) of Count Walewski, who had 
made attempts to obtain authority from his master to disavow 
the doctrines of the obnoxious pamphlet, was another indica- 
tion that from this moment the policy of the Emperor of the 
French had taken a fresh point of departure. M. Thouvenel, 
his new Secretary for Foreign Affairs, was not hampered by 
sympathy for the Papal supremacy, nor chilled by the antag- 
onism which had long subsisted between Count Walewski 
and Cavour. 

The sympathies of England with the Italian cause, and 
the ambition of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Kussell to 
become active agents in establishing a Northern Italian king- 
dom, had been up to this point of the greatest service to the 
Emperor. They had done for him what he could not have 
done for himself, by showing Austria that the re-entry of the 
Dukes to the Italian Duchies, to which he had assented by 
the peace of Villafranca, was impossible — a result which he 
could not have ventured to press upon her consideration 
without exposing himself to the reproach of having violated 
his engagements. Nothing, in truth, was more certain by 
the end of 1859 than that not the Duchies merely, but Tus- 
cany and Homagna also, were no longer at the disposal of 
European diplomacy. By the admirable prudence with which 
up to this point they had made use of the freedom which 
they had gained, these States had vindicated their right to 
determine to whom their future allegiance should be given. 
With a strong and unanimous voice they had declared for 
annexation to Sardinia. If left to themselves, this annexa- 
tion could not fail to take place, and at no distant date. 

Whatever views the Emperor of the French may at one 
time have entertained as to the foundation of a kingdom of 
Central Italy, dependent upon France, he was too sagacious 
not to see that such views were no longer practicable. In 
the six months which had elapsed since the defeat of Sol- 
f erino, Austria had become convinced that her hands were 
tied from renewing the war in Italy by the shattered finances 


and the internal dissensions of her empire. This was, of 
course, as well known to the Emperor of the French as it was 
to the English Cabinet.' If then Austria declined or was 
unable to moye, the quiescence of Prussia was assured. The 
recent mobilisation of her forces had, moreover, shown the 
Government of Berlin the defects of their military system, 
and these the country wanted breathing-time to repair. Rus- 
sia, again, might be relied on to stand aloof from any war- 
like intervention in the affairs of Northern Italy, as by these 
her interests were in no way affected. France, and France 
alone, which had an army of sixty thousand men still in 
Lombardy, and an occupation force of five thousand in 
Home, could arrest or prevent that entire freedom of action 
on the part of the Italian States which would naturally have 
resulted in their placing themselves under the sovereignty 
of the King of Sardinia. 

Such was the position of the Italian problem at the be- 
ginning of 1860. The duty of England was simple and 
obvious — to stand aside, as sne had hitherto done, avowing 
her sympathy with the Italians in their struggle for consti- 
tutional liberty, and leaving them to work out for them- 
selves what they had already so well begun. The position 
of the French Emperor, on the other hand, was full of em- 
barrassment. Any active measure on his part to advance 
the union of the Duchies with Sardinia would have been a 
breach of his engagement to Austria ; while to withdraw his 
troops, and leave Italy to her fate, would have been to con- 
fess that the ' idea ' for which he had gone to war was a 

* On the 2d of January, 1860, Lord Ancnistus Loftus, the English ambassa- 
dor at Vienna, wrote to Lord John BuBsell : — * I think I may say with full con- 
fidence, that tnls Government has no intention of marching a man across their 
frontier, even though Sardinia were to march into Central Italy. Austria can- 
not engage in any external contest, for she would bring down upon herself a 
national bankruptcy, which would be followed by an internal revolution.' This 
was only one of many well authenticated communications from various quarters 
to the same effect. 

* In opening the Prussian Chambers on the 12th of January, 1860, the Prince 
Begent said : — ' A question of great gravity demands your attention Mid the 
attention of my Government. . . . The experience of the last ten jrears, in 
which the defensive power of the nation was more than once tAken into ac- 
count, has shown the existence of many faults, which ought to be remedied. 
It is my duty, as it is my night, to remedy those faults, and I invoke your con- 
stitutional co-operation to concert measures to increase our defensive strength 
in proportion to the increase of our population and to our commercial position.' 
From this time began that reorganization of the Prussian army, and building 
up of the military system, which effected the establishment of the German 
Empire and the downfall of the Napoleon dynasty. 


blander, and to make himself ridicolouB in the eyes of 
France, which might ask in such an eyent for what purpose 
some of its best blood had been profusely shed at Magenta 
and Solferino. It is most probable that inclination and con- 
viction, no less than policy, prompted the Emperor to proye 
his loyalty to the cause of the Italian nation by braying alike 
the hostility of the Church and the indignation of Austria. 
But it was one thing to do this single-handed, and another 
with England pledged to support France and Ssurdinia against 
all foreign interyention in the affairs of Italy. 

A ]!^morandum, dated 5th of January, 1860, published 
by Mr. Ashley in his Life of Lord Pcdmerston (yol. ii. p. 
174), prepared by Lord Palmerston for the consideration of 
his Cabinet, shows that he at least was not indisposed to 
enter into this alliance, eyen at the risk of war — ^nay, that he 
was prepared to giye up office rather than abandon the prin- 
ciple of the proposed ' triple alliance.' Mr. Ashley confines 
himself to the statement that there proyed to be no need for 
* any formal league like this triple alliance ; ' but it soon be- 
came no secret that, if it had not been concluded, this was 
owing to the fact that the Cabinet as a body were decidedly 
opposed to the yiews of their chief and of the Foreign Sec- 
retary. Significant articles appeared on the 5th and 6th of 
January in The TimeSy hinting, as a Memorandum of the 
Prince records, * at what has passed in the Cabinet [at their 
Meeting on the 3rd of January], and which can only haye 
come from one of its members.' The language of these ar- 
ticles indicates how yery great was the diyergence of yiews 
at the Council-table. Arguing upon the supposition of what 
could not haye been known beyond its circle to be a fact, 
that a proposition by the French Emperor for a treaty bind- 
ing England to a joint action with France in regulating the 
affairs of Italy might be made, in the hope that it would be 
favourably entertained by a Govemment anxious above all 
things for the complete liberation of Italy, the writer says : 
' We feel convinced that, unless Parliament could be got rid 
of as unceremoniously as the Congress, the Crovemment 
which entered into such an agreement would never live to 
execute it.' 

Returning to the subject the following day, the writer in 
The Times stated very forcibly his views as to the state of 
public opinion on this question : — 


' If,' he said, ' we know anything of the sentiments of our countrymen, 
nothing is more certain than that this nation would not endure any Ministry 
which should propose to pledge England to an offensiye alliance with France 
against the rest of Europe. We wish well to Italy, but ** we do not go to 
war for an idea." If we did so, we should prefer to .do so upon our own 
policy, and with confidence in our own right. If we did so, we should more- 
over prefer to have some control over our own position, and some confidence 
that our allies would fight out the whole fight with us, and not make peace 
at inconvenient seasons. If we did so, we should like to go into it unfet- 
tered by any such engagements as might compel us, perhaps, to look on with 
approval while our ally pushed on an army to the Rhine, and to submit 
hopelessly while he made a compact for the dismemberment of the East. . . . 
We will honour, glorify, sympathise, admire, but in this quarrel, and under 
these conditions, we will not fight.* 

Baffled in the attempt to secure the more extended ar- 
rangement which would have brought England into colli- 
sion with the other European Powers, whose suspicions had 
already been aroused by hints of the efforts to cement a 
separate French and English alliance, Count Persigny now 
suggested to Lord John Russell that Austria and France 
should both formally agree not to interfere in Italy, * unless 
called upon to do so by Europe at some future time in case 
of anarchy.' This suggestion was reported by Lord John 
Russell (9th January) to the Queen, in a letter which con- 
cluded with the expression of an opinion that it 'might 
form the basis of an agreement between France and Eng- 
land.' The inaptness of the Foreign Secretary's proposal 
could not fail to strike Her Majesty ; and she wrote to him 
the same day in reply : — 

* If France and Austria will both abstain from interfering 
in the affairs of Italy, it will be much the wisest course ; but 
the Queen cannot see why this should require an agreement 
to be entered into between France and ws, who ought not to 
interfere at all. 

* It is worth remembering, with regard to the two above- 
named Powers, that, while Austria is an Italian Power in 
virtue of Venetia, and France is not, Austria has now no 
troops in any part of Italy but her own, whilst France still 
occupies Rome and a portion of Lombardy. French inter- 
ference is therefore the only one existing.' 

The intentions of Austria were a few days afterwards 
placed beyond a doubt, by the official declaration of Count 


Rechberg to our Ambassador at Vienna, * that Austria might 
confidentially declare that she had no intention of interfering 
in Italian affairs.' * If therefore France had no interests of 
her own to serve, the question might have been left to its 
natural solution. But the Emperor Napoleon was not pre- 
pared to relax his hold upon the Peninsula without an equi- 
valent, to which he attached great importance, and which 
had become vital to him as the means of reconciling his 
subjects to their expenditure of blood and treasure in the 
Italian campaign." The cession of Savoy to France, which, 
under the compact of Plombi^res, was to have been the price 
of Italy freed * from the Mincio to the Adriatic,' had been 
abandoned on the failure of that magnificent programme. 
It was now to be the means of securing the Emperor's assent 
to the incorporation of the revolted Italian provinces with 
the Kingdom of Sardinia. At the very time that he was 
courting the alliance, offensive and defensive, with England, 
to strengthen himself against the chances of war with Aus- 
tria, he had made this purpose known at Turin. About the 
same time the recovery of France's /row^z^res natureUes vers 
les Alpes began to be freely spoken of in the army and in 
the saloons of Paris as imminent. This condition Count 
Cavour found set before him with inexorable sternness, when 
on the 16th of January he was recalled by Victor Emmanuel 
to the head of affairs. Escape from it he knew to be impos- 
sible. It cost him many bitter pangs, and to the outside 
world he made a show to the last of being free from all 
engagement on the subject. But his biographer avows that 
he regarded the surrender of Savoy and Nice as from the 
first a foregone conclusion, which he justified to his own 
mind by the conviction that the gain of a kingdom, since it 

» This was telegraphed on the 24th of January from Vienna to the Foreign 
Office. A week before, Lord Cowley had written from Paris to Lord John 
Russell, that the Austrian Ambassador there ' had told the Emperor [Napoleon] 
that it is doubly unfair to press hardly upon Austria, for that she cannot have 
recourse to arms, even if she desired it.' 

• In a private Memorandum, dated 14th January, 1860, the Prince writes : 
* The Prince de Joinville told me to-day, that he thought the Emperor would 
weather the storm, and that the French priesthood would submit, but remain 
permanently wounded and hostile ; — that the Emperor felt the danger of this, 
and the necessity of compensating the nation, and particularly the army, which 
felt that it had made war for nothing. The Emperor had therefore given out 
in the army, that lie had obtained the acquisition of Savoy as the frontiere na^ 
turelle de la France vers les Alpes^ — which, by all the Prince heard from France, 
was giving great satisfaction.' 

1860 TO FRANCE. 21 

could be secured in no other way, was not too dearly pur- 
chased by the sacrifice of a province/ 

If the compact on this head between the Courts of the 
Tuileries and of Turin had been known to the English Cabi- 
net, they would haye been more chaiy than they were of 
pursuing negotiations with the Emperor of the French for a 
common line of action in the Italian question. His claim to 
Savoy and Nice could manifestly be based only on the sup- 
position that by the annexation of the revolted Italian States 
Sardinia gained an increase in territory and population fully 
equivalent to what would have fallen to her by the wresting 
of Yenetia from the Austrians. Yet while that claim had 
been in effect admitted hj Sardinia, and upon this ^ound, 
and this ground only, the Emperor Napoleon was telhng our 
Ambassador in Paris, that he felt reluctance in yielding to 
the suggestion put forward by the English Government in 
a Despatch of Lord John Kussell's (15th January), that 
France and Austria should pledge themselves not to inter- 
fere for the future by force in the internal affairs of Italy, 
unless called upon to do so by the unanimous assent of the 
five Great Powers of Europe. ' Could he,' was the question 
which he put to Lord Cowley (18th January), as his friend, 
and as a man of honour — * could he enter into the course pro- 
posed to him without bein^ guilty of disloyalty to Austria ?* 
The question was one which the Emperor himself alone could 
answer, for he alone knew what had passed at Yillafranca 
between his Imperial brother and himself. ^If, however,' 
was Lord Cowley's reply, * His Majesty had given the Em- 
peror of Austria to understand, that he would employ all 
means short of force to accomplish the restoration of the 
Duchies, then as an honest man, I conceived that the position 
of His Majesty would become exceedingly awkward, should 
the Emperor of Austria insist on his not recognising the 
annexation of the Duchies to Sardinia, without reference to 
the Powers who were parties to the Treaties of 1815.' 

In the same conversation (which was at once reported to 
Lord John Russell) the Emperor let Lord Cowley see that 
he was bent upon the acquisition of Savoy. *I did all I 
could,' Lord Cowley wrote, * to convince him that it would 
be a false step ; but he has got it into his head that Savoy 

^ A mot of Count Cavour, current at the time, has been preBcrved by his 
biographer. ^Aprett avoir donrJ la^le, on pouvaii aofiner le berceau,^ — Mazade, 
Vie de Cavour^ p. 326. 


wishes for it, and he expects a popular demonstration to that 
effect. In that case, he says, the will of the people of Savoy 
ought to be as much attended to as the wishes of any other 

In sending Lord Cowley's letter to the Queen (21st 
January), Lord John Russell spoke of it as * rather alarm- 
ing.' And, indeed, there was enough to awaken distrust of 
the Emperor's intentions in the minds of those who had 
hitherto been disposed to regard him as the magnanimous 
liberator of Italy. It afforded in any case a strong confirma- 
tion of the views all along entertained by the Queen and 
Prince, as well as by the Cabinet, of the inexpediency of 
entangling England m engagements with an ally, who had 
manifestly ulterior objects in view, to which, so far as these 
might be divined, England could lend no countenance. In 
returning Lord Cowley's letter to Lord John Russell, Her 
Majesty wrote (21st January) : — 

* The Emperor shows unwillingness to evacuate Rome and 
Lombardy, <£sinclination to admit of the annexation of the 
Duchies to Sardinia, a feeling that he could not assent to it 
without appearing dishonourable in the eyes of Austria, and 
a determination to obtain possession of Savoy, in order to 
repay the French nation for the rupture with the Pope, and 
the abandonment of a protective tariff, by the reconquest of 
at least a portion of the frontier es natureUes de la France, 
Lord Cowley's letter proves clearly that it is (as the Queen 
all along felt and often said) most dangerous for us to offer 
to bind ourselves to a common action with the Emperor with 
regard to Italy, whilst he has entered into a variety of en- 
gagements with the different parties engaged in the dispute, 
of which we know nothing, and has objects in view, which 
we can only guess at, and which have not the good of Italy 
in view, but his own aggrandisement, to the serious detri- 
ment of Europe.' 

The view taken by the Prince of the state of affairs may 
be gathered from the followrog passages in a letter (15th 
January) to Baron Stockmar. The Prince had been moved 
to write to him on hearing of the death of Hofrath Sommer, 
the court physician at Coburg, the Baron's first-cousin and 
.one of his most valued friends, whose loss, the Prince knew, 
would cause him serious regret : — - 


'I hope your health may not have suffered from your 
grief for him. Here, too, death has again heen husy, and 
carried off only the good, leaving us for our delectation a 
^at deal of worthless trash. A&caulav is a great loss, so 
IS Brunei, and I have mourned for Lord de Grey as a 
thoroughly excellent and loyal man. 

* I am tired to death with work, vexation, and worry. . . . 

* The Emperor Napoleon has now assented to the fall of 
Walewski, and broken with the Pope, and is prepared to 
confront Europe ; but he represents all this as the sacrifice 
made by him to England and the English alliance, for which 
he expects counter-concessions. . . . 

*The Emperor proposes also to break with the French 
Protectionists, and to give in his adherence to English Free 
Trade. From this Cobden anticipates the cessation of our 
defensive preparations and our Volunteer corps. Strange to 
say, the treaty will give the Emperor our coals and iron, 
which he will want if he should come into collision with us ; 
and by the abolition of the wine duties we shall sustain a 
loss of two millions in our financial receipts. And as we 
have to raise the Income Tax to ninepence in the pound, in 
order to meet the increased Army and Navy Estimates, and 
must borrow ten millions for the permanent defences, the 
Income Tax will have ultimately to be raised to elevenpence, 
and sober-minded people anticipate that the public will not 
stand this. 

^ Louis Napoleon now speaks to his army of Savoy as the 
acquisition achieved by them of the frontUres naturelles 
vers les Alpes, and Prince de Joinville said to me yesterday 
he believed this would have the effect of neutralising the 
unpopularity of the assault which he has made upon the 
Church. . . . 

* Parliament meets on the 24th. . . . The Prince of Wales 
returns to Oxford on the 19th. 

* Alfred is at Leghorn, on his way back to us. We ex- 
pect him about the end of next month, when his preparation 
for being confirmed begins. The other children are visibly 
thriving, and you would find them greatly grown. Alice has 
become a handsome young woman, of graceful form and grace- 
ful presence, and is a help and stay to us all in the house.' 

This letter elicited the following reply from the invalid 
recluse of Coburg (17th January) : — 


* Tired and very weary of life though I be, I still long to 
converse with my gracious and well-beloved Prince. First 
of all, let me give vent to the grateful feelings, which have 
been kindled within me by the favourable report as to the 
well-being, mental and bodily, of all the Royal family. I 
pray God, He may continue to bless and preserve them ! 

* My long life has given me time enough to satisfy myself 
of the truth of the doctrine, that a man will never be able to 
fulfil the task allotted to him in life, rightly, worthily, and at 
the same time happily for himself, unless he keeps himself 
employed in an upright and serious spirit. If he cannot do 
this, he degenerates unwittingly into frivolity, and conse- 
quently into worthlessness. 

^Hold fast by this principle in the education of your 
children ; it will prove its own truth. . . . 

^ Of what is going on in the political world I learn nothing 
here. As I have forbidden my children to write to me about 
business or personal matters, I hear nothing from them. I 
only surmise that Prussia haa been treated unhandsomely bv 
England.® This is, in a general way, a great fault, which 
may readily cause serious mischief to England. For if it 
comes one day to fighting for certain things that England 
wants, Prussia is the only Power that will be either willing 
or able to fight on the same motives.' 

The States of Bavaria and Wtirtemberg had recently con- 
cluded Concordats with the Pope. Another Concordat had 
been signed by the Grand Duke of Baden, at the instigation 
of his l*rime Minister, Herr von Meysenburg, subject to the 
condition that it should be submitted for and be dependent 
upon legislative sanction. It was at this time waiting for 
discussion in the Chambers, and had excited a most hostile 
feeling throughout the Duchy, involving as it did a complete 
surrender on the part of the State of all rights connected 
with ecclesiastical affairs. Its provisions were even more 
favourable to Rome than those of the Austrian Concordat 
By it the Government deprived itself of all participation in 
the appointment of ecclesiastical functionaries. It gave the 

• The Baron had probably heard rumours from Berlin of intimate relations 
in course of beinff established between France and Enfi^land, to the exclusion 
of the Northern Powers. These had caused considerable disquietude at the 
Court of Berlin, which was not diminished by a somewhat curt refusal by 
Lord John Russell of an offer made by Prussia to come to an understanding 
with England on the Italian question. 


clergy a right to hold and to accumulate landed property, to 
decide in all matters touching marriage, to make laymen 
amenable to ecclesiastical tribunals and subject to I'apal 
censures. It placed the whole Catholic youth of Baden, two- 
thirds of the population of which was Catholic, exclusively 
under the superintendence of the Roman Catholic clergy. 
By these and other stipulations, it in effect restored to the 
clergy all the power wluch, together with the despotic gov- 
ernment under which they groaned, had made the people of 
the Rhine country in 1807 accept without reluctance the do- 
minion of the first Napoleon. * If the country,' says Pfister 
{JSiatory of Germany , vol. ii. book iii.) * on the left bank of 
the Rhine had little feeling of shame at being under a for- 
eign rule, it was because it thereby escaped from the depen- 
dence in which the Court of Rome held the small Ecclesias- 
tical States, and from the despotism exercised by the petty 
Princes of the Rhine.' * 

The conclusion of these various Concordats seems to have 
led the Princess Royal to apply to the Prince for his opinion 
on this proceeding as a matter of State policy. It was given 
(18th January) in the following terms : — 

* Your question, — Whether it is altogether right and ex- 
pedient for a State to conclude a Concordat with the Pope ? 
— I answer with a most emphatic " No ! " 

' The Catholic Church asserted, and still asserts, a right 
to unqualified supremacy over the State, and will neither 
submit to any limitation by the State, nor acknowledge any 
dependence upon it. The State asserts its own superiority 
over its own subjects. Well ! But in Catholic States the 
Church is the State Church ; hence the conflict {Zwiespalt), 
which, being rooted in a principle, is irreconcileable. Prac- 
tically it has turned out that the popular resistance has been 
more than a match for the Church in her attempts at usurpa- 
tion. Her means of coercion were not powerful enough to 
place and keep the people in subjection ; and she therefore 
needed the arm of the State in order to get her decrees rec- 
ognised and put in force. In return for this secular aid 

» The Concordat was subsequently annulled, in pursuance of resolutions of 
the Chambers. Herr von Meysenburg, b^ whom it had been negotiated, was 
superseded, and a result averted, which, it was felt at the time, might have 
made the people of Baden sigh anew for the dependence on Fraiioe, which at 
least had saved them from the tyranny of the clergy. 

VOL. V. — 2 


which the State was called upon to give her, she permitted 
the State to impose some restrictions upon herself, and to 
take some share in her government, as, for example, by the 
nomination of bishops, by taking part in the promulgation 
of ordinances, and in the moulding of ecclesiastical policy. 
So it was of old, so is it now again of late years in Catholic 
countries. Now, however, every one must see that the mode 
of action is entirely altered. That supremacy to which the 
Church has set up a claim, but which she cannot enforce, she 
now effects through and receives from the State, whose su- 
premacy she denies, allowing it in return merely nominal 
privileges, which do not secure for it any practical control of 
the Church. In this way the State becomes the servant of 
the Church, and the Church keeps up a grudge against the 
State for intermeddling with her administration — an inter- 
ference which she repudiates upon principle, and practically 
only tolerates because she is peace-loving (?) and meek (?), 
and does not seek for power (!) 

* But how is it, then, in a Protestant country ? Here the 
Catholic Church is not merely in the position of setting up 
a disputed claim to supremacy, but is, moreover, charged 
with the divine mission to destroy the actually existmg 
heretical Church, and to convert the peopile to the true 
faith. The power which she borrows and receives in this 
case from the secular arm by means of a Concordat becomes, 
therefore, an instrument not merely to tyrannise over the 
people, but also to convert the Protestant population and to 
annihilate the Protestant Church as being a Church that is 
false and usurping. She cannot consent to the interference 
of the Protestant Sovereign with the government of the 
Catholic Church by way of counter concession ; therefore 
even the equivalent, futile as it is, which she concedes in the 
case of a Catholic State, utterly fails. What madness, then, 
is it for a Protestant Government to impose fetters upon 
itself, and to surrender its own weapons into the hands of 
the Catholic Church ! 

' The only thing which a Protestant State can do is to take 
its stand upon its own fundamental principle— that of free- 
dom of conscience. Let it therefore leave the Catholic 
Church free from all control and from all pressure from 
that mixed civil and ecclesiastical authority which Catholic 
States affect, but at the same time let it not place at her dis- 
posal one jot of its own power. Should the Catholic Church 


oppress her people, then this is the affair of both the parties 
to the Concordat. Bat the State should not be a party to a 
lesser act of oppression in order to protect its subjects against 
a greater, and so make itself responsible for injustice. The 
oppressed will soon help themselves, and the Church, left to 
her own resources, will be wary how she acts. If she pro- 
ceed to extreme measures, her subjects are very likely to 
turn Protestants. If, on the other hand, oppression be to 
their taste, they may be left to enjoy it. Under such a state 
of things persecution of the Protestants by the Catholic 
Church is simply impossible, for she has always made use of 
the State for that purpose, and that, being Protestant, will 
never lend itself to what would be suicidal.' 


Opening of ParHatnent— lietter by Prince Consort to Prince Regent of Prussia— Move- 
ment In Central Italy — Franco demands Savoy and Nice — Anniversary of Koyal 
Marriage— ComraercialTreaty with France— The Budget — Scene at the Tuileries— Dis- 
cussion between Emperor of the French and Lord Cowley— EflFect ot Lord Cowley's 

On the 24thi of January Parliament was opened by the 
Queen in person. Her Majesty's Speech was fertile in topics 
for discussion. The suspension of the proposed Congress, 
the proposed Commercial Treaty with France, the joint 
Expedition of English and French forces to the Peiho, the 
dispute with the United States about the Island of St. Juan, 
the promised Reform Bill, the question of National Defences, 
furnished materials for animated debate upon the Address 
in both Houses. In the House of Commons attention was 
chiefly concentrated on the affairs of Italy, where the pre- 
vailing rumours of an alliance, offensive and defensive, with 
France to prevent interference by any Foreign Power were 
made use of with great effect by Mr. Disraeli to extract from 
the Government an explicit declaration of their policy. The 
very strong feeling against any such alliance elicited by Mr. 
Disraeli's speech showed conclusively that any engagement 
of this kind would have been fatal to the Ministry. No part 
of what he said commanded warmer applause than a passage 
in which, after depicting the absolute uncertainty that ex- 
isted as to the solution which the Italians themselves would 
propose for the extrication of their affairs, he went on to 
say :•— 

* What is the moral that I draw from these conflicting opinions ? It is 
that Italy is at the present moment in a state far beyond the management 
and settlement of Courts, Cabinets, and Congresses. It is utterly impossible 
to create a national independence by protocols, and to guarantee public lib- 
erty by a Congress, All this has been tried before, and the consequence has 
been a sickly and short-lived offspring. Never mind what faults or previous 


errors may have been committed. I say that what is going on in Italy can 
only be solved by the will, the energy, the sentiment, and thought of the 
population themselves. The whole question, in my mind, is taken out of the 
sphere of Congresses and Cabinets. We are at this moment pure from any 
circumstances of previous interference in these affairs, and it is of the ut- 
most importance that we should remain so.' 

As Lord Palmerston listened to the cheers with which 
these words and others to the same effect were received, he 
could scarcely have regretted that his Cabinet had refused 
to be persuaded by hb Memorandunoi of the 5th of January, * 
and that he was therefore able to assure the House that at 
the time he spoke Her Majesty's Government was ^totally 
free from any engagement whatever with any Foreign Power 
upon the affairs of Italy.' No less unqualified assurance, he 
must have felt, would have satisfied the House or the coun- 
try ; and when the demand of France for the cession of 
Savoy, of which he had been for some days aware, came to 
be known, as in a few davs it was sure to be, he could not 
but feel that, if it had found his Government under any 
pledge to France, not even his popularity could have with- 
stood the storm of indignation which the intelligence would 
have provoked. The French official press had now received 
instructions to prepare the way for this demand. * Who>' 
wrote the Journal des DebatSy * can look upon the map and 
fail to see that Nice is a fragment detached from our terri- 
tory, or that the Maritime Alps are the logical frontier of 
France ? Treaties,' it continued, * made in a spirit of hatred 
to France may have decided otherwise, but what they did in 
1815 was done in violence to. geography, to diplomacy, and 
in flagrant opposition to nature herself.' It was indeed for- 
tunate, that England was not committed to an intimate alli- 
ance with a Power, which was prepared to vindicate its ac- 
tion upon grounds so inconsistent with the disinterestedness 
which it had hitherto professed, and which were susceptible 
of an application most perilous to the peace of Europe. 

The Address to the Crown was 'carried without opposi- 
tion, but not without indications that vigorous attacks would 
subsequently be made both upon the French treaty and the 
projected measure of Reform. The next day the Prince 
wrote to the Prince Regent of Prussia as follows : — 

1 Published, as above mentioned, by Mr. Ashley luhis Life of Lord Ihlmer- 
eton, vol, ii., pp. 174 et seq. 


* Windsor Castle, 26th January, 1860. 

* My dear Cousin, — ^I write to you on the second anniver- 
sary of our children's marriage, for which I wish from my 
heart all happiness for your sake as well as for our own. 
The day after to-morrow our common grandchild will cele- 
brate his first birthday. For this day also accept, along with 
our dear cousin [the Princess of Prussia], our best wishes. 
"May God prosper the dear little one for the welfare of his 
country and the joy of us all ! . . . 

*' We opened Parliament yesterday, and I hope you will 
be satisfied with the Queen's Speech, as we were with yours 
at the opening of the Prussian Diet. The principle not to 
impose any fixed form of government upon the Italians by 
force of arms is unquestionably the right one. . . . The 
Emperor Napoleon is in a cleft stick between his promises 
to the Italian Revolution and those he has made to the 
Pope. The self -deceptive form of solution, which he has 
tried to effect by the Treaty of Yillafranca, has but added 
to his difficulties, by fettering him with new relations to- 
wards Austria. He would fain burst these meshes, and make 
use of us for the purpose. Our constant aim is to prevent 
our being turned to account for this object, and in this we 
are in the fullest accord with the Cabinet and public opinion." 
The Emperor is now trying to conciliate this public opinion, 
for which great measures and great efforts are required. He 
seems, however, not to be afraid of what is before him, and 
has broken both with his whole clergy and with the great 
Protectionist party. I believe that neither Catholicism nor 
Protection are so strong as they fancy themselves to be, and 
he will remain completely their master ; but I am afraid that 
the consciousness of having weakened himself at home by 
the evocation of so many hostile spirits will compel him to 
seek elsewhere some compensation for the French national 
feeling, and it is in this way I explain to myself this sudden 
resurrection of eagerness for the mcorporation of Savoy. In 
France people are convinced that this has been already ef- 

2 * Au fond,* says M. de Mazade ( Vie de Cavour^ p. 309), * dans les myst^res 


purpose, penetrated from the first, as has been shown, by the Queen and 
rrince, was baffled by the resolute attitude of the English Cabinet. 



f ected, and it will be made acceptable to the army with the 
(for Germany) ominous indication of " revendication des 
fronti^res naturelies, au mains quant attx Alpes" But here 
again is a proceeding quite at variance with all he has pre- 
viously professed. 

* As regards public opinion in England, the Emperor has 
not gained his end. The brochure, Xe Pape et le Congr^y 
and the letter to the Pope which followed, have no doubt 
elicited the most cordial approval ; but for all that people are 
frightened at the irresponsibility which, betwixt nignt and 
morning, may break with everything which they thought, 
when they went to bed, was too sacred to be touched. 

*The Commercial Treaty which was signed two days 
since in Paris will not give satisfaction here, because it gives 
France our coal and iron — the two elements of our superior- 
ity hitherto— and in return, by loss of duties upon wine and 
articles of luxury, causes us an immediate deficit in income 
of two millions sterling ! while eighteen months will elapse 
before facilities will be given for the introduction of our 

* The treaty will not be detrimental to the interests of 
Prussia and Germany. Possessing, as I believe they do in 
their treaties with England and France, the most favoured 
nation clauses, the treaty, by lowering the duties in both 
countries, actually makes them an important gift without 
any counter concession on their part. I foresee, moreover, 
that the adoption by France of the free-trade system must 
give Germany an impulse in the same direction, and that the 
advantages of that system will be greater for that country 
than any which can be foreseen for France. 

* The Italian question itself seems to me to have advanced 
not a hair's-breadth nearer its solution. We have made efforts 
to get Austria and France to recognise the principle of non- 
intervention. Austria replies : "I have not the least inten- 
tion of intervening ; still, however, I cannot tie my hands 
on the naked principle." This being so, France would have 
to lead the way by the evacuation of Lombardy and of 
Rome. As this evacuation cannot suit her book, it will be 
put off, especially if they have not abandoned all hope there 
of getting us to promise to uphold, — if need be, by force of 
arms, — the principle of non-intervention along with France 
— a purpose which, in our view, might have the object of 
putting that country in a safe position, should eventualities 


arise, which its Government might then manage dexterously 
to bring about. 

* The old proverb will no doubt prove its truth, Homime 
propose^ Dieu disposey and we may safely leave the future 
in His hands, for men seem to me to grow daily more and 
more irrational — a proposition from which naturally every- 
one excepts himself. Doing this, like other folks, and frank- 
ly avowing it, I remain always . . . 


From a letter which the Prince wrote the same day to his 
daughter at Berlin, we extract the following passages. They 
show with what delight he turned from politics to the thoughts 
that make the happiness of home : — 

* Windsor Castle, 25th January, 1860. 

* It is just two years to-day since the wedding-ring was 
placed upon your finger, and Fritz became your lord. May 
the auspicious beginning of this union form the exemplar 
for an auspicious future for it, and may God continue to 
bless as He has hitherto blessed it ! In love consists the in- 
ward tie, in love is the fundamental principle of happiness. 
Very soon, in two days, the first birthday will be here of the 
dear little boy. . . . Accept, both of you, for both dear 
festivals, the very warmest good wishes of my heart. Time 
flies on with wonderful rapidity. 

* We came back yesterday afternoon from the opening of 
Parliament. Alice and Lenchen [Princess Helena] were 
present for the first time.' 

Remembering the protestations of the Emperor of the 
French, that he had gone to war in Italy * for an idea,' — that 
idea being the emancipation from foreign oppression of a 
people with whom France was allied in ties of sympathy, 
because its * history was mingled with our own,' — and that 
he * wished for no aggrandisement ' for himself. Lord John 
Russell was slow to admit that these protestations were now 
to be belied by what was in effect a forcible annexation of 
Savoy and Nice. It is due to the Emperor to bear in mind, 
that he had all along made us aware, that, if the war should 
result in establishing a great Italian kingdom in the hands 
of Victor Emmanuel, he should stipulate for the surrender 
of these provinces to France. Whether that kingdom was 


to be constituted bjr the incorporation of Lombardy and 
Venetia with Sardinia, as originally contemplated, or hy the 
Duchies with Tuscany and the Romagna insisting on uniting 
themselves with Sardinia, — an event for which the way could 
not have been made clear except by the aid which France 
had lent in the defeat of Austria — the ground on which the 
French Emperor rested his demands was the same, — the crea- 
tion of a strong Italian kingdom on his frontier. 

That such a kingdom would now be created was beyond 
a doubt, for the States of Central Italy had already by votes 
of their Assemblies shown their determination to be annexed 
to Sardinia ; and one of the Four Points * of Lord John 
Russell's proposal (17th January, 1860) for the settlement 
of the Italian question had in effect contemplated their do- 
ing so, by a second and more formal vote. Lord John Rus- 
sell had, in fact, done for the Emperor what the Emperor 
could not, consistently with his engagements at Villafranca, 
have done for himself, by putting before Austria as a condi- 
tion essential for the peace of Europe, that Central Italy 
should be free to dispose of her own destiny. The Emperor 
was not slow to avail himself of the advantage thus given 
to him. Accordingly, his Foreign Minister, M. Thouvenel, 
while professing (Despatch to Marquis de Moustier^ French 
Ambassador at Vienna^ 31st January) that 'his Government 
desired above all things to fulfil its engagements,' acknowl- 
edged with sincere and profound regret ' that it was prevent- 
ed from doing so by the force of circumstances, and avowed 
his conviction that the only way to cut the knot of the diffi- 
culty was the course suggested in the Fourth Point of the 
English proposals.' Long before this Despatch was written, 
as has been already shown, the decision of Central Italy had 
been dealt with by the Emperor as a foregone conclusion, 
and Sardinia made aware that the agreement of Plombi^res 
would be enforced. 

A private letter of Lord Cowley's to Lord John Russell 
(5th February) placed this beyond a doubt. It reported a 

> These four points were : 1. Non-intervention of France and Austria in 
Italy, unless called upon to intervene by the unanimous assent of the five 
Great Powers of Europe. 2. French troops, at a convenient time and with 
proper precautions, to withdraw from Lombardy and Some. 3. The internal 
government of Venetia not to be interfered with by the European Powers. 
4. Sardinia to be invited by Great Britain and France not to send any troops 
into Central Italy, until its States and Provinces should, by a new vote of their 
Assemblies, have declared their wishes as to their future destination. 


conversation in which M. Thouvenel had said, that, as there 
was now every appearance of Sardinia becoming an impor- 
tant kingdom hj the annexation of the Duchies and the 
Roma^a, it would be impossible to leave in the hands of 
that kingdom the passes by which France might be invaded. 
^ No one could foresee or foretell events, and Sardinia, with 
a population of fifteen millions, might become a very impor- 
tant element in any future coalition against France. France 
had a right to take precautions against such an eventuality, 
and the Emperor could not answer to the French nation if he 
were to permit Sardinia to be aggrandised at the expense of 
France, by means of French treasure and French blood. The 
annexation of Savoy to France had nothing alarming in it. 
It would not be an act of conquest. It could give no addi- 
tional strength to France, but it would make her secure on a 
frontier, which was now entirely open.' This letter was fol- 
lowed by a telegram next day from Lord Cowley, giving the 
French official reply to the same effect. 

In sending this letter and telegram to the Queen (5th 
February) Lord John Russell wrote :— 

* Lord John Russell encloses a private letter from Lord Cowley, which he 
has read to the Cabinet. It is very unsatisfactory. The same reasons, 
which are given for the frontier of the Alps, apply more strongly to the fron- 
tier of the Rhine, inasmuch as the German armies will at all times be much 
more formidable than the Piedmontese, Lombards, and Tuscans. 

^ It seems we are to have no rest in Europe. The Austrians are ready to 
be quiet, provided they are not attacked at home. This is all that can be 
fairly asked of them, if they prefer leaving France loose to binding her by an 
international engagement not to interfere in Italy. But French appetite 
for change is insatiable.' 

Along with Lord Cowley's letter Her Majesty had before 
her a copy of a Despatch (30th January) of M. Thouvenel 
to Count Persigny, containing his reply to Lord John Rus- 
sell's proposal of the Four Points. His assent to the second 
of these, which prescribed the withdrawal of the French 
army from the North of Italy, was guarded by the condition 
that this should not take place until the European Powers 
had come to an understanding to * guarantee the new organi- 
sation of Italy.' 

In reply to Lord John Russell Her Majesty wrote as fol- 
lows : — 

* Windsor Castle, 6th February, 1860. 

* Lord Cowley's report and the telegram following it are 
most unsatisfactory. We have been made regular dupes 


(which the Queen apprehended and warned against all along)* 
The return to an English alliance, universal peace, respect 
for treaties, commercial fraternity, &c. &c,, were the blinds 
to cover before Europe a policy of spoliation. We were 
asked to make proposals about Italy, to " lay the basis for a 
mutual agreement with France " upon that question, to ena- 
ble the Emperor " to release himself from his engagements 
to Austria." In an evil hour the proposal is made, and is 
now pleaded as the reason for France seizing upon Savoy. 
" The Emperor was ready to carry out the Treaty of Zurich, 
but having agreed, to please England, in a scheme leading to 
the further aggrandisement of Sardinia, must be compensated 
by Savoy ! " It must be remembered that Count Walewski 
always declared this as the necessary accompaniment of the 
annexation of all Central Italy to Sardinia. 

^ As to the claim itself, it is wanting in all excuse, how- 
ever ingenious the Emperor may be. Sardinia is being 
aggrandised solely at the expense of Austria and the House 
of Lorraine, and France is to be compensated ! If the passes 
of the Alps are dangerous to a neighbour, the weaker Power 
must give them up to the stronger I 

* Bad faith is lurking also in M. Thouvenel's Despatch in 
answer to Lord John's proposal. France accepts the princi- 
ple of non-intervention in Italy, but she gives us to under- 
stand that she will not withdraw her army from Lombardy, 
until the Italian question is satisfactorily and permanently 
settled. This settlement is therefore on the principle of non- 
intervention to be made under her bayonets ! ' 

To heighten the bewilderment caused by this new fea- 
ture in the Italian question, tidings came from our Ambas- 
sador at Turin, that Count Cavour denied the existence of 
any existing arrangement for the surrender of Nice and Sa- 
voy. * I declare to you,' were his words to Sir James Hud- 
son, ' that at this moment no engagement of any sort or kind 
exists between us for the cession of Savoy. If the Savoyards, 
by a great numerical majority, petition Parliament for separa- 
tion, the question will be treated parliamentarily. But 1 tell 
you frankly, that the best way to meet this question is openly 
and frankly, and in no other way will I ever consent to meet it. 
I agree with Lord John [Russell], that the King would be 
disgraced were he to " c^der, troquer^ ou vendre la Savoie,^^ ' 

It was impossible to reconcile this disavowal either with 


the detailed and exact information which had reached the 
Government from other quarters, and was by this time the 
common talk of high political circles, or with the statements 
of the Emperor and his Foreign Secretary.* Lord John 
Russell lost no time in making the Courts of the Tuileries 
and of Turin aware of the feeling of indignation and alarm 
which the existence of any such arrangement would create 
in England, and of the distrust which it was likely to occa- 
sion throughout Europe. His representations were enforced 
by the unanimous voice of the English press, and also of the 
leading statesmen on both sides in a discussion which was 
raised on the subject in the House of Lords by Lord Nor- 
manby on the 7th of February. The prevailing sentiment 
created by the rumour that the proposed annexation was 
the fulfilment of a compact entered into before the war was 
expressed in the following passage of a speech by Earl Grey 
on this occasion : — 

* When we remember the language that was used in France before the 
breaking out of the war, the solemn protestations of her desire, up to the 
last moment, to preserve peace, her asseverations, even after the war had 
made some progress, that she had no selfish object in view, and had no inten- 
tion of promoting her territorial aggrandisement — can we believe, that all 
these assertions were made, while at the same time there existed a private 
stipulation for dividing the prey, entered into before the quarrel took place, 
and before the booty could be obtained ? If such a compact were entered 
itito between France and Sardinia, I say it would be difficult to find in the 
annals of the world a case of more flagrant iniquity. I hope these things are 
not true.* 

The hope was echoed by every speaker, and its expression 
was accompanied by the clearest indications, that, if it should 
not be realized, the annexation would be regarded as the 

* Cavour's words can never be explained to his credit. All that his bio- 
grapher, M. de Mazade, is able to say for him is this : * I really do not know 
whether he did not get out of the dilemma he was in somewhat after the 
fashion of that Piedmontese Minister of the eighteenth century, the Marquis 
d'Orm^a, who, in a similar situation, when pressed to say wliether Sardinia 
had a treatv with France and Spain, asked that the question should be put in 
writing. " Is it true that the King of Sardinia has contracted an alliance with 
France and Spain ? " Under this the Marquis d'Orm^a wrote without hesita- 
tion: " This alliance does not e2dst." There was in fact only a treaty wUh 
France^ — ( Vie de Cavour^ p. 829.) It would have been far better had Cavour 
at once avowed the existence of the arranffement, and justified it on the grounds 
on which he had to justify it in the end : * The true ^ound is that the treaty 
[for the cession of Savoy] is an integral part of our policy, the logical and inev- 
itable consequence of a past policy, and an absolute necessity for the carrying 
on of this policy in the future.' — {Speech in Chamibera^ 12th April, 1860.) 


first active movement of the Emperor towards the extension 
of the French frontier, which he was known to have at heart, 
and against which all Europe would thenceforth feel hound 
to take active precautions. 

These strong expressions of opinion created much sore- 
ness of feeling in France, which naturally looked for some 
compensation for its blood and treasure expended in the 
Italian campaign. They were most unwelcome to the Em- 
peror, who could not now, even if he would, have receded 
from the position he had taken up. He complained to Lord 
Cowley (9th February) that * he should be so much misun- 
derstood, and that nobody ever gave him credit for the sin- 
cerity of his intentions.' 

* *' What," he asked, in the course of the same conyersation, " could be 
more natural than that, if Northern and Central Italy were to be fused into 
one kingdom, he should desire to have a frontier a little better protected on 
that side than it now is ? It was unfair to call the annexation of a small 
mountainous district to France by the name of conquest or aggrandisement. 
It would be nothing but a measure of legitimate defence." 

*I remarked,' said Lord Cowley, ' **that it was not so much the actual 
annexation of Savoy to France which caused the distrust that had been mani- 
fested on the subject, as the way in which it had been brought forward, 
in spite of all His Majesty's declarations in going to war. It was not unnat- 
ural for Europe to apprehend that France might equally want, in a short time, 
to put other parts of the frontier, which she might consider to be weak, in a 
better state of defence, and might ask, for instance, for the frontier of the 
Bhine ! People," I said, ** who knew nothing of His Majesty personally, 
could only judge him by his acts, and those acts tended to create alarm." ' — 
(Letter {loth February) hy Lord Cowley to Lord John RiuscU.) 

Lord Cowley, had he been free to speak his whole thought, 
would no doubt have met the Empetor's complaint, that he 
did not get credit for the * sincerity of his intentions,' by the 
remark that for France to make a claim on Savoy and Nice, 
now the war was over, was not calculated to inspire confi- 
dence in her sincerity, when she had, both diplomatically and 
in the personal and public declarations of the Emperor, de- 
clared that in going to war she had only the liberation of 
Italy and no aggrandisement to herself in view. He might 
also have reminded the Emperor, that it was to these declar- 
ations the passive attitude of Europe had been mainly owing. 
If, moreover, the liberty of Italy was then the object, it must 
have included the liberty of choosing her own internal gov- 
ernment, with the possibility of the constitution of a single 
powerful State, of which it did not follow of necessity that 
the King of Sardinia should be the head. 


Tbe subject of Savoy and Nice had been introduced by 
the Emperor himself, and the discussion having gone so far. 
Lord Cowley thought he might now venture to inquire, what 
were the arrangements which subsiBted between Sardinia and 
France in regard to tbe annexation ? 

Some people said there had been a treaty signed at Prince 
Napoleon's marriage, to which the Emperor himself even had 
affixed his signature. Others, that the engagement was of 
a less solemn nature, though engagement there was. What 
were the facts ? 

To this the Emperor replied with a smile, that although 
secrets were secrets, he had no objection to explain precisely 
what had taken place. Previously to Prince Napoleon's mar- 
riage, the possibility of war with Austria had been discussed 
between the French and Sardinian Governments, and, among 
other arrangements depending on it, it was stipulated on the 
part of France that, if the events of the war were to give 
the kingdom of Sardinia a population of ten or twelve mil- 
lion souls, France would put forward a claim to Savoy. These 
arrangements remained in the form of a project, and, when 
the war actually took place, he asked Cavour to convert it 
into a treaty, which Cavour declined, saying that it was not 

So far as Lord Cowley could form a conclusion from this 
statement, and from what was known through other chan- 
nels, Cavour had not absolutely admitted the claim of France 
to Savoy in certain eventualities, but only that it might be 
discussed between the two Governments. Nevertheless, the 
Emperor obviously considered him as morally bound to con- 
sent to it, and his hesitation about carrying out the aiTange- 
ment was a subject of great discontent in the Imperial circle. 
Lord Cowley's opinion was, that there had been fast and 
loose play, — ^that Cavour, though by no means pledged, had 
allowed the Emperor to suppose he might have Savoy, in or- 
der to secure his co-operation in the war, and that the Em- 
peror took this for more than it was worth*. 

The conclusion arrived at by Lord Cowley is probably the 
true one. Cavour was perhaps not absolutely bound ; and 
would have saved Savoy and Nice if he could. But what he 
had now to consider was, — could he, without propitiating 
the Emperor by the sacrifice of these provinces, secure his 
consent to the incorporation of Central Italy with Sardinia, 
or, could he, without that consent, effect the liberation of 


Italy ? The treaty of cession of Savoy and Nice to France, 
signed on the 24th of March, and presented by Cavour to 
the Sardinian Chambers on the 12th of April following, and 
then approved by 229 as against 33 votes, was his answer. 
But so reluctant was he, that it was not until he was shown 
by M. Benedetti an order from the Emperor of the 'French 
to move the French troops from Lombardy to Tuscany, that 
he could bring himself to sign the treaty/ 

Meanwhile the twentieth anniversary of the Royal mar- 
riage had come round ; and on that day their old friend at 
Coburg was sure to be foremost in the tnoughts of both the 
Queen and Prince. Full of anxiety as they were about the 
aspect of affairs in Europe, and the possible results of Mr. 
Gladstone's statement that evening, they did not, in writing 
to Baron Stockmar, allude to matters of political interest. 
The dear anniversary, and what it brought of remembrance, 
and gratitude, and hope — to speak of that alone was enough 
for them and him. And it was thus they wrote : — 

* I cannot let this day come to a close without writing 
you a line. It is twenty ( ! ^ years to-day, since our troth- 
plight took place in St. James's. I see you still standing in 
the pew not far from the chancel, as the negotiator of the 
marriage treaty, when I made my entry into the Chapel be- 
tween Papa and Ernest ! We have gone through much since 
then, and tried hard after much that is good ; if we have not 
always succeeded, the will at least was good, and we cannot 
be sufficiently grateful to heaven for many a blessing and 
many a success ! You have been to us a true friend and 
wise counsellor, and if now we are separated by distance, and 
old age and feeble health do not allow you to lend the same 
active aid as in days of yore, we are still united in feeling 
and in spirit, and shall continue the same, so long as this 
earthly garment shall hang together. 

» * Cd acU^ says M. Artom, epeaking of Count Cavour, ^fvt le seul de m vie 
politique ou il n/apporta pas ceUe sorte de s^dmte heroique quHl deploi/aii dans 
tea situationa lea plus qraves.'* Sir James Hudson, our Ambassador at Turin, 
wrote (Ist May) to Lord John Bussell. *• Cavour resisted some of the demands of 
Benedetti, and so stoutly, that upon nis telling Benedetti, who threatened the 
withdrawal of the French troop, "that the sooner they were gone, the better," 
the Frenchman drew a letter from his Docket, which contained the private in- 
structions of the Emperor, and said, "My orders arc to withdraw the troops, 
but not to France. They will occupy Bologna and Florence." And then, but 
not till then, Cavour knocked under.' 


* We are quite well. . . . To-morrow we make our way 
to town. The children are to give me a surprise forthwith, 
which is to remain a profound secret to me till half -past six.* 
All good be with you. 

* Albbrt.' 

' One little word I must add on this blessed day I Words 
cannot express my gratitude and my happiness. I wish I 
could think I had made one as happy as he has made me. 
But this is not for want of love and devotion. Few possess 
as much. My kindest wishes to you, too ! 

* Windsor Castle^ 10th February, I860.' 

The Commercial Treaty, negotiated by Mr. Cobden, be- 
tween England and France, had been signed at Paris on the 
23rd of January, and ratified on the 4th of February. It 
had been announced that it would be laid before Parliament 
on the 6th of February by Mr. Gladstone, and that he would 
at the same time make his financial statement. Public ex- 
pectation was greatly disappointed on both points by a delay 
till the 10th, which was rendered necessary by the illness of 
Mr. Gladstone, who had set his heart upon the treaty being 
produced simultaneously with his Budget. The discussions 
which had arisen in regard to Savoy and Nice had helped to 
inflame the curiosity of the public. The treaty with a neigh- 
bouring State, the conduct of whose Sovereign had aroused 
so much angry suspicion as to his ulterior designs, was sure 
to be jealously scanned ; and indeed there would probably 
have been little disposition to look with favour upon any 
commercial treaty, had the project of annexation been earlier 

In a speech of upwards of three hours, Mr. Gladstone ex- 
plained his Budget, in connection with the provisions of the 
Freoch treaty, by which its financial arrangements were ma- 
terially affected. While all were fascinated by the clearness 
of exposition, the comprehensiveness of view, and the elo- 
quence which distinguished this address, the scheme which it 
developed provoked much unfavourable criticism.'^ 

• The * suiprise ' was a series of tableaux vivarUs by the Eoyal children in 
St. George's Hall. 

7 Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, in a speech upon the Eeform Bill, on the 26th 
of April of this year, said of this remarkable effort of eloquence, * Whatever 


Tbe balance of revenue and expenditure for the current 
year had only just been maintained by the expiration of over 
two millions of Government Annuities, and an unexpected 
payment from Spain of 500,000/. to account of her debt to 
England. The prospect for the coming year, too, was far 
from encouraging. It showed a deficit of more than nine 
millions, the estimated charges being 70,()00,000/. as against 
60,700,000/. of estimated income, lliis deficiency Mr. Glad- 
stone proposed to meet by renewing the Income Tax at an 
increased rate, — tenpence in the pound on incomes above 
150/., and sevenpence on incomes under that amount, — and 
by continuing the existing high tea and sugar duties. The 
weight of these burdens all could appreciate. They were 
imminent and certain. The advantages to result from closer 
commercial relations with France, and the reduction of the 
import duties on French wine and brandy, on which Mr. 
Gladstone mainly rested to persuade the country to bear for 
a time the disturbance of the equilibrium between its revenue 
and expenditure, were speculative, possibly remote, and in 
any case open to much discussion. 

At once the policy both of the treaty and of the Budget 
was challenged. But after animated debates in both Houses 
of Parliament, continued through many months, it was af- 
firmed by large majorities in all important details. In the 
case of the Budget, however, there was one important excep- 
tion, the item of a proposed abolition of the Paper duties. 
This proposal, which in other circumstances would have been 
generally welcome, and was objected to mainly on the ground 
that in the face of so large a deficit it was wholly inoppor- 
tune, narrowly escaped defeat even in the House of Com- 
mons, 210 having voted against it on the third reading of 
the Bill, while only 219 voted for it. When the measure 
came before the House of Lords (21st May) it was rejected 
by a majority of no less than 89. 

No skill in the handling of figures less consummate, no 
rhetoric* less persuasive, than those of Mr. Gladstone, no con- 
fidence less robust than that entertained by the country in 
his sagacity as a financier, could have carried a Budget so 
startling and so bold with success through the storm of op- 
position which it had to encounter. The treaty with France, 
on which it so largely rested, had fallen out of favour with 

we may think of the Budget it introduced, the speech will remain among the 
monuments of English eloquence as long as the language lasts.' 


many who had at first been well disposed to it, from the mo- 
ment their trust in the sincerity of the Emperor had been 
shaken. Such advantages as it offered seemed too like a 
lure to conciliate objections to the annexation of Savoy, — an 
imputation freely launched against it, indeed, by the French 
Protectionists. And even these advantages seemed to be 
more than counterbalanced by those which under the treaty 
France had secured for herself. What she most wanted, our 
coal and iron, we bound ourselves to give to her for ten years 
free of duty, while we were also pledged to abolish all duties 
on French manufactured goods, and to reduce the duty on 
brandy from 15^. to 85. 2c?., and on wine from 6«. to Ss. 
These changes were to take immediate effect ; while, on the 
other hand, France retained all her prohibitory duties on 
English productions unaltered until the 1st of October, 1861, 
when she engaged, not to abolish them, as we had done, but 
only to reduce them to a maximum ad-valorem duty of 30 
per cent., to be lowered to 25 per cent, after the lapse of 
three years. On the whole, however, the manufacturers of 
England were not dissatisfied with the arrangements. The 
treaty was a step in the right direction, and calculated as it 
was to bind the two countries closer together by the ties of 
mutual interest, it would, under ordinary circumstances, have 
been received with general favour, and not with the cold and 
grudging assent by which it was ultimately adopted by Par- 

On the 8th of March the House of Commons, by a major- 
ity of 282 to 56, adopted a motion, by Mr. Byng, for an 
Address to Her Majesty, expressing its satisfaction with the 
treaty. This result relieved the Emperor of the French from 
apprehensions that it might be rejected, which had not un- 
naturally been awakened by the vehement language used in 
Parliament on the subject of the annexation of Savoy ; and 
on the 11th he wrote to Lord Cowley, begging htm to con- 
vey to Mr. . Gladstone his thanks for a copy which that gen- 
tleman had sent him of his Budget speech, in terms studi- 
ously framed to allay the irritation and distrust which the 
Emperor was by this time painfully conscious he had aroused. 
After saying that he will preserve the speech ' as a precious 
souvenir of a man who has my thorough esteem, and whose 
eloquence is of a lofty character commensurate with the 
grandeur of his views,' the Emperor continued : — 


* I am glad of the success which the English Ministiy have obtained ; for 
the approval of the Commercial Treaty must of necessity restore to their 
normal state the political relations of the two countries. Despite the diffi- 
culties which surround me, despite the prejudices which still exist in France, 
as they do in England, I shall always continue to do everything in my power 
to cement more and more closely the alliance of the two nations, for it is my 
profound conviction that their harmonious action is indispensable for the 
good of civilisation, and that their antagonism would be a calamity to all. 
While saying this, I would ask you, my dear Lord Cowley, to forgive me, if 
occasionally I give too warm expression to the pain I feel at seeing the ani- 
mosities and the prejudices of another age springing up afresh in England, 
like those weeds that will spring up fresh and fresh, let ploughshare and har- 
row do what they will. Let us hope that the science of politics will make 
as much progress as agriculture and industry, and that man^s intelligence 
will bring his evil passions under subjection, as it has already shown itself 
able to dominate matter.' 

The appeal here made to Lord Cowley's forgiveness had 
reference to a passage of arms which had taken place be- 
tween the Emperor and himself at a concert at the Tuileries 
a few nights oefore. Smarting under the severity of the 
remarks upon his conduct in the House of Commons the 
night previously," the Emperor, in making the round of the 
diplomatic circle between the first and second parts of the 
concert, addressed some hasty words to Lord Cowley in the 
hearing of some of his colleagues, which Lord Cowley was 
not disposed to pass over in silence, as M. Hiibner on a recent 
memorable occasion had done. In a manner and tone very 

8 What was then said was but a renewal of what had been said with no less 
bitterness on several previous occasions, sometimes in language calculated to 
offend the French nation no less than the Emperor. The danger of this was 
obvious, and on the drd of March, Mr. Bright spoke out what many thought 
when he said, * The opposition, if you give it, must be futile ; you cannot pre- 
vent the transference or Savoy, but you may, if you like, embroil Europe and 
bring England into oollision with France. I say, Perish, Savoy I — ^though Sa- 
voy, I believe, will not perish and will not suffer — rather than we, the repre- 
sentatives of the people of England, should involve the Government of this 
country with the people and the Government of France on a matter in which 
we have really no interest whatever.' Some other things said in the same 
speech, however, laid the speaker open to a very tellincr rejoinder from Lord 
John Manners. * " Perish Savoy ! " says the honourable gentleman ; perish 
the freedom of the press ; perish constitutional government ; perisn every- 
thing which stands in the way of the expansion of a trade with France I But 
the hon. gentleman went so far as to say it mattered nothing whether France 
annexed this or that country ; for the statement which he made was general. 
** Annex Savoy I " it is natural it should be annexed ; he has received informa- 
tion — ^he does not tell us from what quarter — that the people of Savoy wish it. 
Annex Belgium I The hon. gentleman will be able no doubt, at the proper 
moment, to inform the House of Commons he has information in his pocKet 
that the people of Belgium wish to be annexed. Annex the Bhenlsh prov- 
inces of Germany 1 We shall have a similar statement from the hon. gentle- 


unusual with him, the Emperor animadverted upon the hos- 
tile sentiments evinced towards him in the English Parlia- 
ment and press. His Majesty must be aware, rejoined Lord 
Cowley, wishing to avoid discussion at so unseasonable a 
moment, that there was quite as great irritation against 
England expressed in France. Was this to be wondered at, 
the Emperor replied, considering the terms and imputations 
applied in England to himself and to the French nation? 
They were only defending themselves against unfair attacks. 
* It was,' he continued, ' really too bad. He had done all in 
his power to maintain a good understandin g with England, 
but her conduct rendered this impossible. What had Eng- 
land to do with Savoy ? And why was she not satisfied with 
the declaration he had made to me, that he had no intention 
to annex Savoy to France without having previously obtained 
the consent of the Great Powers ? ' 

To this Lord Cowley rejoined with unanswerable force, 
that the Emperor had never said his action would depend 
upon the consent of the other European Powers. Had he 
been authorised to convey that assurance to Her Majesty's 
Government, the interpellations in Parliament which had 
roused the Emperor's indignation would long since have 
ceased, and Her Majesty's Government and the country 
would have calmly awaited the decision at which the Great 
Powers might arrive. Some further words passed, when the 
Emperor, turning to the Russian Ambassador, General Kis- 
seleff, in whose hearing this conversation had taken place, 
remarked that the conduct of England was inexplicable. He 
had done all he could to keep on the best terms with her, but 
he was at his wit's end. What had England to do with 
Savoy? What would have been the consequence, if, when 
she took possession of the island of Perim for the safety of 
her Eastern dominions, he had raised the same objections 
that she had now raised to the annexation of Savoy, which 
he wanted as much for the safety of France ? 

The position of Lord Cowley was most embarrassing, and 
he was still meditating how he should deal with the difficulty, 
when the Emperor again came up to him, and was beginning 
in the same strain. This time, happily, no one was by. 
Lord Cowley at once checked the further progress of re- 
marks in a direction already sufficiently dangerous, by say- 
ing that he considered himself justified in calling the Em- 
peror's attention to the unusual course he had adopted, in in- 


dulging, in presence of the Russian Ambassador, in animad- 
versions on the conduct of England. That His Majesty, 
Lord Cowley added, if he had, or thought he had, cause for 
remonstrance, should address himself to him, was not only 
natural, but the very course he should always beg His Maj- 
esty to take, because discussion was the safety-valve for 
pent-up feeling. Or, if His Majesty thought it right to 
complain of the conduct of England to the Russian .^nbas- 
sador, good and well, so that it was not done in his (Lord 
Cowley's) presence. But it was not compatible with his own 
dignity or the dignity of the Government he represented, 
that complaints respecting England should be addressed to 
him in the hearing of the Russian Ambassador, or to the 
Russian Ambassador in his hearing. Leaving then the offi- 
cial tone, Lord Cowley appealed to the Emperor to consider 
whether he had been properly dealt with, remembering the 
personal regard, and the anxiety to smooth over difficulties 
between the two Governments, which in his official capacity 
he had always shown, even at the risk of exposing hmiself 
to be suspected of being more French than he ought to be. 

The Emperor felt at once the mistake he had made, and 
with an earnestness which placed his regret beyond a doubt, 
again and again assured Lord Cowley that he had spoken 
without any bad intention. He had just read what had 
occurred in Parliament the night before, and was greatly 
hurt at the strictures passed upon his conduct. It was not 
of the Government either that he had spoken, but of those 
who attacked him ; and he begged Lord Cowley would think 
no more of what had occurred. 

Before the conversation broke off, Lord Cowley had an 
opportunity of putting the true state of the case very plainly 
before his Imperial host. Had Prussia, or one of the Con- 
tinental Powers, said the Emperor, taken up the question 
of Savoy, he could have understood it, but not a word 
of remonstrance had proceeded from any of them. That 
silence. Lord Cowley at once replied, could scarcely be 
relied on as indicating approbation ; but however this might 
be, the position of Her Majesty's Government was very 
different from that of the other Powers. How could they 
remain silent in presence of the questions respecting Savoy, 
which were put to them night after night ? — questions put, 
not so much because of the actual plan of annexing Savoy 
as of the circumstances attending the whole transaction. 


They were, in fact, questions caused by mistrust. And how 
could it be otherwise ? What could the English people think 
on its becoming known, in spite of His Majesty's declarations 
both before and during the war, that, in going to war, he 
meditated no special advantages for France, that overtures 
had positively been made to Sardinia months before for the 
eventual cession of Savoy? Why" had His Majesty not told 
us fairly, in commencing the war, that if, by the results of 
the war, the territory of Sardinia should oe greatly aug- 
mented, he might be obliged, in deference to public opinion 
in France, to ask for some territorial advantage ? Such a 
declaration, although it might have rendered the British 
Government still more anxious to prevent the war, would 
have prevented all the manifestation of public opinion of 
which His Majesty complained. 

The Emperor could not but feel the weight of these ob- 
servations, to which it was impossible to reply ; neither was 
it in the Emperor's character, in which candour to an adver- 
sary formed a large element, to resent them. It was cer- 
tainly to the honour of both the parties, that owing to the 
firmness of the one, and the readiness to admit his error in 
the other, no evil consequences ensued from an incident 
which might easily have resulted in serious consequences. 
In sending Lord Cowley's account of it to the Queen, Lord 
John Russell wrote : ^ The strange scene related in it will 
remind your Majesty of some scenes already famous in the 
history of Napoleon I. and Napoleon III. Lord John Rus- 
sell,' he added, ' requests your Majesty's permission to write 
a secret Despatch in answer, entirely approving the conduct 
and language of Lord Cowley.' 

To this letter Her Majesty replied : — 

'Osborne, 10th March, 1860. 

* The Queen, in returning Lord Cowley's private letter 
and secret despatch, agrees with Lord John Russell that he 
has deserved praise for his mode of answering the Emperor's 
Napoleonic address. The circumstance is useful, as proving 
that the Emperor, if met with firmness, is more likely to 
retract than if cajoled, and that the statesmen of Europe 
have much to answer for, for having spoiled him in the last 
ten years by submission and cajolery. The expressions of 
opinion in the House of Commons have evidently much 
annoyed the Emperor • . . ; but they have also had their 


effect in making him reflect. K Europe were to stand 
together, and make an united declaration against the annexa- 
tion of Savoy, the evil might still be arrested, but less than 
that will not suffice. The Emperor's last concession to Lord 
Cowley is still very vague, leaving him free to do very much 
what he pleases.' 

The concession to which the Queen refers was contained 
in the Emperor's words to Lord Cowley : * It is not likely I 
should act against the advice of all Europe.' It was, in ef- 
fect, no concession at all, as the Emperor must have been at 
this time verv well aware that two, at least, of the Great 
Powers, Russia and Austria, would make no protest against 
Sardinia being despoiled by her ally. So late as the 6th of 
March, in the debate in the House of Commons, by which 
the Emperor had been so greatly annoyed. Lord John Russell 
had expressed his personal conviction, that, if the language 
of disapproval were heard in Berlin, in Vienna, and m St. 
Petersburg, the project of annexation would not be perse- 
vered in. This conviction he had soon occasion to abandon. 
The other Powers were not indisposed to let the French Em- 
peror know, that his theory of natural frontiers was one they 
could not admit, and that any attempt to applv it in other 
quarters would meet with general resistance, but none of 
them were inclined to join in an effective protest against the 
carrying out of the arrangement between the Courts of the 
Tuileries and of Turin, as the price of the Emperor's consent 
to the erection of Northern and Central Italy into one king- 
dom with Sardinia. 


Letter to Prince Consort bv Prince Regent of Pmssia— Alarm created by Cession of Savoy 
and Nice— Eeform Bill introduced by Lord John Eussell— indlflference of Country on 
the Subject. 

On the 11th and 12th of March, a vote by ballot and univer- 
sal suffrage took place in Tuscany and the JEmilia on the 
question, whether these were to be erected into a separate 
kingdom, or to be incorporated with Sardinia. By an over- 
whelming majority the latter alternative was adopted, and 
the homage of these States was forthwith presented at Turin 
by Signer Farini on behalf of the -Emilia, and by Baron 
Ricasoli on behalf of Tuscany, and accepted by King Victor 

It only now remained to carry out the counterpart of the 
arrangement. When the intended annexation of Savoy to 
France first became known, Switzerland became alarmed, 
and claimed that the districts of Chablais and Faucigny, 
which had been handed over in 1815 to Sardinia under a 
guarantee for their neutrality, should be transferred to Swit- 
zerland, as a measure of protection to their frontier. The 
Swiss Government were for a time induced by M. Thouvenel 
to believe that their claim would be entertained. Count 
Cavour, on the other hand, had frankly told them from the 
first to expect no concession, and that France would take her 
stand upon the ground that her obligations to Europe were 
satisfied by her agreeing to accept the transfer of Savoy, 
subject to the conditions as to maintaining the neutrality of 
Chablais and Faucigny imposed on Sardinia by the Treaty 
of Vienna in 1815. So soon as the annexation of Savoy was 
assured, this attitude was definitively taken up by France. 

M, Thouvenel addressed to the representatives of the 
Great Powers (13th March) a long and laboured justification 
of the annexation of Savoy and Nice, which, he maintained. 


was an adequate fulfilment of his master's pledge that they 
should be consulted. A Conference of the Powers was pro- 
posed to settle what conditions should be arranged for main- 
taining the neutrality of Chablais and Faucigny. Much 
diplomatic action was wasted in an attempt to bring about 
this Conference. But the project, as will presently be seen, 
ultimately fell through. The attention of Europe, turned 
to the sudden and startling development of events in South- 
em Italy, which followed on the incorporation of the Central 
States with Sardinia, was diverted from the grievance and 
probable danger to Switzerland ; and the Swiss Confedera- 
tion, after a vain appeal to the European Powers, was com- 
pelled to submit to the disappointment of its hopes. 

While these events were m progress, the Prince received 
the following letter from the Prince Recent of Prussia, in 
reply to his own of the 25th of January (p. 21 supra), *It 
speaks his mind so openly,' said the Prince Consort, writing 
(12th March) to Lord Jolm Russell, ' that I had it translated 
tor your and Lord Palmerston's perusal : ' 

' Berlin, 4th March, 1860. 

'I put off answering you from day to day, as I was 
always counting on some termination to the political crisis, 
which would admit of a survey both retrospective and pro- 
spective. This point seems to me now to have been reached, 
the answers of Prussia and of Russia to the English Four 
Points having been given, and the English Ministry having 
*Bpoken out boldly in Parliament against Napoleon and his 
desire to incorporate Savoy. 

* That Prussia and Russia would not give an unqualified 
assent to the principle of popular sovereignty was to be 
anticipated. Sfapoleon has consequently himself given up 
this point in his last set of proposals, and dropped the idea 
of a fresh vote by universal suffrage. He makes, moreover, 
an energetic stand against the annexation of Tuscany to 
Sardinia, while he is ready to countenance the annexation of 
the two small Duchies. Thus, no doubt, a great part of the 
Peace of Villaf ranca is unquestionably upset ; but the situa- 
tion of the two Duchies is of such a nature, that even we, 
who must always take our stand upon the basis of legitimacy, 
must soon be forced to acknowledge a /ait accompli, as 
years ago we did in the case of Belgium. 

*I have nothing to say against the kind of suzerainty 

VOL. V. — 3 


which is proposed to cut the knot of the difficulty about the 
Romagna ; though it is merely an expedient, to which the 
Pope will have to submit.' But as Venetia is now to be left 
untouched, the programme jusqu^d PAdriatiqite is happily 
not fulfilled : consequently, therefore, the Savoy-Nice annexa- 
tion is in no way justified, while, at the same time, your ener- 
getic protest against this annexation is justified. At your 
request we have given our opinion to the same effect, although, 
according to Napoleon's Speech from the Throne, this ques- 
tion is to be laid before the Great Powers — a step from which 
a very different kind of answer may be expected, if a pre- 
vious understanding be come to by England and Prussia, as 
well as by Bussia probably, and by Austria certainly. This 
appears to me in the end, after long vacillation of opinion, 
to be a point on which the Four Powers are in accord ; so 
that, without forming any coalition, or even alliance, a moral 
consensus of opinion may be opposed to the French desire of 
annexation. To me this seems to be of the last importance 
at the present juncture. No one is more interested in the 
question than Prussia and Germany, because of the left bank 
of the Rhine, which corresponds exactly to what the versants 
des Alpes as a geographical protective line would be, in the 
event of an invasion by the Alpine passes. In this point of 
view we are therefore more interested, and bound to speak 
out against schemes of annexation of this kind, than all the 
other Great Powers, so that an approval of them may not at 
some future day be cited against us as a precedent, and that 
you, too, may not by acquiescence now have to take part some* 
day in forcmg upon us a surrender of the left bank of the 

' Another point to which Prussia could not assent is that 
of the recognition of non-intervention as a principle. You 
say very truly in your letter (p. 31, supra)y that no one 
should be constrained to accept a form of government by 
force of arms. But is it not equally just, when you are ap- 

1 The Prince Regent refers here to the second of threepropositions, which, 
finding that Austria demurred to the most material of the English Four Points, 
M. Thouvenel had, on the 13th of February, propounded for a settlement of 
the Italian question. These were : 1. Annexation of the Duchies to Sardinia. 
2. Temporal administration of the Legations of the Bomagna, under the form 
of a Vicariate exercised by the King of Sardinia, in the name of the Holy See. 
8. Be-estabUshment of Tuscany in its political and territorial independence. 
M. Thouvenel could never have intended these propositions to do more than 
keep up the game of diplomatic word-play, while the negotiations between 
himseli and Count Cavour were being matured. 


pealed to for assistance by the legitimate Sovereigns, to pro- 
tect them from being forced to accept revolutionary forms of 
government ? There is only one exception admissible, and 
that is where the people have covenanted rights on their 
side, as in the case of Schleswig-Holstein. In Italy it is 
qaite different. There the Sovereigns have on their side 
rights secured to them by treaty, and all that the people 
desire is seasonable reforms, which unhappily the Sovereigns 
have failed to grant at the right time. ^But they have not on 
their side any covenanted rights to such reforms. At the 
same time the probability is, that the failure of these Sover- 
eigns to grant reform at the right time will result in their 
being deposed. Oh, that this example might open the eves 
of many a German Sovereign ! But, so far from its doing 
so, they grow blinder and blinder. 

' That Napoleon would remain master of the situation in 
the (][uestions of Commerce and of the Church has been my 
conviction from the first. But I was not so convinced that 
he would win over public opinion in England to look with 
favour on the Commercial Treaty. The vote of Parliament 
shows, however, beyond a doubt, that it will be accepted. I 
entirely agree with you that it may prove to be of impor- 
tance to Germany, and that the Customs Union will ulti- 
mately adapt itself to the Free-trade principles, after which 
Prussia has constantly been striving, but striving in vain.' 

Lord John Russell, in returning the translation of this 
letter to the Prince, speaks of his Royal Highness's opinions 
as Wery fairly and honestly expressed.' The following is 
the Prince's reply to the Prince Regent : — 

* Osborne, 16th March, 1860. 
' We have no doubt reached a point at which a common 
accord of the Powers is possible. But whether this point 
will not have slipped away before we have come to an under- 
standing is hard to say ; for events in Italy are developing 
at a rapid pace. . . . The most formidable impediment to 
the execution of the whole plan was no doubt Switzerland. 
... Here the indignation is general, and the Ministry are 
quite sound upon the question. But England neither can 
nor will go to war about Savoy. As yet Russia has not 
spoken. Austria has made no secret of her satisfaction, that 
Sardinia has had a taste in her own person of her own 


annexation principle. You are late in speaking out : still 
the note which Count Pourtales has been commissioned to 
communicate at Paris, will have an impressive effect. 

^ I take leave to advert to some matters, in which you 
appear to assume that there was a wider difference on a 
point of principle between yourselves and us than really 
exists. We do not make a stand upon the principle of popu- 
lar sovereignty, according to which a nation might vote itself 
over from one ruler to another (this would be illustrated in 
the case of Savoy, against which we protested), neither do 
we recognise universal suffrage. But as the Italian States 
have de facto emancipated themselves from their rulers, and 
these have left the country, we acknowledge a right in the 
people to determine for themselves their own future destiny. 
The principle of non-intervention which our proposals set up, 
is not one which we accept in theory as universally applicable, 
but has reference to the special case of maintenance of peace 
and the establishment of lasting tranquillity in Italy. Since 
the days of Charlemagne, that is, for the last thousand years, 
Italy has been torn to pieces by German and French inter- 
vention. Now she is bent on trying to organise herself, 
and to be governed for her own advantage instead of being 
used for that of her two neighbours. England therefore pro- 
poses that these neighbours shall for once keep their fingers 
out of the business, and hopes in this way also to keep them 
from falling out with each other. 

* England trusts to find in a strong Italy a new and influ- 
ential member of the family of European States. France 
and Austria naturally must look with alarm upon such a 
new neighbour and kinsman, or, at least, they cannot bring 
themselves to hail its growth with satisfaction, because in 
lieu of what is now merely a field for working their own 
ends, a State will be created, which is amply qualified to 
assert a claim to be respected, and to have its independence 

' Prussia is so situated, that her interest in this matter is 
identical with that of England. I am well aware, that a 
number of considerations are mixed up in the question, 
which require to be very carefully weighed, and which will 
have a decisive influence hereafter. But for the moment my 
object has been to explain to you, in its naked simplicity, 
the principle by which the whole action of England is actu- 
avCQ. • • • 


'Our Commercial Treaty will now be carried, not with- 
out a good deal of grumbling on the part of the public. . . . 
It was, however, too important, and its rejection would have 
involved consequences too serious, for us not to have adopted 
it. So Pariiament has accepted it, but, while doing so, has 
rated the Emperor roundly, who is very indignant. . . .' 

Two days afterwards (17th March), the Prince speaks 
out his mind even more freely about the state of affairs, in 
writing to Baron Stockmar : — 

' It has just struck me, that it is again a long time since 
I last wrote to you. The interval has not been without im- 
portance to the world, but it has not, I fear, brought it much 
good. . . .' 

The Prince then goes into the questions of Nice and. Sa- 
voy, in which he considered that the projects of the Emperor 
of the French had been helped on by what he calls *the 
worse than stupidity of the other Powers.' The Queen and 
himself, he mentions, had all along seen the danger which 
lay in the English proposal of the Four Points, which was 
just what the Emperor wanted to liberate him from the trea- 
ties of Yillafranca and Ztirich. Foreseeing what would hap- 
pen, they had pointed it out to the Ministry^, but in vain. 
Scarcely had the English proposals served their purpose, be- 
fore the claim for Savoy was set up. To this demand oppo- 
sition from Switzerland was chiefly to be dreaded by France. 
To conciliate her apprehensions intimations had been made 
in all sorts of semi-official ways, that Chablais and Faucigny 
would fall to her share. In this way her active support had 
been secured, and now that all was made safe in other quar- 
ters, France was determined to keep all. 

* To increase the difficulty of opposition on our part,' the 
Prince continued, * the will of the people, which we have set 
up in the case of Italy, is also to decide in Savoy. Yester- 
day arrived the tidings of an arrangement with Sardinia, by 
which this voice is to be heard after the cession to France ! * 

a The vote on the question of annexation of Savoy and Nice to France was 
not taken till about a month after the execution of the treaty for their cession. 
The voting closed on the 23rd of April, when in Savoy 130,583 were reported 
to have voted for annexation, and 235 against ; and in Nice 25,743 for, and 160 
against. The figures told conclusively how well the suffrages had been man- 



Russia gives her silent assent ; Austria intimates her delight 
that Sardinia is to have justice meted out to her according 
to her own code ; Prussia is, as usual, timorous and un- 
decided ; and so one of the most perilous arrangements is 
brought about, which Europe, and Prussia in particular, 
could by possibility have had to face ! 

* The Commercial Treaty is concluded. Gladstone's Bud- 
get has also passed, and he has sent the Emperor Napoleon a 
copy of his great speech, by which he excited the admira- 
tion of the House of Commons and the press. . . . 

* Gladstone is now the real leader of the House of Com- 
mons, and works with an energy and vigour altogether in- 
credible. . . . 

* The Reform Bill is very democratic, but scarcely excites 
as much attention as a Turnpike Trust Bill.' Apparently it 
is a matter of indifference to the House what happens. For 
party purposes it is generally desired that this Ministry may 
carry through a Reform Bill, and what its tenor may be 
makes little difference, especially as the Conservatives' Bill 
of last year was as democratic as any Bill could well be.' 

Leaving politics, the Prince then speaks of the Baron's 
friends. Lord Granville, whose wife * the Almighty released 
from her sufferings three days ago,' and the Duke of New- 
castle, who, besides domestic troubles, * has lost the sight of 
one eye, and is very low.' * He is able to tell him that Prince 
Alfred, who was then at home, had made great progress. 
* He is very clever, and infinitely busy and active. His con- 
firmation is fixed for Easter.' The Prince holds out the 
prospect to his friend of seeing the Prince of Wales at Co- 
burg at Easter, and then concludes : — 

* The spring has hitherto been so unwholesome and dis- 
agreeable that I have been almost always ailing. In London 

ipulated by the French agents, who were already in full possession of the 

* It had been introduced on the Ist of March. 

* For the Duke of Newcastle the Prince entertained a warm personal regard. 
In a letter to the Queen (1st February, 1863) the Duke says of himself: * He 
would be heartless indeed if he were unmindful of the cordial, yet delicate 
manner in which the Prince Consort often sought to soothe with sympathy, 
which could hardly have been expected from a brother, the anxieties of an 
aching heart. On the very last occasion, on which his Royal Highness asked 
some questions about a then fresh sorrow, the tears rolled down his cheeks as 
he offered some words of consolation.' 


I had the real influenza with fever, and now a cold is hang- 
ing about me. It can scarcely fail to have put you, too, 
somewhat out of sorts. We must hope better things for the 
future — 2k harmless occupation.' 

In a letter of the Prince's to his daughter about this time, 
we find mention of another of the Baron's friends, whose fast 
failing health caused deep regret to both the Queen and 
Prince. * On Sunday,' he writes, * I visited Lord Aberdeen, 
who has become a mere wreck ; he is no longer able to walk 
or stand. His head is still clear and strong, and therefore 
he feels his condition all the more. That the best are torn 
from us thus, is very sad.' 

From the Prince's letters to the same correspondent at 
this period we extract the following passages : — 

' Buckingham PaUtoe, Vth March, 1860. 

* The lowering of import duties, according to all practical 
experience, increases consumption, so that larger imports are 
made than under the higher tariff. It is not tne few, who are 
able to pay largely, that produce large amounts, but the mul- 
titude, who individually are able to pay but little; and there- 
fore the Revenue gains by the reduction of duties, and ours 
has done so enormously. 

* Protected industries do not thrive because, but in de- 
spite, of protection. This is a theorem that has been proved 
to absolute demonstration. A country's industrial power is 
something quite irrespective of its size. Windsor is a little 
place with fourteen thousand inhabitants, and competes in 
the manufacture of soap with London, which has two mil- 
lions and a half. Dorsetshire is smaller than Prussia, and 
yet it has to compete with all England.' 

* Osborne, 14th March, 1860. 

* The snow is now, I am glad to say, gone, and the camel- 
lias blossom again more freely ; not a few conceited and too 
forward buds have been destroyed, however, by the frost at 
their first outburst. The fragrant heath (JSaide), which 
commonly is long past its bloom about this time, has not yet 
begun to blossom. Still, I have not lost one of my pet 
plants. Of the alterations in progress, there is nothing to 
speak of, but a new line that has been given to the road be- 


tween Barton and the Barton Cottages, which, to the eye of 
an artist, gardener, and lover of nature, is a great improve- 
ment, although it will escape the notice of the unreflecting 

*. . . Prussia's position is a weak one, and will continue to 
be so, as long as she does not morally dominate Germany; and 
to be herself German is the secret to bring this about. . . . 

* Nobody will be inclined to go to war about Savoy, but 
" le concert JBJuropken " would be a powerful check to smiilar 
tricks in the future.' 

* Osborne, 21st March, 1860. 

* In politics, one must never assume that a point may be 
reached, which may be compared with the end of the world. 
The world goes on, and must go on ; and there are ups and 
downs, but the individual should never say, " Only so far 
will I go and no further," if things do not turn out precisely 
as he wishes ; just as little as a soldier would be justified in 
quitting his regiment in the midst of the war, because it is 
upon the cards that a battle may be lost. . . .' 

The indijfference of the public to the question of Reform, 
of which the Prince speaks {supra, p. 54), became more and 
more apparent as the Session advanced. The defeat upon 
their measure of Reform had caused the downfall of the 
Derby Administration, and they and their party would have 
cordially rejoiced at the settlement of a question, which, so 
long as it was left open, was certain to be used as a weapon 
of attack by their adversaries, should the Conservative party 
return to power. It was not their policy therefore to have 
resisted any measure which commanded the serious support 
of the country. But the country had no wish to disturb the 
existing state of things. It had been alarmed by the ex- 
treme proposals of Mr. Bright and his friends in the previous 
autumn to throw the preponderance of power into the hands 
of the masses, and to use this power for charging upon land 
and realised property the whole financial burdens of the 
State. Moreover, in the presence of what was generally be- 
lieved to be a real danger to the peace of Europe, the pres- 
ent was thought to be an inconvenient time for bringing for- 
ward any material changes in the franchise. These consid- 
erations were strongly present to the minds of many mem- 
bers of the Cabinet, and especially to those of their number 


to whom the financial scheme of Mr. Gladstone seemed of 
paramount importance, and who were anxious to have its de- 
tails pressed forward while the effect was still fresh of his 
brilliant oratory, and of a triumphant maiority of 116, hj 
which the Government had (23rd February) defeated a mo- 
tion by Mr. Ducane, affirming that it was not expedient to 
^ add to the existing deficiency by diminishing the ordinary 
revenue, and to disappoint public expectation by reimposing 
the Income Tax at an unreasonably high rate.' 

The 1st of March was, however, a day dear to Lord John 
Hussell as that on which, twenty-nine years before, he had 
introduced his great measure of Jrarliamentary Reform. On 
that day, therefore, he decided on bringing forward the 
measure which he thought was required by the altered cir- 
cumstances of the constituency. By it the franchise was to 
be lowered from 10^. to 6/., and twenty-five seats were to be 
taken from small places which returned two members, and to 
be distributed among other constituencies. The same evening 
Lord Palmerston wrote to the Queen that Lord John's state- 
ment * was listened to without any marks of approbation on 
the one hand, or of disapprobation on the other.' This pas- 
sive state did not, however, continue long. Two nights 
afterwards, when the second reading of the Sill was moved, 
Mr. Disraeli opened fire against all its details. At the same 
time he intimated that he should neither oppose the second 
reading, nor pledge himself to propose amendments in com- 
mittee, but expressed a hope that, before the Bill reached 
that stage, the Government would withdraw it. He had 
probably discerned by this time that the Bill was so little 
cared about by the country and so little liked by the Govern- 
ment's own supporters, that he might spare himself the 
fatigue and the odium of a resolute opposition. 

The debate on the second reading was adjourned from 
time to time. In reporting to the Queen an adjourned 
debate on the second reading on the 26th of April, seven 
weeks after it had been moved, a delay in itself ominous of 
ultunate failure. Lord Palmerston wrote : * It is evident the 
dislike of the Bill is a growing feeling in the House, and not 
confined to the Opposition side. The objections felt are two- 
fold : first, to the lowness of the franchise ; next, to the pros- 
pect of a Dissolution consequent on the passing of the Bill.' 
These objections gained in force as time advanced. Wide 
differences of opinion were found to exist as to the numbers 


which the Bill would add to the constituencies, and the 
Government had in effect admitted the necessity of further 
inquiry by assenting, on the 19th of April, to a motion by 
Earl wey for a committee to inquire what this increase would 
probably be, and whether it was likely to make any and what 
change in the character of the constituencies. Although, 
therefore, the Bill was read a second time on the 3rd of May 
without a division, and the 4th of June fixed for going into 
committee upon it, its fate was obviously sealed. Accord- 
ingly, after two more nights spent in debate, no one was sur- 
prised at the announcement that what The Times of that day 
called * the catastrophe so earnestly desired by the Opposi- 
tion, and still more earnestly by the ^eat mkjority oTthe 
Ministerial side of the House,' had arrived. When the in- 
timation that the Bill had been withdrawn was made to the 
House of Commons by Lord John Kussell (11th June), *it 
was received almost in silence.' — {Letter of Lord Palmerston 
to the Qvsen,) 

Thus was the question of Parliamentary reform laid on 
the shelf for a time. Lord John Russell was himself satisfied 
that it should be so. On the 16th of November, 1860, he 
wrote to Lord Palmerston : — 

* The apathy of the country is undeniable, nor is it a transient humour. 
It seems rather a confirmed habit of mind. Four Reform Bills have been 
introduced of late years, one by my Grovernment, one by Lord Aberdeen's, 
one by Lord Derby's, and one by yours. For not one of these has there been 
the least enthusiasm. I was told by a Lancashire deputation last Session, 
that if we had brought forward a bolder and a larger measure of disfranchise- 
ment and enfranchisement, it would have been immensely popular. But 
Bright's plan, which went much further than ours, only exdted more opposi- 
tion and more general dislike. 

*■ My conclusion is, that the advisers of the Crown of all parties having 
offered to the country various measures of Reform, and the country having 
shown themselves indifferent to them all, the best course which can now be 
taken is to wait till the country shows a manifest desire for an amendment of 
the representation. Of course the Grovernment and the Liberal party would 
be liable to great reproach and very unfair charges. But this is better than 
dragging an imperfect measure through a reluctant Parliament, and enforcing 
it on an unwilling country.' 

As he read this letter, Lord Palmerston must have smited 
to think how much trouble and discomfort might have been 
spared to his own and former Cabinets, if Lord John Russell 
had not hitherto trusted so implicitly to his own conviction, 
that the one great wish of the country was a change in its 


Dread of fbrther French Annezatione— State of Germany— Views of Prince Consort on the 
Subject in Letter to Lord John Bnasell— Debates in Parliament on Ceasion of Sayoy 
and Nice— Danger of a Baptnre between England and France— Emperor of French''8 
Anxiety to avoid it— Speech of Prince Cooaort at Cloth woi^ers' Hall— Visit of Prince 
of Wales to Canada and the United States projected. 

The theory of * natural frontiers,' which had in the first 
instance been put forward as the reason for annexing Savoy 
and Nice to France, had excited so much alarm throughout 
Europe, that M. Thouvenel found it expedient to change his 
ground in the elaborate manifesto already spoken of ^. 48, 
supra), which he addressed to the Great towers in the form 
of a Despatch to Count Persigny, on the 13th of March. 
* It is not,' he wrote, * in the name of ideas of nationality, it 
is not as natural frontiers, that we desire the annexation ; it 
is only by way of guarantee . . .. and in name of the prin- 
ciples of public law, to ensure that existing treaties may not 
be made more onerous for us in those particulars, in which 
they had been framed in a spirit which time has, I hope, 
contributed to efface.' These were fair words by which 
nobody was deceived, for precisely the same line of justifi- 
cation, it was obvious, would be equally available, whenever 
France saw her way to making less onerous to herself those 
other stipulations of the existing treaties with regard to the 
limits of her territory, which her Sovereign was well known 
to regard as having been framed in the same spirit of in- 
justice to France. 

Of all men the Prince Consort was least likely to be de- 
ceived by such language. The Emperor had succeeded too 
well in his first attempt to break down the Treaties of 1815, 
to be likely to pause in his efforts to secure such further alter- 
ations, as he had told the Prince at Osborne, in August 1857, 
were, in his opinion, essential to the lasting peace of Europe 


(antey vol. iv. p. 97). This view was shared by Her Majes- 
ty, who, in writing on the 20th of March to Lord John Rus- 
sell, expressed her fear * that it will not be long before the 
union of Europe for her safety against a common enemy may 
become a painful necessity.' 

• The same conviction had by this time taken strong hold 
of the leaders of the English Cabinet. Their confidence in 
the French alliance had been thoroughly shaken, and they 
felt the necessity of considering whether some combination 
might not be formed, which might hold in check any further 
plans for the disturbance of the general peace. They were 
aware, on the best authority, that the French Emperor's 
mind was at this very time full of the idea of still further 
annexations, for the purpose, as he said, of securing France 
against attack, and, by giving her a strong strategical fron- 
tier, enabling her to reduce her standing army to a scale that 
would weigh less oppressively upon her resources. On the 
south-western frontier, France, he was in the habit of say- 
ing, was sufficiently protected by the natural frontier of the 
Pyrenees. By the annexation of Savoy and Nice, she had 
acquired the protection of the Alps, which she had needed 
for her safety on the south-eastern frontier. On the east 
she was made safe by the neutrality of Switzerland, while 
Belgium did the same office for her on the north. To com- 
plete the line of defence, it was necessary for France to ob- 
tain some territory on the side towards Germany. The fron- 
tier on this side had been imposed upon France in 1815 — 
the phrase had become stereotyped — in a spirit of distrust 
and even of menace. It must be extended so as to include 
the Palatinate, which belonged to Bavaria, the fortress of 
Landau and the districts of Saarbruck and Saarlouis ; and 
then France would feel sufficiently secured against attack to 
be able to bring down her standing army to the same scale 
as England, and so to lighten the intolerable burden of her 
Military Budget. 

This result the Emperor professed his anxiety to arrive at 
by peaceful means. Why, he argued, should it not be ef- 
fected by negotiation, without awakening apprehensions of 
a desire for conquest ? All Europe was interested in satisfy- 
ing the legitimate wishes of France ; because, if France were 
enabled to disarm, the other Powers would no longer have 
occasion to keep up the large standing armies which were 
eating up their resources, and making impossible for them 


the development of industry and prosperity which made Eng- 
land the object of envy to all other European States. 

The only basis for such negotiations must of necessity be 
a transaction with Prussia, and such a transaction the known 
loyalty of the Prince Regent to Germany was certain to re- 
ject. No bribe of support in schemes for extending Prussia 
to the North would induce her to connive at the absorption 
of an inch of German soil to swell the territories of France. 
But her rejection of overtures of this kind might be made a 
cause of quarrel ; and the active hostility of France to Aus- 
tria, after she had failed to bribe that Power into breaking 
the compact of 1815, by offering to support her if she took 
possession of the Danubian Principalities, was a recent in- 
stance of what might be expected in this way. Again, as 
Austria was still sore at having been unsupported by Prussia 
in the Italian war, it was open to the Emperor of the French 
to tempt her, by promises of support in her difficulties with 
Italy about Venetia, to withhold her aid from Prussia, in the 
event of an attack by France upon the Rhine. In this way 
the Emperor had the power, — and it was manifestly his pur- 
pose — ^to keep these powers separated from each other, and 
to win over one or other of them to his views by offers of 
arrangement suited to the separate interests of each, on con- 
dition that it should connive at, or concur in some scheme 
of territorial aggrandisement, or plan for the acquisition of 
some important political influence projected by the Govern- 
ment of France. 

The immediate danger to Europe was therefore on the 
German frontier ; and the want of cohesion among the Ger- 
man States, and their jealousies of each other and of Prussia, 
seemed almost to invite intrigue and aggression on the part 
of France. French agents were known to be actively at 
work in some of the border States, seeking to familiarise the 
people there, according to the tactics which had been suc- 
cessfully practised in Savoy, with the idea of the advantages 
of incorporation with a powerful monarchy like that of 
France. A march on the Khine was openly talked of in the 
saloons of Paris as imminent. The people of the Rhenish 
Provinces were sound in their feelings, and yearning for 
such an union as would give to Germany the compactness 
and strength which would alone make an aggressor pause. 
But how was this union to be effected, with Austria and 
Prussia both bidding for supremacy, each with its adherents 

62 ' STATE OF GERMANY. 1860 

among the lesser princes, and neither strong enough to act 
with vigour, or liberal enough to inaugurate and command 
general support for a national policy ? Prussia, fully alive 
to the peril of the position, was at work to improve her mili- 
tary organisation, and to secure unity of command and action 
in the event of war against Grermany. But the rulers of the 
other States had not sufficiently recognised how essential 
these were for the national defence, and how useless it was 
to look to any other quarter for a rallying centre, and they 
were consequently not disposed to lay aside minor personal 
interests, and to accept the guidance of Prussia. At the 
same time a natural reluctance to strengthen the influence of 
Prussia in Germany kept Austna aloof from any combined 
action with that Power for securing unity of council and of 
action ; while, on the other hand, the advanced Liberal party 
throughout Germany deprecated any friendly advances by 
the Cabinet of Berlin towards Austria, whose policy and 
influence they regarded as the chief barrier to the formation 
of a great German nation. 

No one was more fully conversant with the state of feel- 
ing and of the various political parties in Germany than the 
Prince Consort. And now, when the course of events made 
it necessary for our statesmen to be thoroughly informed as 
to these, it was natural that they should turn to him for in- 
formation and assistance. Accordingly Lord John Russell, on 
the 15th of March, wrote to him the following letter, sending 
him at the same time several valuable reports from Mr. J. A. 
Crowe, one of our consuls, as to the state of things in Ba- 
varia, Baden, and elsewhere in Southern Germany : — 

' I have for some time adnsed more intimate relations between Austria 
and Prussia. But it seems the attempts on the part of Prussia to draw 
closer to Austria only subject her to suspicion. The case is a very difficult 
one, and after the annexation of Savoy it is impossible to say how soon we 
may have to deal with the state of Germany. 

* I confess I should esteem it as a great favour if your Royal Highness, 
who is so well acquainted with Germany, would furnish me with some clue to 
our future policy in regard to that country. I have been hitherto very un- 
willing to enter at all into the intimate politics of the German Confederation.' 

To this letter the Prince, who was then at Osborne, re- 
plied on the 18th : — 

' My dear Lord John, — I am very much obliged to you 
for letting me see Mr. Crowe's letters. They are well writ- 


ten, and he evidently takes the means of informing himself 
which our diplomatists despise. . . . 

*I am inclined to believe in the general correctness of 
what Mr. Crowe says, and can corroborate him as to the ac- 
comits from Bavaria and Baden. God grant that the Cham- 
bers in Baden may extricate the Grand Duke from his Con- 
cordat with the Pope ! ' (see notey p. 24 supra.) * There are 
two others, Nassau and Hesse-Darmstadt, waitmg for the re- 
sult. The Concordats of Bavaria and Wlirtemberg are un- 
fortunately passed. All these States have been forced into 
these unfortunate measures by their adhesion to Austria. . . . 

* You ask my general opinion about German politics and 
the best course to be pursued by us with regard to them ? 

*This is rather a wide question, and without going back 
to the Fall of Man or the Flood, I must say at least, that 
ever since Charlemagne the Italian and German questions 
have been identically the same. The Holy Roman Empire, 
when it replaced the Occidental Empire, embraced in theory 
the whole of Europe, dividing temporalities and spirituali- 
ties between the Emperor and the Pope ; but, in reality, 
since the separation of France and Germany, it has em- 
braced only Germany and Italy. The elective character of 
the Imperial Head was the chief means of enabling the great 
feudal princes and commercial towns to acquire a certain in- 
dependence, whilst in England, France, and Spain, these 
were by the process of time absorbed by the monarchy. 

* Since the disruption of the Empire of Charles V ., who 
aimed at a universal monarchy on a new principle, Italy and 
the Low Countries have more completely separated from the 
Koman Empire. Italy, like Germany, preserved its quasi 
independent States, with this difference, that Italy as such 
remained only a geographical term, whilst Germany was 
a constituted body politic, whose head had, however, an 
European existence independent of the Empire. Thus the 
House of Hapsburg (of Austria), which virtually obtained 
hereditary possession of the Imperial Crown, established its 
power by means of the thrones of Hungary, Croatia, Trans- 
sylvania, Milan, &c. Whilst the Austrian policy has always 
been a family policy, using Germany only for its ends, and 
caring very little for its internal prosperity, on the other 
hand the great split occasioned amongst the States of Ger- 
naany by the Reformation rendered her direct interference 
in their internal affairs very difficult, and her abandonment 


of the duties of sovereign head of Germany became a con- 
venience to those States themselves. 

* Their centrifugal tendency was further increased by the 
acquisition of foreign thrones by their respective heads. 
The Elector of Hanover became King of England, the Duke 
of Holstein King of Denmark, the Elector of Saxony King 
of Poland, the Elector of Brandenburg King of Prussia, &c. 
German politics now necessarily became European politics, 
and the interference of foreign Powers with and in Germany 
constant and almost justified. The ideal of a "German 
Fatherland," a not altogether general identity of language, 
and the rotten form of the old German Empire, consti- 
tuted the only ties, and these were but slender, which 
held the fabric together. Such was its condition when 
it was destroyed by the first Napoleon. Whilst he for 
the first time in history proclaimed the name of "Italy," 
he destroyed that of Germany, substituting that of a Con- 
federation of the Rhine under his own protectorate. Aus- 
tria and Prussia became independent States, foreign to Ger- 

* The mode which the first Napoleon adopted for the for- 
mation of his Confederation is the same in which his nephew 
has dealt with the Italian question ; that is, out of a num- 
ber of small States and Principalities he selected a few, whom 
he enriched and aggrandised by the spoliation of others, 
under the condition that they should cede to himself the out- 
lying portions of territory bordering on the French frontiers, 
making them at the same time of a magnitude, and attach- 
ing to them royal titles, in order that their power and their 
pnde should form a barrier to their re-absorption in an uni- 
ted German State. 

* It was after long and cruel oppression, that the German 
feeling rose and produced that glorious period in German 
history which ended in the downfall of the tyrant. Italy 
vanished again as a distinct State. Germany arose again 
with a union not before witnessed in its history. This Italy, 
however, of the name of which Napoleon had made use, had 
been governed as a French province, and for French purposes 
only. A return to its former divided but national Govern- 
ments might have appeared to the Italians as a return to 
national independence. The struggle of Liberation in Ger- 
many had taught the people, that they were a match for 
France, provided they were united. It taught practically, 


however, also, that its strength lay in Prussia, as Prussia had 
borne the chief brunt of the struggle. 

* The Congress of Vienna had to decide on the future form 
of Germany. It adopted that of the Confederation of the 
Rhine, including Austria and Prussia with and on behalf of 
their German provinces. It included on the same basis Den- 
mark and the Netherlands. Germany had now an internal 
form, but no internal union. Austria and Prussia, as Euro- 
pean Powers, were admitted as two of the five great arbiters 
of Europe, and are by implication supposed to represent the 
interests of Germany when those are affected. The minor 
States, dreading the moral and national (German) power of 
Prussia, have transferred their old allegiance from Napoleon 
to Austria, in the assurance that she has the same interest 
which he had to maintain their quasi-independence, and keep 
Germany divided ; and, as far as the Roman Catholic por- 
tion of them is concerned, that she will protect Catholic 
interests against Protestantism — above all, that she will 
oppose Prussia. 

* The Austrian policy is still identically the same which 
it was in the time of the Holy Roman Empire ; — caring 
nothing for Germany, but much for Kfer influence over it, 
which she exercises through the minor States, and the priests, 
who are hostile to political and religious progress of any 
kind. Her support has, therefore, to be purchased at the 
expense of those sacred interests I Her policy towards Italv, 
and her means employed there, are and were the same as m 

* The dissatisfaction of the German nation at the fact of 
its internal development being stinted, but, above all, at 
being reduced to a nonentity in Europe, and more than that, 
at being at the mercy of the other European nations, and 
particularly of her natural enemy France, — ^is the main feel- 
ing which caused the Revolution of 1848, and is even now 
working deeply in the public mind. The events of the last 
year have shown how helpless Germany is in its divided state, 
and have broken down the power of Austria. As the minor 
States and the national feeling throughout Germany were 
ready and demanded to support Austria in her late struggle 
with France, and even to sacrifice themselves for her, and 
were only prevented from doing so by the opposition of 
Prussia, — ^increased hatred towards her, whom they make 
responsible for their present helplessness and danger, is the 


immediate and natural consequence. As Austria is at the 
same time no longer able to protect them, their natural 
tendencies must drive them towards France. 

* It is the appreciation of these facts, which must have 
impelled my brother to conceive the plan of proposing that 
Austria should be saved by Prussia at the price of her pro- 
gressing in a liberal and just line of policy towards her own 
States.* I must consider this plan as both wise and patriotic 
for a German and as useful to Europe. 

* If Prussia chose to act the perfidious part towards the 
other States of Germany, which Sardinia has just acted 
towards her neighbours, she could in a short time, by pre- 
tending to be the violent advocate of an advanced Liberal 
policy, by undermining in their own States the different 
small governments, which are not free from many sins, and 
by conspiring against them with the Kadical party, bring 
about at the same time their destruction by revolution and 
the union of those States under her own sceptre. The 
Prussian Royal Family, however, is too timid to play so 
bold a game, too honourable to play so false a one. No one 
can object to the latter consideration, and with regard to the 
former it must be borne in mind that Prussia has no chance 
of finding an ally like the one who did the work of Sardinia, 
and would probably have France, Russia, and Austria fight- 
ing against her, and even England hostile. 

* Where Prussia is to blame, however, is that she, from 
whom alone salvation can come for Germany, has no fixed 
view as to how this task is to be accomplished. According 
to my notion she was in the right track when she established 
the ZoUverein. Without interfering with the Federal Con- 
stitution, and the external form of Germany, which is recog- 
nised by Europe, she ought to proceed by treaties with the 
separate States to effect that union, which otherwise is im- 
possible without a convulsion, and in which treaties the 
minor States would find security for their non-absorption in 
Prussia. I had the same idea as that proposed, according to 
Mr. Crowe, by Baron Roggenbach to the Grand Duke of 
Baden, and which is in exact conformity with this view.* 

» This refers to a passage in one of Mr. Crowe's letters^ in which he reported 
a conversation which had recently taken place between himself and the Duke 
of Coburg. 

2 Baron Roffgenbach was head of the Ministry in Baden. His plan was to 
contend for all the liberal measures of Prussia, such, for example, as the Con- 
stitution of 1881 in Hesse-Cassel, and for the supremacy of Prussia, including 


But, if Prussia is to proceed upon that line, she must act 
without any reference to Austria, who will impede her in 
every way in her power. Being in her perfect right, she 
need not quarrel with Austria, whom her policy does not at- 
tack ; hut no worse advice could in my opmion be given by 
us to Prussia than that she should make up to Austria (this 
would be the same as if we had given similar advice to Sar- 
dinia in Italy). Austrian friendship, which will never be sin- 
cere, can even externally only be obtained by sacrificing every 
interest which the Liberal and patriotic portion of the Ger- 
man people have at heart, viz. progress in constitutional insti- 
tutions, religious toleration, and national union. Moreover, 
the knowledge of such an approach would at once deprive 
Prussia of the confidence of the entire Liberal party. 

* Should Germany be attacked, all that can be hoped for 
from Austria, considering her difficulties in Yenetia and Hun- 
gary, is that she will furnish her contingent to the Federal 
army. But this she is bound to do by the Federal Act, and 
would hardly dare to refuse because of a dislike to the Ger- 
man policy pursued by Prussia. Nothing therefore can be 
gained by truckling to her. 

* Foreign Powers, and England in particular, can do very 
little good by advice. We- ought, therefore, in my opinion, 
to confine ourselves to inculcating confidence in Prussia at 
the minor Courts, showing that from her alone can be ex- 
pected efficient support and protection, and that the efficacy 
of that support will be in proportion to their adhesion to her. 
Of this our diplomatic agents do everywhere diametrically 
and syatematicaUy the reverse. We should at the same time 
encourage Prussia to have confidence in herself in acting in 
accordance with her duty to Germany. Her plan of reor- 
ganisation of the Federal army appears to me the only prac- 
ticable one. Following the same principle which I have be- 
fore advocated, it leaves the whole Prussian army intact, and 
allows siich States as choose their contingents to join it, to 
effect this by special convention, leaving them free to join 
the Austrian, should they prefer to do so. 

* I have given you, I am afraid, a long history and very 
little advice. But this case is similar to that of many a 

the lead of that Power in foreign affaire ; this policy to be carried out by 
direct negotiation with the Government of the rrince Begent, for securing 
Baden independence in the management of her internal affaire on the one 
hjuid, and to Prussia, on the other, all the advantages of a political imion. 


patient. There may be very little the medical man can do, 
but that little requires a knowledge of the whole constitu- 
tion of the patient, and the history of his disease. Hoping 
I have not bored you, 

* I remain yours truly, 
(Signed) * Albert.' 

The advantage to the Minister of an exposition so clear 
and comprehensive of the state of things m Germany can 
only be appreciated by those who have made a study of its 
intricate and confused history from 1815 to 1860. With the 
information which it placed at his disposal. Lord John Russell 
must have been saved a world of difiiculty in his future com- 
munications with his diplomatic agents throughout the Con- 
tinent. He fully appreciated the necessity for bringing unity 
and concord into the policy of Germany as a weapon for 
counteracting the ambitious designs of the French Emperor, 
and the importance of encouragement to Prussia as a means 
to this end. The time had now come to let it be seen that, 
while we were not disposed to break with the Court of the 
Tuileries, our trust in its professions of a peaceful policy 
was at an end, and that we intended to secure ourselves 
against any further application of the doctrines of M. Thou- 
venel's manifesto. A debate, raised by Mr. Horsman (26th 
March) on the annexation question, gave Lord John Russell 
an opportunity to make the following declaration : — 

* My opinion, as I declared it in July and January, I have no objection 
now to repeat, that such an act as the annexation of Savoy is one that will 
lead a nation so warlike as the French to call upon its government from 
time to time to commit other acts of aggression ; and therefore I do feel that^ 
however we may wish to live on the most friendly terms with the French 
Government — and certainly I do wish to live on the most friendly terms with 
that Government — we ought not to keep ourselves apart from the other na- 
tions of Europe, but that, when future questions may arise — as future ques- 
tions may arise — ^we should be ready to act with others, and to declare, al- 
ways in the most moderate and friendly terms, but still firmly, that the set- 
tlement of Europe, the peace of Europe, is a matter dear to this country, and 
that settlement and that peace cannot be assured if they are liable to per- 
petual interruption — to constant fears, to doubts and rumours with respect 
to the annexation of this one country, or the union and connection of that 
other ; but that the Powers of Europe, if they wish to maintain that peace, 
must respect each other's limits, and, above all, restore and not disturb that 
commercial confidence which is the result of peace, which tends to peace, and 
which ultimately forms the happiness of nations,' 

The cheers from both sides of the House with which this 
announcement was received showed how great was the shock 


which had been given to the belief in the sincerity of the 
Emperor's professions. It drew the warmest expressions of 
approval from Lord John Manners on the part of the Oppo- 
sition, and also from Mr. Kinglake, who had since the meet- 
ing of Parliament been most active in denouncing the com- 
pact for the cession of Savoy and Nice, and who might be 
regarded as representing the independent section of Minis- 
terial supporters. Believing as they did, that the only check 
to the Emperor's dream of remodelling the map of Europe 
would be the certainty of finding himself confronted by tne 
united opinion, and possibly by the united forces, of the 
other Great Powers, Lord John Russell's words were wel- 
come to the Queen and Prince, and Her Majesty wrote to 
him accordingly : — 

' Buckingham Palace, 27th March, 1860. 

*The Queen has read with much pleasure Lord John 
Russell's speech of last night, and from the way in which it 
was received in the House of Commons, she is certain that 
the country feels the danger which a supposed intimate and 
exclusive alliance with France has for the interests of Europe 
and of England. . . . 

'It is a belief in this alliance which makes the rest of 
Europe powerless and helpless, nay, drives it to enter into 
separate secret bargains with France, from a knowledge that 
an united resistance is impossible, and from a fear of Eng- 
land's full acquiescence in the various schemes of the Em- 
peror. As the English press and general public were fa- 
vourable to the Italian Revolution, and the loss of the Italian 
privinces by Austria, and are supposed to be so with regard 
to the separation of Hungary from Austria, and of Poland 
from Russia, the Emperor Napoleon has the more chance of 
keeping up the distrust of the Continental Powers in Eng- 
land. Fear being the worst counsellor, we cannot be aston- 
ished that the Powers should follow an unwise policy. But 
once reassured as to the views of England, they would, the 
Queen feels certain, readily rally round her, and follow her 

Lord John Russell's speech made, as it could not fail to 
do, a profound impression upon the French Emperor and his 
Government. It had also the effect of envenoming still 
further the language of the French press, which had for 
some time been flinging back angry retorts to the vehement 


invectives of the English journals. So grave was the aspect 
of affairs, that Count Persigny told Lold Palmerston a few 
days afterwards that, if things went on as they were doing, 
war from mutual irritation would be inevitable. He was, he 
said, going to Paris on private affairs, but, if nothing was 
done, he should probably not come back. He could not 
gainsav the right of the English Government to adopt the 
attitude they had chosen, but he wished that something 
might be said in Parliament in a more friendly tone towards 
the Emperor's Government. Lord Palmerston couldpromise 
him but little satisfaction in that direction. What it 
amounted to was that Lord John Kussell, in laying before 
Parliament next day (2nd April) some further papers on the 
Italian question, including the treaty between France and 
Sardinia for the cession of Nice and Savoy, should say, that, 
as the Emperor had by the treaty engaged to consult the 
other Powers of Europe with respect to the neutralised por- 
tions of Savoy, there was reasonable ground for hoping that 
this important question would be seriously examined and 
settled m a satisfactory manner. If this were done. Count 
Persigny stated that he should go to Paris contented. It 
was done, and the danger of an immediate rupture passed 

6ut this danger certainly existed ; and that it was averted 
was probably due in no small degree to the firmness shown 
by Lord Palmerston, not only to Count Persigny, but also 
to another friend of the Emperor's, Count Flahault. The 
day after Lord John Russell's speech, this gentleman sought 
an interview with Lord Palmerston, of which Lord Palmer- 
ston sent the following account to the Queen the following 
day (29th March) :— 

* Viscount Palmerston may mention to your Majesty the substance of a 
short conversation he had with Count Flahault on Tuesday. The Count came 
to him just as he was going down to the House, wishing to have some talk 
before he went to Paris yesterday morning ; and Viscount Palmerston, un- 
able to wait, took him down in his brougham to the House. Count Flahault 
said he should see the Emperor, and wished to know what he might say to 
him as from Lord Palmerston on the unpleasant state of affairs. Lord Pal- 
merston said he could only refer Count Flahault to what Lord John Russell 
had said on Monday in the House of Commons. Count Flahault hoped not, 
as what had been then said was personally offensive to the Emperor. Lord 
Palmerston did not see in what way it could be so considered. Count Fla- 
hault said that Lord John had expressed distrust ; but admitted that no ob- 
jection could be taken to the latter part of his speech, as to the political 
course which England might follow. 

1860 WITH FRANCE. 71 

' Lord Falmerston said, distrust may he founded upon either or both of 
two grounds : either upon the suppositon of intentional deceit, or upon such 
frequent changes of purpose and of conduct as to show that no reliance could 
be placed upon the continuance of the intentions or policy of the moment ; 
and Ck)unt Flahault must admit that, without imputing the first, there is 
ample ground for a feeling founded upon the second consideration. 

* Count Flahault said his great object was to prevent war between the two 
countries. Lord Falmerston said that he feared the Emperor and Thouvenel 
had schemes and views which tended to bring about that result, and might 
array Europe against France. This Count Flahault did not fear, but he was 
apprehensive that irritation on both sides might bring on a war between 
England and France. Lord Falmerston said that he was most anxious to 
prevent such a war ; but, if it were forced upon England, England would 
fearlessly accept it, whether in conjunction with a confederated alliance, or 
singly and by herself ; that the nation would rise and rally as one man : and 
that, though speaking to a Frenchman, he ought perhaps not to say so, yet 
he could not refrain from observing that the examples of history led him to 
conclude that the result of a conflict between English and French upon any- 
thing like equal terms would not be unsatisfactory to the former. 

* Count Flahault said that he had been in the battle of Waterloo and 
knew what English troops were, but that the French army now is far supe- 
rior to that which fought on that day. Lord Falmerston said, that no doubt 
it was, and so is the present English army ; but with regard to the excellence 
of the French army, he would remind Count Flahault of what passed be- 
tween Marshal Tallard and the Duke of Marlborough, when the former was 
taken prisoner at the battle of Blenheim. *' Votu venez, Miiord^"* said the 
Marshal, " de baUre let meiUeurea troupea de VEurope,^^ '* Exeepta ioujoura^^^ 
replied Marlborough, *^ eellea gut les arU battues ! " ** But," said the Count, 
*' what I fear is an invasion of this country, for which steam affords such 
facilities, and which would be so disastrous to England." Lord Falmerston 
replied, that steam tells both ways, for defence as well as for attack, and 
that as for invasion, though it would no doubt be a temporary evil, we were 
under no apprehension as to its results ; that a war between England and 
France would doubtless be disastrous to both countries, but it is by no means 
certain which of the two would suffer the most. 

* Arrived at the House, they took leave of each other. Count Flahault 
saying he should not say anything to the Emperor, calculated to increase the 
irritation which he expected to find, but should endeavour to calm. Vis- 
count Falmerston said, that of course the Count would judge for himself 
what he should say, but that he, the Count, must have observed what was 
the state of public feeling and opinion in this country. 

' The conversation was carried on in the most friendly manner, and Vis- 
count Falmerston has mentioned it only to Lord John Russell, and one or 
two of his colleagues, and he reports it to your Majesty only because he 
wishes, while it is fresh in his memory, to state it to your Majesty, in case 
it should be mentioned by Count Flahault at Faris, and should be reported 
to London in any way distorted and misrepresented by those through whom 
it might pass.' • 

Whatever irritation against England Count Flahault may 

« A memorandum by Lord Falmerston, nearly identical with this letter, 
will be found in Mr. E. Ashley's L\fe of Lord Balmerston^ vol. ii. p. 190 et aeq. 


have found in Paris, — and it is quite certain that this was 
considerable, — no more was heard of a rupture of amicable 
relations between the two countries. The Emperor had a 
cooler head than many of his Ministers and friends, and was 
well able to estimate the hazards likely to.arise from such a 
rupture to himself and to his dynasty. It would have in- 
volved an entire change in the policy, to which he had again 
and again pledged himself, of cementing the most intimate 
relations with England as the surest guarantee for the wel- 
fare of France. The recently concluded Treaty of Com- 
merce would have been indeed a farce, if it, and all its well- 
calculated advantages to France, were to be thrown over, 
because English statesmen and journalists had condemned 
the want of frankness in his Italian policy with the blunt- 
ness which he knew was the characteristic of our free public 
life. He had brought upon himself, as he was well aware, 
the distrust of which he so bitterly complained ; and to have 
quarrelled with England, because, while she remained per- 
fectly loyal in her friendship to the country over which he 
ruled, she declined, after what had passed, to lean exclu- 
sively on the French alliance, would have been childish folly. 
It would have been to admit the complaint of his enemies, 
that he had been at no time sincere in his alliance with Eng- 
land, while it would have arrayed the other Powers of Eu- 
rope against him, not one of whom had anything to appre- 
hend from England, but each of whom had its own separate 
reason for dreading the aggressive and ambitious spirit which 
had now avowedly governed the Emperor's interference in 
the affairs of Italy. 

Moreover, a war with England, whose resources, and the 
temper of whose people, when roused, the Emperor thor- 
oughly understood, while it would have been without the 
shadow of a pretext,' was an undertaking too formidable to be 
risked for the indulgence of an angry feeling which France 
as a nation did not share, and which would have been disas- 
trous to the growing commerce and flourishing industries 
which it was the steady aim of the Emperor to encourage 
and develope. Nor can it be doubted, that all his convictions 
as a politician, as well as his personal feelings, were averse to 
a rupture with a country which he had so much reason not 
merely to respect, but to love. He had sworn fidelity also 
to her Sovereign, and, however true it may be, and undoubt- 
edly as a general rule it is true, that nations or governments 


are not much influenced by friendships or sentimental feel- 
ings, this circnmstance was not without its effect in keeping 
the Emperor of the French constant to the English alliance/ 
To attempt to break the power of England, in order to clear 
the way for his cherished dream of enlarging the frontiers 
of France, was an enterprise which his strongest personal 
feelings, as well as his judgment, would have warned him 
to avoid. 

The London season, now beginning, brought with it the 
usual number of public dinners, at which the Prince's pres- 
ence was an object much desired. On the 27th of Marcn he 
was present at one given by the Cloth workers on the opening 
of their new Hall, and in returning thanks for his health, 
made one of his happy little speeches, which, while it grati- 
fied the feelings of his hosts, gave them something to think 
about in connection with the special occasion, which might 
otherwise not have struck them : — 

' It is/ he Raid, *■ in accordance with our nature, that, after having accom- 
plished a task and succeeded in any work of our hands, we should banish 
from our minds the recollection of the troubles and anxieties which accom- 
panied its conception and progress, and rejoice not only ourselves in our 
success, but ask our neighbours and friends to come and rejoice with us. 
We want them to see what we have done, and to share in our satisfaction. 

' I am grateful to you that you should have thought of including me in 
the number of your friends, for I can, I assure you, fully appreciate your 
undertaking and honestly congratulate you on your success. 

*■ It must have cost you some hesitation and regret to separate yourselves 
from a Hall in which your forefathers had feasted the first Kings of the 
House of Stuart, and in which they, as well as yourselves, habitually met for 
business and recreation. But the works of man, like the organic bodies in 
nature, to be preserved, require to be continually renewed, and thus alone do 
they resist the destructive tendency of time ; and you determined (as we see 
to-day) to follow nature also in the law of increase, and to show that you 
have ^own and expanded within these two hundred years. Your desire to 
see me amongst you upon this occasion, which I must attribute to your 
loyalty to the Queen, and my pleasure in responding to your call, prove, at 
the same time, that those feelings of mutual regard and affection which sub- 
sisted two hundred years ago between these great and wealthy Companies, 
these little independent republics of the City of London, and the Crown, 
have withstood the effects of time, are living — ay, and I trust are even grown 
in intensity and warmth. In such feelings we gladly recognise one of the 
essential conditions of the political and social life of a free and prosperous 

♦ The words of the Emperor to the Queen, after his installation as a Knight 
of the Garter (see vol. iii. p. 207 supra) were, we believe, never fowotten dv 
him. * CPest un lien de plus ; fai prete serment defidilUi a voire Jiajeste^ etje 
le garderai soigneusememb? 

VOL, V. — 4 


* May these blessings be preserved to this favoured land from generation 
to generation ! and may this corporation live and prosper on, as one of the 
important links which connect succeeding generations with those which have 
long passed away ! ' 

The next day the Prince wrote to his daughter at Ber- 
lin : — 

* Buckingham Palace, 28th March, 1860. 

* My catarrh refuses to give way, and I fear that a four- 
hours' dinner, toasts, and songs, under 90** of heat, in the 
new Hall of " The Clothworkers' Company " last night, was 
not exactly the best specific for me. It was the opening of 
the new and very magnificent building of the Clothworkers 
in the City ; I was admitted as a lAveryman^ and had to 
take an oath, and make two speeches after dinner ; and now 
I thank my gods that it is over. We drank your health, 
moreover, "upstanding, three times three."' 

The time had now come to arrange for the fulfilment of 
a promise which had been made by the Queen to the Cana- 
dians, that the Prince of Wales should pay a visit to their 
country. This promise had been given during the Crimean 
war, (for which Canada had levied and equipped a regiment 
of infantry,) in answer to a request that Her Majesty would 
visit her American possessions. The Canadian Deputation 
by whom this request was conveyed were officially told, that 
it would be undesirable to expose the Sovereign to the risks 
of the voyage and the fatigues attending such a visit. The 
Canadians then asked that the Queen should give them one 
of her sons as Governor-General. Their youth made this 
impossible, but an assurance was given that, so soon as the 
Prince of Wales was old enough to do so, he should visit 
Canada. It was now decided that this promise should be 
fulfilled early in the ensuing autumn, when the visit would 
be signalised by the Prince opening the great railway bridge 
across the St. Lawrence at Montreal, and laying the founda- 
tion stone of the building at Ottawa, intended for the future 
meetings of the Canadian Parliament. It was also arranged 
that the Prince should be accompanied by the Duke of New- 
castle, Secretary of State for the Colonies ; and it was made 
known to the Colony, that the Prince might be expected to 
reach Canada early in July. 

The intelligence no sooner reached America, than the 


President, Mr. Buchanan, addressed a letter to the Qaeen 
(4th June), offering a cordial welcome at Washington to the 
Prince, if he should extend his visit to the United States, 
and assuring Her Majesty that he would be everywhere 
greeted by the American people in a manner which could 
not fail to prove gratifying to the Queen. This request was 
answered in the same cordial spirit, and Mr. Buchanan was 
informed by the Que^jn, that the Prince proposed to return 
from Canada through the United States, and that it would 
give him great pleasure to have an opportunity of testifying, 
to the President in person, that the feelings which had dic- 
tated the President's letter were fully reciprocated on this 
side of the Atlantic. 

The Municipality of New York also sent to Lord John 
Russell, through Mr. Dallas, the United States Minister in 
England, an intimation, in the form of a Resolution of their 
Corporation, of their wish that the Prince of Wales should 
visit their city. In reply Lord John Russell was instructed 
by the Queen and Prince of Wales to express to Mr. Dallas 
*the high sense they entertained of tne importance of 
strengthening by every means the relations of friendship 
and regard which bind this country to the United States of 
America.' Mr. Dallas was at the same time informed that 
the young Prince would include in his tour a visit to the State 
of New York, but that from the time of leaving British soil, 
he should drop all Royal state, and travel as Lord Renfrew, 
trusting to be enabled, as a private gentleman, to employ the 
small amount of time at his disposal, in the study of the most 
interesting objects and of the ordinary life of the American 
people. Towards the 'end of September he hoped to visit 
' the mercantile community who had given him so welcome a 
testimony of their regard.' 

We shall hereafter have occasion to show how success- 
fully this visit to the great American Continent was carried 
out, and how much of this success was due to the knowledge 
and forethought with which its details were organised by 
the Prince Consort. 

His attention about the close of March was a good deal 
engaged by the approaching Confirmation of Prince Alfred, 
which took place in the Private Chapel at Windsor Castle 
on the 5th of April. It need scarcely be said, that this step, 
as marking the entrance of the child into the active duties 
of Christian life, was regarded by the Qnpen and Prince as 


one of great solemnity. Besides the instruction of experi- 
enced religious teachers, they conceived their children to be 
entitled to expect from them such help as their own experi- 
ence and affection could suggest, in applying the great prin- 
ciples of the Christian faith as rules oi conduct amid the 
temptations and trials from within and from without, to 
which on entering into the freer life of puberty they must 
inevitably be exposed. 

In the case of a young prince engaged in the rough life 
•of the Navy, the Frince's anxiety was of course naturally 
great, that he should understand that Religion is not a thing 
of dogma, but a life based upon a sense of responsibility to 
moral laws, bearing the impress of a divine sanction. He 
was, therefore, to use his own words, at great pains to estab- 
lish in his son's mind the conviction, * that sin is not positive, 
but something transitory, the struggle between the animal 
nature and the moral law, which begins with the moral law, 
and ends with its victory over mere impulse in ethical free- 
dom, which Christ has won for us by his teaching, life, and 
death, if only we follow him.' 

In the young Prince Alfred, attentive as he was, and eager 
and quick to learn, and with a brain, as the Prince writes 
(4th April) to the Princess Frederick William at Berlin, * in 
which no prejudice can maintain a footing against straight- 
forward logic,' he found a satisfactory pupil. ' I believe,' he 
adds, * that Alfred fully recognises his personal responsibility 
for his own conduct and his own happiness. It is to this 
that we must look for safety for him in the future struggles 
of life.' 


Death of the Qaeen^s Brother-in-Law the Prince of Hohenlohe-Langenbnr;— Bnesion Pro- 
jects — A^tation by Kuaaia of Complainta against Turkey— UneatiineBB of the Western 
Powers— Debates on Reform — Speech of Sir E. L. Bulwer — Tennyson's Idylls of the 
irtn(7— Prince Consort's Admiration for them — ^Letter to Mr. Tennyson— Outbreak of 
Bevolution in Sicily— (Garibaldi and Count Cavour— Oovcrmnent Scheme of National 
Defences— Rejection of Paper-Duty Bill — Order of Merit for India— Establishment of 
Order of Star of India— Proposed Changes in Organization of Indian Army. 

The early days of April were saddened for the Queen and 
Prince by the death at Baden-Baden of the Prince of 
Hohenlohe-Langenburg, husband of the Queen's sister. His 
failing strength had for some time made such an event not 
unexpected. Prince Hohenlohe had held official appoint- 
ments at the Court of the King of Wtirtemberg, and for 
some years before his death acted as the President of the 
Upper Chamber of that kingdom. He was so much esteemed 
bjr the King that a few days before his death he had been 
visited by His Majesty, who came from Stuttgart to Baden 
for the purpose. *A better, more thoroughly straightfor- 
ward, upright and excellent man,' are the Queen's words in 
writing to the King of the Belgians (17th April), * with a 
more unblemished character, or a more really devoted and 
faithful husband, never breathed. "JEJs ist ein braver und 
ehrlicher Mann weniger in der WeW*^ (there is one good 
and noble man less in the world) is a true observation as 
regards him. Poor Feodore is much overcome. His affec- 
tion to her was to the last most touching ; his last words 
were to take leave of her. He knew her to the end.' 

Writing to the Princess Frederick William at Berlin (18th 
April) the Prince Consort pays the following tribute to this 
worthy man : — 

* Poor Ernest Hohenlohe is a great loss. Though he was 
not a man of great powers of mind capable of taking com- 


prehensive views of the world, still he was a great character 
— that is to say, a thoroughly good, noble, spotless, and hon- 
ourable man, which in these days forms a better title to be 
recognised as great, than do craftiness, Machiavellism, and 
grasping ambition. One could build upon him, because he 
was a man of settled principles ; and the feeling in South 
Germany, where he was chiefly known, is one of general 
lamentation for the loss of such noble qualities.' 

In a letter to the Queen from her sister a few days after- 
wards, after thanking Her Majesty for her letters ' full of 
true and sisterly feelings,' which have been 'a great real 
comfort to her sorrowing heart,' the Princess refers to the 
manifestations of this esteem which had reached her : — 

* It is touching^* she writes, * to see how the love and esteem which my 
beloved Ernest deserved in so high a degree, is shown us by every one who 
knew him. If he could but know that I He did not believe he was so much 
loved and anerkannt [his worth recognized]. . . . That beautiful hymn, 
which you mentioned in your letter, *^i, wie selig scfddfst duP [Oh, how 
blessed is thy slumber ! '] was sung at his funeral service. Your soul was 
with us there, dearest. I did not go to church, but before, while he was in 
our chapel, prayers were read to us before the coffin was taken away, and I 
had my last look. But he is not there ; ^ his spirit is gone to the place of 
happiness with his Saviour.* ' 

The Prince was not likely to fall into the mistake, against 
which Addison warns his readers, ' of growing too wise for 
so great a pleasure as laughter.' His sense of humour, in- 
deed, could alone have saved him from the world-weariness 
of an over-tasked mind. But, as the smile upon a grave 
face is ever the sweetest, so, in the midst of all the serious 
thoughts and speculations of his correspondence it is pecu- 
liarly delightful to come now and then upon his playful 
notices of the pretty childish ways of the little Princess 
Beatrice, which afforded himself so much amusement, and 
which he never failed to chronicle for the delight of her 
sister at Berlin. Thus in the letter from which we have just 
quoted he records several of these with a happiness of touch 
and a keen sense of humour which make it to be regretted 

' * I care not,' said Socrates to his friends, * what you think of my body after 
death, if only you do not think that I am there.* 

3 This letter is quoted from the privately printed volume of the Princess's 
letters to the Queen (p. 299), to which we have already been more than once 


that we have not the means of illustrating this side of the 
Prince's character without encroaching on subjects where 
personal considerations impose the obligation of silence. 

The disquietude which the recent proceedings of the French 
Emperor had occasioned, was not diminished in the minds of 
the leaders of the Ministry by finding that Russia was now 
beginning to speak openly the same language as to the Treaty 
of Paris of 1856, which had been used at the Court of the 
Tuileries as to the Treaties of 1815. There was a signifi- 
cant concurrence of argument in the way these treaties were 
spoken of, which seemed to point to an understanding be- 
tween the two Governments, that each was prepared to as- 
sist the other in the accomplishment of its designs. From 
'V ienna the tidings came that the Russian Minister had been 
holding extraordinary language there. Two dynasties, he 
had said, had already perished in France because of the 
Treaties of 1815, and no dynasty could hold its ground 
there, if unable to restore to France the territory that had 
been taken from her. A similar fate awaited the House of 
Romanoff, unless it succeeded in recovering the portion of 
Bessarabia of which Russia had been deprived by the Treaty 
of 1856, and in cancelling the provisions of the same treaty 
which excluded her war ships from the Black Sea. It had 
long been no secret that Prince Gortschakoff was bent on 
accomplishing these results (vol. iv. supra, p. 116), but it 
seemed improbable that the purpose should be so frankly 
avowed, unless the co-operation of France had been pre- 
viously secured. 

The agitation of this question became the more serious, 
as Russia was at the same time renewing her complaints 
against the Ottoman Government, and urging immediate 
action on the part of the Great Powers to redress the syste- 
matic outrages and acts of oppression, which were alleged 
by her to be committed by the Turks against the members 
of the Greek Church in the Christian provinces. These were 
said to be so intolerable, that they must result in a revolt of 
the Christians ; and in language very familiar to Lord Pal- 
merston and Lord Russell in former years the Russian Gov- 
ernment declared that, in the event of such a revolt, it could 
not remain a tranquil spectator of the massacres which were 
certain to ensue, but would avail itself of every means at 
its command to arrest or avenge them. This declaration, 


which was tantamount to a proposal to set aside the arrange- 
ment of 1856, and seek for a new organisation of Turkey, 
was coupled with the indication that Russia counted upon 
the warm co-operation of France in pressing her remon- 
strances upon the Porte. 

The English Government, while it announced its readi- 
ness to concur in any properly constituted commission of in- 
quiry to ascertain the true state of the facts in Bulgaria, 
Bosnia, and the Herzegovina, guarded itself carefully against 
admitting that the Porte had been guilty of such a neglect 
or violation of its pledges as to justify the Great Powers in 
making the declaration called for by Russia, that they could 
no longer tolerate the actual state of affairs in the Christian 
provinces of Turkey. On the contrary, they intimated to 
Russia, that they too had ^from time to time received ac- 
counts of outrages and acts of oppression perpetrated in 
Bosnia, and in the Christian as well as the Mussulman prov- 
inces of the Ottoman Empire, but that of late they had heard 
much more of the extraneous attempts to produce revolt in 
Bulgaria than of Turkish outrages, and that these attempts 
seemed to have had their origin and support in Servia.' * 

There was some satisfaction in the fact, that the Emperor 
of the French shewed no disposition to take any separate 
action in the matter with Russia. * This,' said M. Thouvenel 
to a friend, who repeated the remark to Lord Cowley, ' is 
evidently the first installment asked by Russia for the assis- 
tance she has given us in the affair of Savoy.' But the 
French Emperor had views of his own with reference to the 
Eastern question, which were widely at variance with those 
of Russia, and he was not prepared to place himself in hos- 
tility upon this subject to the Western Powers. 

His energies were for the time concentrated upon Europe. 
The condition of Italy was such that it was impossible to 
say how soon France might be called upon to take action 
there ; and, if so called upon, her sympathies with the Ital- 
ian revolutionary movement would carry her in a direction 
which Russia was not likely to approve. Moreover, the time 
seemed to him opportune for pushing his designs upon the 
Rhenish frontier. There his movements were such, that 
Lord John Russell wrote to Lord Cowley : * All my accounts 
show, that Prussia is undermined by very active French 

» Despatch oj Lord John Uteesell to Sir John Oramptonj 16th of May, 1860, 


agents, who distribute petitions for annexation to France. 
Prussia is told, as Austria baa been told, tbat, if sbe is 
robbed by a stronger neighbour, she can rob a weaker neigh- 
bour in her turn.' 

Meanwhile, so well had the French Emperor played his 
game of controlling the action of the Great Powers by hold- 
ing out separate lures to some of their number, that he was 
now able to speak out boldly his fixed intention to make no 
concession to Switzerland on the subject of Savoy. The pro- 
ject of a frontier line, securing to that country the southern 
shore of the lake of Geneva, with which the Government of 
England had been amused so long as the vote for annexation 
was in suspense, was dropped, and hints were given that the 
proposed Conference on the subject of the guarantees to be 
given to Switzerland had better be abandoned. And in 
truth, now that the indifference of both Russia and Austria 
upon the question had been made sure of by France, the 
Conference must have proved abortive in results. It there- 
fore fell through, and the Emperor had the triumph, such as 
it was, of having successfully accomplished what Prussia 
and England had both protested against as an act of spolia- 
tion, and a dangerous encroachment on the treaty arrange- 
ments for the safety of Switzerland, which they and the other 
great European Powers were pledged to protect. 

This result had not been arrived at, however, without the 
European Powers becoming alive to the way in which they 
were being played off against each other by the French Em- 
peror for his own purposes. The speech of Lord John Rus- 
sell of the 24th of March had freed them from the appre- 
hension that England was so wedded to the French alhance 
as to be regardless of the interests of the other European 
States. The diplomatic communications which ensued still 
further satisfied them upon this point, and both Austria and 
Russia intimated a desire to come to a common understand- 
ing with England, with the view of preventing any further 
changes of territorial possession in Europe. This, however, 
was a step further than the English Ministry were prepared 
to go. They could not bind Great Britain by anticipation 
to definite action in regard to indefinite events ; but they 
expressed their readiness to enter into an arrangement for 
frank communication between the Powers of any incidents 
or proposals, pointing to territorial changes immediately on 
their coming to their knowledge. This was one step towards 


that common accord which could alone operate as a check 
npon the policy of the French Emperor. But something 
more was needed to give firmness to the. councils hoth of 
Berlin and Vienna. 

Things were in this unsatisfactory state, when the Prince 
wrote the following letter to Baron Stockmar, from whom 
the Prince of Wales, who had just returned from Coburg, 
had brought a letter, in which tne political situation of the 
Continent was handled with all the Baron's old sagacity and 
vigour : — 

' It was indeed a great pleasure to me to hear from your- 
self, and to find so much vigour in your handwriting, as well 
as in the fresh thoughts and feelings to which it gave ex- 
pression. A winter (such as that which has not even yet 
passed away) spent in your room is not calculated to give 
you strength ; still, the Prince of Wales found you looking 
well, and was as glad to see you again as you were to see him. 

' " The Baron seems inclined to come over if you press 
him ; he really said so ; it would be so nice," were his words. 
I don't quite believe in your coming, but " that it would be 
so nice " is beyond doubt. That you see so many signs of 
improvement in the young gentleman is a great joy and 
comfort to us ; for parents who watch their son with anxiety, 
and set their hopes for him high, are in some measure in- 
capable of forming a clear estimate, and are at the same time 
apt to be impatient if their wishes are not fulfilled. . . . 

* You will be as little surprised as I am at what is going 
on just now in Europe, but you will not therefore be less 
deeply grieved. Our Ministers have waked up at last. . . . 
Now, however, the weak and distracted state of Europe, and 
of Germany in particular, which is simply due to the fact 
that the Napoleonic policy has been allowed full swing, will 
be put forward by many as imposing it upon England as a 
duty not to engage in any Continental struggle with France, 
as this would be to turn round upon an approved ally. In 
Germany the condition of things must be deplorable. Austria 
in a state of decomposition, and Prussia without energetic 
guidance and force of conviction ! ^^ benjamin est sans 
force^ et Juda sans vertu,^'* as they say in Athalie, 

'Alfred leaves us on Thursday next to make his long 
voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, by way of Rio Janeiro. 
It will be a strange and noteworthy circumstance, that almost 


in the same week in which the elder brother is to open the 
great bridge across the St. Lawrence in Canada, the younger 
will lay the foundation stone of the breakwater for the har- 
bour of Cape Town, at the other end of the world. What 
a cheering picture is here of the progress and expansion of 
the British race, and of the useful co-operation of the Royal 
Family in the civilisation which England has developed and 
advanced ! * In both these young colonies, our children are 
looked for with great affection, and conscious national pride. 
This, however, is the only bright side of the political horizon, 
as contrasted with the state of Europe, which is indeed sad, 
menaced as it is with danger and with conflict. , , . 

* Pray read the speech of Sir Bulwer Lytton in the House 
of Commons yesterday, upon Reform. You will find it in 
to-day's T^mes, It is a real masterpiece, and has produced 
a great impression. 

'Buokingham Palace, 27tli April, I860.' 

The speech of Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton fully deserved 
the character given to it by the Prince. Writmg to the 
Queen the same night, Lord Palmerston said of it, that it 
was the best speech Sir Edward had ever made. * It was 
delivered without the exaggeration of tone and gesticulation 
which spoilt some of his former speeches. It was eloquent 
without being wordy, and was closely argued throughout. 
It was greatly cheered by a large portion of the House.' Un- 
doubtedly it was the heaviest blow hitherto dealt hj any 
speaker in Parliament against the Reform Bill,* which, it was 

* This idea was expanded in a Bpeech made by the Prince at a Trinity 
House dinner a few weeks afterwards. After referring to the incidents on the 
St. Lawrence and at Cape Town, he said: * What vast considerations, as re- 
gards our country, are brought to our minds in this simple fact I ^ What present 

freatness 1 what past history I what future hopes I and how important and 
eneficent is the part given to the Royal Family of England to act in the de- 
velopment of those distant and rising countries, who recognise in the British 
Crown, and their allegiance to it, their supreme bond of umon with the mother 
country and with each other.' 

* Not the least effective of the many powerful passages, in which the speaker 
depicted the probable results of thromng too mucn power by lowering the fran- 
chise into the hands of uneducated constituencies, was the followmg— ' No 
doubt we shall have members just as anxious for what is called the honour of 
the country who will make high-sounding speeches against truckling to abso- 
lute sovereigns, and msist on tha right ot the House of Commons to become the 
garrulotis confidant of every secret which Cabinets would keep to themselves. But 
will the new representatives of the new Constituency be as provident of prac- 
tical defences, as they may be lavish of verbal provocatives? Will they as 
readily submit to the taxation which is necessary to self-defence, so long as the 


by this time clear, was regarded with general dissatisfaction. 
So marked was the feeling, that on the 3rd of May, the day 
after it had been read a second time without a division, and 
the Committee fixed for the 4th of June, the Prince remarks 
in his Diary, * Nobody believes that the Bill in its present 
form will get through the Committee.' 

One of the most pleasant incidents of the London season 
for the Prince was the opening of the various Art Exhibi- 
tions, which he never failed to visit, and from which par- 
chases were frequently made by the Queen as well as by him- 
self. What was doing in the Art world was also a subject 
of especial interest to his daughter at Berlin, herself an ar- 
tist of no mean attainments, and on the 9th of May he sent 
her a catalogue of the Royal Academy Exhibition, with the 
following remarks : — 

* The Exhibition of the Royal Academy is very good 
this year. The best picture is undoubtedly that of your 
marriage." It is, indeed, altogether excellent, and is acknowl- 
edged and admired as such on all hands. Dobson has some 
very pretty things. Landseer, his " Flood " — a picture which 
I have seen in progress for twelve years, and which twelve 
years ago was wonderfully beautiful, and has been injured 
by every change it has undergone since, till now it has be- 
come a complete failure. What a pity ! Moira has painted 
a very good miniature of Alice, half-length, in a white ball- 
dress, en face, Dyce, Cooke, and Hook, have very pretty 
pictures, Herbert a small one only, and Maclise none at all. 
Many young artists have very good works, such as Elmore^ 
^^'g^ a younger Stone (the father is dead), Le Jeune, Ac. I 
send you a catalogue, in which I have set a mark against the 

One of the books which the Prince notes in his Diary for 
April as having read during the month, was the first series, 
then newly published, of Mr. Tennyson's Idylls of the King, 
With this masterpiece of genius, the Prince's name has since 
become identified through the poet's dedication of these 
poems to his memory — 

■world shall see wars commenced for the propagation of ideas, and peace con- 
cluded by the ac<]|uisition of dominions ? ' 

• By John Phillip. The picture is now at Windsor Castle. 


* Since he held them dear, 
Perchance as finding there unconsciously 
Some image of himself.' 

This dedication is in itself a consummate example of what 
poetry can do to perpetuate the memory of human worth, 
summing up, does, in few and memorahle words, the 
qualities which it has been the object of the present work to 
illustrate. The deep impression produced upon the Prince 
by the Idylls may be seen in the following letter which he 
wrote, asking Mr. Tennyson to inscribe with his name the 
copy of the volume in which he had first made acquaintance 
with them: — 

* My dear Mr. Tennyson, — Will you forgive me if I in- 
trude upon your leisure with a request which I have thought 
some little time of making, viz. that you would be good 
enough to write your name in the accompanying volume of 
your IdyUs of the King ? You would tnus add a peculiar 
mterest to the book containing those beautiful songs,* from 
the perusal of which I derived the greatest enjoyment. They 
quite rekindle the feeling with which the legends of King 
Arthur must have inspired the chivalry of old, whilst the 
graceful form in which they are presented blends those feel- 
ings with the softer tone of our present age. 

* Believe me always yours truly, 

' Albeet. 

'Buckingham Palace, I7th May, 1860. 

It is perhaps" superfluous to say that a request so gratify- 
ing was promptly complied with. The book was to the last 
a favourite with the Prince. In reading it to the Princess 
Frederick William, during her visit to England in 1861, he 
pointed out passages from which he wished her to make pic- 
tures, and she was engaged upon these at the time of his 

A letter to the Prince, from Berlin, announcing the de- 
spatch of gifts from the Princess Frederick William for the 
approaching anniversary (24th May) of the Queen's birthday, 
received the following answer (16th May) : — 

» The Prince uses * songs ' here as the equivalent of the word * Lieder,' 
which in German would properly enough he applied to such poems as the 
IdyUi of ike King, 


' The fan has reached me safely, and shall be displayed 
on the table on the 24th, as a birthday present from you 
both. Last year we had yourself ! — not upon the table, for 
you are grown somewhat weighty, but before, beside, and 
near it. I await the works of your hand with impatience, 
and will place them as you direct. The Children in the 
Tower must certainly furnish a good composition for sculp- 
ture : you will probably have introduced the dog, to indi- 
cate the approach of the murderers, and to suggest it to the 
spectator. I shall also be most anxious to see the other ha^- 
reliefs, when they are moulded. The profile of the Bride " 
also will be sure to give great pleasure to Mama {i, e, your 
Mama). If only everything arrives at the right time, and 
unbroken ! The latter, indeed, in a journey all the way 
from Berlin, is hardlv to be assumed as possible ; still one 
may venture to hope. 

The promised works of art arrived, as we shall hereafter 
see, in time and unbroken, and were greatly admired. 

The month of May was fertile in incidents both abroad 
and at home, of great political importance. 

The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies had been brought to 
the verge of revolution by the despotic measures of the 
young King, Francis II. Deaf to the remonstances of foreign 
diplomatists, and untaught by the events which had taken 
place in the Duchies and the Romagna, he persisted in the 
arbitrary system which had made the government of his 
father detested. Every aspiration for the liberty which had 
been achieved in Northern and Central Italy was relentlessly 
crushed, and the affections of his people had become hope- 
lessly alienated. As far back as July 1859, Lord John Rus- 
sell, in writing to Mr. Elliot, the British Minister at Kaples, 
had said : * The King has now to choose between the ruin 
of his evil councillors or his own. If he supports and up- 
holds them, and places himself under their guidance, it re- 
quires not much foresight to predict, that the Bourbon 
dynasty will cease to reign at Naples, by whatever combina- 
tion, regal or republican, it may be replaced.' The forecast 
was now to be fulfilled. 

The revolutionary spirit first showed itself in Sicily. The 

8 A medallion portrait of the CountesB Lynar by the Princess Frederick 


movement had been long preparing, but a sense of their own 
weakness, and a vivid remembrance of the terrible vengeance 
taken by the Neapolitan Government in 1849, had hitherto 
held the Sicilians m check. In the first week of April, how- 
ever, the insurrection broke out at Palermo, from which it 
spread rapidly to Messina and other parts of the island. Fre- 
quent collisions took place between the insurgents and the 
royal troops throughout that month, and still the insurgents 
held their own, stimulated and encouraged by a revolution- 
ary committee at Turin, whose avowed object was to unite 
the Kingdom of Sicily to the free provinces, which were in 
the course of becoming incorporated with Sardinia. This 
committee included exiles both from Naples and Sicily, 
several of whom had suffered deeply in their own persons 
from the tyrannical cruelty of the Neapolitan Government. 
The accounts which reached Garibaldi of the strong fight 
which the Sicilians were making for their liberties, deter- 
mined him to go to their assistance, and he sailed from Genoa 
on the 5th of May with a body of about 2,000 men, which 
had been organised for a descent upon the coast of Sicily.* 

From Talamona, on the Roman frontier, Garibaldi issued 
a proclamation calling upon the inhabitants of the Marches, 
Umbria, the Roman Campagna, and the Neapolitan territory, 
to rise, so as to divide the forces of King Francis, while he 
carried assistance to the Sicilians against the common enemy. 
^ Italy and Victor Fmmanuel !' he added. * That was our 
battle-cry when we crossed the Ticino ; it will resound into 
the very depths of Etna.' A few days later he effected a 
landing at Marsala, in full view of two Neapolitan frigates, 
assumed the title of * Dictator in Sicily in the name of Victor 
Emmanuel,' and, bearing down with his handful of men the 
opposition of the royal forces, advanced upon Palermo. By 
the 27th of May he was in possession of the town, having 
driven the Neapolitan troops into the citadel, which, after 
raining a destructive and futile fire upon the town, they ulti- 
mately evacuated under an arrangement with Garibaldi. 

The tidings of what at first had seemed the wildest of 
crusades, but soon showed itself to be the prelude to the fall 
of a dynasty, created no small confusion* among the diplo- 
matists of Europe. It was natural that Garibaldi, by prof ess- 

• On the day he sailed, Garibaldi wrote from Genoa to his friend Bertani : 
* I never advised this Sicilian movement ; but since these brethren of ours are 
fighting, I deem it my duty to go to their rescue.' 

88 tJPON SICILY. 1860 

ing, as he did, to act in the name of Victor Emmanuel, should 
draw upon the Kin^ the suspicion of having instigated and 
encouraged the Sicilian expedition. Ohviously it could not 
have been organised without his knowledge, or the knowledge 
of Cavour, who not only had taken no steps to prevent its 
leaving the port of Genoa, but was generally believed to have 
instructed Admiral Persano, who had the command of a Sar- 
dinian squadron, to help in enabling the expedition to replen- 
ish their stock of provisions in the Straits of Messina, and to 
cover the passage of fresh volunteers, under Cozenz and Me- 
dici, to join the standard of GkiribaldL There were reasons 
why Cavour, without lending active encouragement to the 
enterprise, should welcome it as freeing Sardinia from the 
pressure of a serious difficulty. The Court of Naples had for 
some time been concerting measures with the Papal Govern- 
ment for the organisation of an army to recover possession 
of the revolted Papal States — a purpose favourably regarded 
by Austria, which had not yet become reconciled to the re- 
tention by Sardinia of her acquisitions in Northern and Cen- 
tral Italy. But, with the insurrection in Sicily on his hands, 
the King of Naples could not move a step in this direction. 
Moreover, if the South of Italy were bent on following in 
the footsteps of the other half of the peninsula, it was not 
to be expected that the Sardinian Government should seek 
to arrest the national movement, or, by holding entirely aloof 
from it, deliver over the country to be the prey of anarchy, 
or the spoil of some foreign pretender. But it is now known, 
beyond a doubt, that Count Cavour had no part in organis- 
ing the Sicilian expedition. Garibaldi, smarting under the 
cession of Nice, which had made him an alien in his own 
country, would indeed have rejected any offers of assistance 
from his hand. * If we succeed,' he wrote to the King of 
Sardinia, before leaving Genoa, ^ I shall be proud to adorn 
your Majesty's crown with a new, and perhaps more brilliant 
jewel, but always on the condition that your Majesty will 
resist your advisers, should they wish to cede this province 
to the stranger, as they have ceded my native city.' 

With such a cause of quarrel dividing them, concert be- 
tween Cavour and Garibaldi was impossible. Besides, had 
the choice rested with Cavour, he would have preferred 
being left free for a time to consolidate the kingdom of 
Northern Italy — in itself a task to engage the stoutest ener- 
gies, and the highest statesmanship — ^to forcing on to a 


solution the larger qnestion of Italian unity. But neither 
he nor any one could control the movement which was now 
begun, any more than he could have anticipated the results 
at which it was so soon to arrive, and which left him no 
alternative but to take an active part in the national struffgle. 
Meanwhile he could only watch and wait, and be in readmess 
to act as the turn of events might suggest. 

But the storm of protests which assailed him from all 
quarters taxed his firmness and fertility of resource to the 
uttermost. Austria denounced Garibaldi's enterprise as a 
fresh proof of the aggressive ambition of Sardinia, and called 
upon the other Powers to join with her in reducinf^ to reason 
this disturber of the European peace. A coalition of the 
Northern Powers to curb Piedmontese ambition was talked 
of at Berlin. The Sardinian Ambassador at St. Petersburg 
was roundly told by Prince Gortschakoff that, if Russia's 
geographical position permitted, the Emperor would un- 
doubtedly put his forces in motion to defend the Bourbons 
of Naples, and would not be withheld by the principle of 
non-intervention which had been proclaimed by the Western 
Powers. If the Cabinet of Turin were carried away by its 
revolutionary proclivities into forgetfulness of its interna- 
tional duties, it would be necessary, he added, for the other 
European Governments to consider what were to be their 
future relations with Piedmont. France, taken like the rest 
of the world by surprise, protested against any attempt by 
Sardinia to extend her territories, while England, fearful 
that any overt act of Sardinia against either the King of 
the Two Sicilies, or against Austria, might result in an 
European war, urged upon her the importance of keeping 
aloof from the struggle. In making this representation. 
Lord John Russell did not conceal his apprehension, that 
the surrender of Genoa and the island of Sardinia to France 
would be made the condition of her assent to the Kingdom 
of the Two Sicilies being united with the rest of Italy. But 
on this point his fears were groundless. Italy had paid 
France the price stipulated for her liberation. Cavour knew 
and felt, that by the surrender of Savoy and Nice, he had 
done more than fulfil an old compact. He had bound the 
Emperor of the French to place no obstacles in the way of 
Italian unity, if by the force of events that should become 

*• Od the 6th of April, Sir James Hudson had written to Lord John Kua- 


Pressed in this way upon all sides, the Sardinian Govern- 
ment published (18th May), in the official gazette, a declara- 
tion, that it had ' disapproved Garibaldi's expedition, and 
attempted to prevent its departure by such means as pru- 
dence and the laws would permit. Europe,' it went on to 
say, ' knows that the Government of the King does not con- 
ceal its solicitude for the common country, but, at the same 
time, it understands and respects the principles of interna- 
tional law, and believes its duty to be to make that principle 
respected in the State, for the safety of which it was respon- 
sible.' These words, meant to quiet the various Chanceries of 
Europe, were probably forgotten when, in the following Octo- 
ber, Victor Emmanuel, addressing the people of Southern 
Italy from Ancona, spoke of Garibaldi, * a brave warrior, de- 
voted to Italy and to me,' as having sprung to assist the 
Sicilians in their revolt. * They were Italians ; I could not, 
I ought not to restrain them.' But by this time the Neapoli- 
tan dynasty had fallen, and events had proved the truth of 
Mr. Disraeli's words (swjora, p. 29), that, however foreign 
Powers might protest, or the Piedmontese Government dis- 
claim, Italy was ' in a state far beyond the management and 
settlement of Courts and Cabinets.' 

Indeed these Courts and Cabinets had immediate cares of 
their own upon their hands, which demanded all their vigi- 
lance and skill. Austria was in terror of a revolution in 
Hungary on the one hand, while it was pressed on the other 
by the smaller States of Germany to assist them against the 
operations of French intrigue. Prussia was equally appre- 
hensive of invasion on the Rhine, and Belgium had been 
made no less uneasy by the language freely held in influen- 
tial French circles about contemplated annexation ; while 
the complaints which Russia, as we have seen, was urgently 
pressing in regard to the state of the Christian provinces of 
Turkey, were the too probable prelude to complications little 
likely to be favourable to European peace. 

England, rightly or wrongly, was full of distrust of her 
neighbour, whom she suspected as the chief f omenter of the 
prevailing disquietude. The general feeling was reflected 

sell : * The deputies from Emilia and Tuscany accept the cession of Savoy and 
Nice, as the price they pay to France for their liberation : but there ends their 

siguilicance, read in the light of subsequent events. 


by the Queen in writing (8th May) to King Leopold : * The 
restlessness of our neighbour, and the rumours one hears, 
must destroy all confidence. Really it is too bad ! No 
country, no human being, would ever dream of disturbing 
or attacking France ; every one would be glad to see her 
prosperous. But she must needs disturb every quarter of 
the globe, and try to make mischief, and set every one by 
the ears. Of course this will end some day in a regular 
crusade against the universal disturber of the world.' 

Meanwhile the French Emperor was adding to his army, 
and, what more nearly concerned England, to his fleet. 
Thoroughly awakened to the inadequate state of our de- 
fences, the enthusiasm which had given rise to the establish- 
ment of the Volunteer Corps continued to gain in strength. 
The Report of a Royal Comnfission appointed in the previous 
autumn on National Defences, which had been made public 
early in the year, had demonstrated the necessity for exten- 
sive works for the protection of our arsenals and certain other 
places, on which an invading force might be concentrated 
with disastrous results. The question raised by this Report 
was considered by the majority of the Cabinet to be so 
vitally urgent, as to demand that the great expenditure in- 
volved — about nine millions — should at once be faced. This 
sum it was originally proposed to raise by a loan to be repaid 
in twenty years. 

The scheme met with no favour from Mr. Gladstone, 
either as to its object, or the mode in which the necessary 
funds were to be raised. In writing to the Queen (24th 
May) reporting the result of the deliberations of the Cabinet 
upon the subject, Lord Palmerston mentioned, that the Duke 
of Newcastle had told him that Mr. Gladstone's intention 
was to resign if the works were to be done by loan. ' Vis- 
count Palmerston hopes,' he added,. ' to be able to overcome 
his objection, but if that should prove impossible, however 
great the loss to the Government by the retirement of Mr. 
Gladstone, it would be better to lose Mr. Gladstone, than to 
run the risk of losing Portsmouth or Plymouth.' 

Mr. Gladstone's scruples were ultimately to a certain ex- 
tent overcome, and it was decided to raise the necessary 
funds, as they should from time to time be required for the 
works, by means of annuities terminable in thirty years. It 
was late in the Session, however, before the scheme could be 
matured. On the 23rd of July, Lord Palmerston proposed 


a resolution to authorise the raising of 2,000,000/., being as 
much as could be advantageously spent within the ensuing 
year, of the total sum of 9,000,000/. required. A majority of 
268 to 39 having decided in favour of the resolution, a Bill 
to give it effect was subsequently introduced, and carried 
rapidly through both Houses. 

It was not to be supposed, that the lars^e sums required 
for giviBg effect to the ^ort on Nationil Defencee, and 
the decline of revenue from other sources, should not have 
materially shaken the belief in the soundness of some of the 
items of Mr. Gladstone's financial scheme for the year. No 
part of it had waned in favour more decidedly than his pro- 
posal to abolish the Paper duties. This had been shown by 
majorities that dwindled at each stage of the measure. It 
only passed the third reading id the Commons by a majority 
of nine — a majority which it was notorious that many of 
those who composed it would willingly have seen reversed. 
*This,' Lord Palmerston wrote (7th May) to the Queen, 
* may probably encourage the House of Lords to throw out 
the Bill when it comes to their House, and Viscount Palmer- 
ston is. bound in duty to say that, if they do so, they will 
perform a good public service. Circumstances have greatly 
changed since the measure was agreed to by the Cabinet, 
and although it would undoubtedly have been difficult for 
the Government to have given up the Bill, yet, if Parliament 
were to reject it, the Government might well submit to so 
welcome a defeat.' 

The House of Lords, upon the invitation of Lord Mont- 
eagle, an habitual supporter of Lord Palmerston's govern- 
ment, rejected the measure (21st May) by a majority of 89. 
The country and the great bulk of the House of Commons 
were gratified by this vote, although an outcry was raised 
against It, as an invasion by the House of Lords of the ex- 
clusive privilege of the House of Commons to deal with 
questions of taxation. But, although the instances of their 
having done so might be few, the Lords had always claimed 
the right to reject a Money Bill, although they could not 
originate one, and the efforts to raise a strong feeling on the 
subject were powerless in the face of the general conviction 
that they had in the present instance ' done a right and use- 
ful thing.' " 

11 These are Lord Palmerston's words. In a letter to the Queen (22nd 
May), in which they occur, Lord Palmerston mentions as an evidence of tho 


While these important political events were engaging the 
public attention, the Prince, who, as usual, watched narrowly 
every movement at home and abroad, was no less interested 
by measures which were then in progress, with relation to 
our Indian Empire. 

The subject of the Order for India, which had been sug- 
gested by iter Majesty at the termination of the Indian Mu- 
tiny (vol. iv. p. 362 ante)y was brought again imder the 
Prince's notice by Sir Charles Wood, in a letter on the 15th 
of May, in which he mentioned that Sir Frederick Currie and 
Sir John Lawrence had been consulting Indians of varied ex- 
perience as to a title for the order which would be suitable 
both to Europeans and to Indian Princes. They had sug- 
gested * The Star of Honour for England and India,' or * The 
Eastern Star of Honour.' In the same letter Sir Charles 
Wood mentioned that Lord Canning had written urging 
that a decision as to the Order should soon be come to and 
carried into effect. 

The next day the Prince wrote in reply, going into the 
whole question in his usual exhaustive way : — 

* My dear Sir Charles, — I was glad to receive a sign from 
you that the question of the High Order for India is not for- 
gotten amid the multitude of other important matters. I 
cannot say I like the suggested names. " The Eastern Star 
of Honour " would be better than " The Star of Honour for 
England and India ; " but they both seem copied from the 
" Legion of Honour " of Napoleon ; " and assuming the fact 
that this is the Star of Honour par exceUencSy it would de- 
preciate the other British Orders as marks of honour, or ex- 
clude all acknowledgment of merit in this new one. In 
France, Napoleon substituted his " Legion " for an aristoc- 
racy, which the Revolution had abolished, and he originally 
intended it to be the only honour for Frenchmen. 

*The name has another inconvenience, viz. that it is 
rather the denomination of the Decoration than the name of 
the Order itself. You could not call the Order " The Order 

prevalence of this feeling, that * the people in the gallery of the House of Lords 
are said to have joined in tiie cheers which broke out when the numbers of the 
division were announced.' 

" This was explained by Sir C. Wood in his reply to the Prince (21 st May) 
not to be the case. A number of words and phrases had been suggested by 
the persons consulted, and they all contained * Honour ' in one shape or an- 


of the Indian Star of Honour." You have got the Star of 
the Garter, or Thistle, or Bath, but the Order is " The Order 
of the Garter," " Thistle," or " Bath." 

* You might have an Order " of the Eastern Star." Then 
the Eastern Star, as a celestial body or figurative emblem, 
would become the subject and presiding idea of the Order. 
Perhaps this would not be a bad notion, if the astronomers 
don't object to the non-existence of such a particular star 
(Sweden has got an Order of the North Star), or the emblem 
be not considered unintelligible to the Indians. The Eastern 
Star preceded the Three Kings, or Wise Men, when they did 
homage to the infant Christ, and may be taken as the em- 
blem of dawning Christianity. As the light of the world 
came from the East (like the sun), and the human races are 
supposed to have spread from the East, the emblem might 
be eligible also on that account, and not uncomplimentary 
to the Indians. 

*Is the Eastern Star the Morning Star? Would the 
Morning Star be a proper emblem ? 

* Persia has already got an Order of the Sun, else the sun 
would have been a nt emblem. The sunflower has been 
chosen by artists as the emblem of India, as the Rose is 
that of England. 

' The Orders of Knighthood are peculiar to that portion 
of the Middle Ages, when Christian chivalry mixed with 
Eastern custom in the Crusades. All later Orders are mere 
imitations, and it is in the feelings of those days (not in- 
applicable to our position in India) that we must look for 
inspirations. There existed then universally acknowledged 
emblems for certain ideas, as well in chivalry as in the 
Church. The lion was the type of power and generosity, 
the eagle of high aspirations, the crown of dignity, &c. &c., 
and we find them, as well as the different patron saints, made 
the emblems of the different orders of knighthood, with 
their appropriate mottoes. The Order itself was a confra- 
ternity of a chosen few, who assumed the emblem and wore 
the decoration as token of their devotion to the idea which 
the emblem represented. 

* Keeping this as the true model, the emblems which 
occur to me, besides " The Eastern Star," are the dove as 
Emblem of Peace (for us, that of the Holy Ghost), the Brit- 
ish Lion, as representing the British Monarchy — (the White 
Elephant has been taken by Denmark for her chief Order, 


from the time when she aspired to power in India, and would 
but for that be most appropriate) — ^the Rose, as emblem of 
England ; the Lotus nower, as an Indian emblem (I am 
afraid, exclusively Hindoo, and not acknowledged by the 

' ' The " Eastern Star " will perhaps on the whole be the 
best denomination. The centre of the badge of the Order 
might then be the Queen's image surmounted by a star, and 
surrounded by an appropriate motto, and the Star of the 
Order might be the star surrounded by flames or a glory.' 
[Here the Prince gave a sketch ofbothA '*The badge to be 
worn suspended from a collar, which might be composed of 
stars, lions, and unicorns, or the sunflower, or lotus, and 
lions, Ac, and ordinarily from a ribbon.' [Of this also the 
JPHnce gave a sketch.^ 

* The presiding idea would be contained in the Angels' 
salutation, " Glory to God, peace on earth, and good will to- 
wards men " — not a bad motto for the Queen's Government 
in India. 

* Buckingham Falaoe, 16th May, 1860.' 

To settle the name and insignia of the proposed Order 
was found to be no simple matter. For a time the * Eastern 
Star ' had the preference ; but a letter from Lord Canning 
to Sir Charles Wood (3rd November, 1860) showed that to 
this there was an insuperable objection : — 

*The Hindustani for the "Eastern Star,"' he wrote, Ms ^^Poorheah SU- 
tara.'^'* "Poarbeah " has, as you probably know, become a sort of generic 
name given to our Sepoys, from their being mostly men from Behar and 
Oudh — Eastern provinces ; and during the Mutinies it grew to be used, some- 
what as ^^Pandy " was used, as a familiar name for the mutineers. This, 
however, is not the point. That association is already passing away. But 
"Poor6eaA," for the very reason that it means " Eastern," and that in India 
the further any person or thing comes from the East, the less is the respect 
shown to either, has been a term of disparagement time out of mind. Long 
before mutinous Sepoys were heard of, an Indian resented being called a 
"Poo7*6^a/i." Jhe term was, and, — as Frere assures me,— still is eagerly re- 
pudiated by every one who comes from far enough west to be able to do so. 
He speaks with knowledge, for his time has been passed chiefly amongst the 
Mahrattas and Rajpoots, who are the best and proudest blood in India. I 
asked him if there was anything insulting in the word. He said. Not quite 
that ; but that it implied the same sort of contemptuous superiority on the 
part of one Indian, who used it towards another, as would be implied by an 
Englishman who should call an Irishman a " Faddy," or address a Scotchman 
as " Sawney." ' 


Other names were then suggested. * Western Star,' 
* Celestial Star,' *The Star of Peace,' *The British Star,' 
were successively rejected, and the balance had turned in 
favour of * The Star of India and England,' when an unex- 
pected objection was raised by the Lord Chancellor [Camp- 
bell]. * England,' he said, * is colloquially used to represent 
the United Kingdom, but never internationally, or between 
the Crown and people. The proposed title would seem to 
exclude Scotland and Ireland from connection with India,' 
which, Lord Campbell went on to say, would be ^ very unjust 
to the late Marquis of Dalhousie, and many other natives of 
Scotland, who have taken a distinguished part in conquering 
and governing India.' On hearing from Sir Charles Wood 
of this objection, the Prince wrote to him (5th January, 
1861) : — *The fatality which attaches to the choice of a 
name for the Indian Order appears still to pursue it, and now 
the Lord Chancellor rises up as a giant against it ! I am 
afraid we must bow to his objections and start afresh. I con- 
fess I am not sorry that the " Star of England and India " 
should share the fate of its predecessors, as a cumbersome 
denomination, and I agree with you, that to add Great Brit- 
ian, Ireland, the Deccan, Scinde, Calcutta, Ac, which con- 
sistency would drive us to, would be almost ridiculous.' 

Fresh suggestions were made, none of them satisfactory, 
and the Prince again (9th January, 1861) wrote to Sir Charles 
Wood : * It is unfortunate that we get no further with the 
appellation of the Order than from one difficulty into an- 
other, and I might be inclined to give it the sign and name 
of a house at Toplitz, — ^the sign being gilt figures of men 
rowing against a rock, with the title of " The Golden Impos- 
sibility." ' Not till some time afterwards was the difficulty 
solved, and the institution of * The Most Exalted Order of 
the Star of India' (23rd February, 1861) set the question at 
rest to the general satisfaction." 

The decision of the Cabinet early in May upon another 

" Most of the Prince's suggestions were carried out in the.insi^ia of the 
Order. The star consists of rays of gold issuing from a centre, havinff thereon 
a star in diamonds, resting on a light blue enamelled circular riband, tied at 
the ends, inscribed with the motto. ' Heaven's Light our Guide,' also in dia- 
monds. The collar is composed or the lotus of mdia, of palm-branches tied 
together, in saltier, and of the United Ked and White Kose ; in the centre is 
an imperial crown, and the whole is enamelled on gold. The badge is an onyx 
cameo of Her Majesty's Head, set in a perforated and ornamented oval, contain- 
ing the motto of the Order, surmounted by a star, all in diamonds. The ribbon 
of the Order is sky-blue, with a narrow stripe of white on either edge. 


matter affecting India was a source of great satisfaction to 
the Queen and Prince. This was the determination to dis- 
continue the separate European army in India, and to amal- 
gamate it with the general hody of Her Majesty's European 
forces. On this subject the opinions of the Queen and Prince 
had been very strongly expressed, so far back as the 10th of 
October, 1858, in a Memorandum for the consideration of the 
Cabinet (quoted ante^ vol. iv. p. 259). But these opinions 
were not shared by the government of Lord Derby, whose 
policy on this subject was for a time adopted by that of 
liord Palmerston. Their views, however, had been altered 
by what had taken place in India in the meantime, more par- 
ticularly by the conduct of the local English army, which 
had shown itself wanting in subordination and loyalty, and 
this, under circumstances which might have proved, and, if 
the system of a local force were continued, might again 
prove, a serious danger to our position in India. The diffi- 
culties which beset the question were materially simplified 
by the fact, that the rank and file had virtually disbanded 
themselves on a question of disputed bounty. But what was 
decisive was that the balance of opinion, supported by Lord 
Clyde, Sir Hugh Rose, Sir William Mansfield, and others of 
the highest military experience, inclined to the views ex- 
pressed in the Prince's Memorandum. * Simplicity, unity, 
and steadiness of system, and unity of command,' they held 
with bim, were essential to the efficiency of our military 
force in India as elsewhere. Accordingly, instead of the two 
armies which had hitherto existed, it was now determined to 
substitute an imperial army, taking its turn of duty through- 
out the British Empire, in all its home provinces and foreign 
dependencies, including India. 

This resolution of the Cabinet had of course to be carried 
out with a due regard to the interests of the officers of the 
Anglo-Indian Army, and it was not till the 12th of June, 
that the reasons on which it had been founded were laid be- 
fore the House of Commons by Sir Charles Wood, in moving 
for leave to bring in a Bill to give it effect. The measure 
was opposed in all its stages ; but the opinion of the public 
and of the House of Commons in its favour was so clearly 
declared in the course of the debates, that it was ultimately 
read there a third time aod passed without a division on the 
7th of August. No division was taken upon it in the House 
of Lords, and it became law in a few days. 

VOL, V. — 5 


At this period, the Queen and Prince were in the fre- 
quent habit of visiting the camp at Aldershot, and showing 
their interest in its development as a training centre for 
active operations. On their return from a three days' visit 
there, the Prince wrote (15th May) to Baron Stockmar : — 

*We returned yesterday afternoon from the camp at 
Aldershot, where we spent Sunday, and had a review yester- 
day. The 18,000 men who are collected there look remark- 
ably well. 

' At last spring has come, and the trees begin to put on 
their array. No one remembers such a protracted, unplea- 
sant, and unwholesome winter. Everybody here was ill, and 
the deaths in society, so late even as last week, were again 
very striking. Of these, the Archbishop of York and Gen- 
eral Berkeley Drummond were among your acquaintance. 
By the death of the latter, Colonel Seymour (our equerry) 
becomes a General, and General Grey gets a regiment, for 
which The Times of yesterday attacked him shamefully, and 
me with him. Grey treats this more lightly than he does a 
bad finger, which has given him a great deal of pain for a 
month past. In other respects the Household are well, Clark 
[Sir James] especially so. Get up your strength, so that as 
much may be said of you. The warm weather, which has 
now set in, is sure to have a beneficial influence on your 

* In politics all the fiends have been let loose with a ven- 
geance. . . . The result is a perilous conflagration of all the 
rotten places throughout Europe of whose existence we were 
well aware. France is looked upon here with infinite dis- 
trust. I cannot, however, say that any other Power is 
trusted,, or that they mutually trust each other ; and this 
will continue to be the case, so long as no " common accord " 
is established, and that is only to be achieved under the 
guidance and fostering care of England. We preach this 
daily, hourly ; Lord Palmerston and Lord John now view 
matters in the same light. In Parliament, too, things look 
no better. Fortunately, the House of Lords will reject the 
Bill for the abolition of the Paper duty, and so keep for use 
a million and a half of revenue, which Gladstone had thrown 
overboard, with a view of forcing us into disarmamentnext year. 

* The Volunteers have already run up to 124,000 men, 
and make an excellent appearance — a proof there is no lack 
of patriotism in the country.' 


Court at Osborne— Maltifluions Nature of Prince Consort'B OocapatioDS— Prince Lonia of 
Hesse — ^Wellington College — Prince Consort's Speech at Dinner of Grenadier Guards — 
Volunteer Keview in Hyde Park— Speech at Trinity House— First Wimbledon Rifle 
Competition— French £mperor seeks to restore Confidence— Meets Prince Begent of 
Prussia at Baden. 

The winter and spring of this year had been cold, wet, 
and cheeriess, and they were the forerunners of a sunless 
summer and a wintry autumn. A brief gleam of fine weather 
during a ten-days' visit of the Queen and Prince to Osborne 
was made doubly delightful by the contrast to the dreary 
months which preceded it. If only the stormy and unsettled 
aspect of the world of English and European politics could 
have been forgotten, and the crowd of claims put out of view 
that awaited the return to London, the Prince would have 
* drunk in the spirit of the season,' as only such lovers of 
nature as he can do. But how impossible that was, is very 
plainly shown in the following passages from his usual 
weekly letter to his daughter at Berlin : — 

* Osborne, 23rd May, 1860. 
' Your letter of the 20th has found me in the enjoyment 
of the most glorious air, the most fragrant odours, the mer- 
riest choirs of birds, and the most luxuriant verdure ; and 
were there not so many things that reminded one of the so- 
called World (that is to say, of miserable men), one might 
abandon oneself wholly to the enjoyment of the real world. 
There is no such good fortune, however, for poor me ; and, 
this being so, one's feelings remain under the influence of 
the treadmill of never-ending business. The donkey in Caris- 
brook, which you will remember, is my true counterpart. 
He, too, would rather munch thistles in the Castle Moat, 
than turn round in the wheel at the Castle Well ; and small 
are the thanks he gets for his labour. 


* I am tortured, too, by the prospect of two public din- 
ners, at which I am, or rather shall be, in the chair. The 
one gives me seven, the other ten toasts and speeches, appro- 
priate to the occasion, and distracting to myself.* Then I 
have to resign at Oxford the Presidency of the British 
Association, and later in the season to open the Statistical 
Congress of all nations. Between these come the laying the 
foundation stone of the Dramatic College, the distribution 
of the Prizes at Wellington College, &c. &c. ; and this, with 
the sittings of my different Commissions, and Ascot races 
the delectable, and the Balls and Concerts of the season all 
crowded into the month of June, over and above the custo- 
mary business, which a distracted state of affairs in Europe, 
and a stormy Parliament . . . make still more burdensome 
and disagreeable than usual. 

* Some successes, however, gladden me. The Ministers 
have at last determined to unite the separate English army 
in India with the Line, in which I see the averting of a great 
danger. . . . 

' Your works of art have arrived duly, and oh, wonder ! 
— unbroken. I admire them greatly. The composition is 
charming, and I now see the significance of the dog as typi- 
fying fidelity, in contrast to the treachery that caused the 
death of the two innocent boys.' Countess Lynar is very 
like, and makes a pretty medallion.' 

A week after this letter was written the Court returned 
to London (Slst May), and the Prince plunged into the vor- 
tex of multifarious pursuits which he has here depicted. On 
the 1st of June he laid the foundation stone at Woking 
of the Dramatic College, one of the few institutions in which 
he interested himself, which have not succeeded. The next 
and two following days he was in communication with the 
promoters of the Great Exhibition of 1862, who were anxious 
for his taking a leading part in the arrangements for it, as he 
had done in 1851. This was impossible, consistently with 
the other claims on his time, but he found it hard to deter- 
mine what position he should take up in regard to it. On 
the 5th the Court went to Windsor Castle for the Ascot 
races, and time had to be found within the next three days 

' Gelegenheitsreden (heaser^ Verlegenlieitareden). It is impossible to give in 
English the punning play upon the prefixes ge and ver of the original. 

« This refers to a bas-relief, by the Princess, of the two Princes in the Tower. 


for them and for the duties of hospitality to a namerous 
assemblage of quests. Among these were the King of the 
Belgians and his second son, and the young Prince Louis of 
Ilesse-Darmstadt and his brother. 

On the 8th, we find, from the Prince's Diary, he was en- 
gaged with the Duke of Newcastle in settling the details 
of the Prince of Wales' approaching visit to Canada. Into 
these the Prince went with a fullness of knowledge of the 
Colony and of the characteristics of the different places to be 
visited, which was the admiration of the Duke, when he came 
to test it by the actual experiences of the journey. Not then, 
but a little further on, the Prince suppliea the Duke of New- 
castle with Memoranda, written amid all the distractions of 
the busy June, for the answers to be made to the Addresses, 
which might be expected to be presented to the Prince of 
Wales during his progress. In writing, on the eve of his de- 
parture for Canada, to thank the Prince for these Memoran- 
da, the Duke said : — 

* They will be of the greatest use to me, not only as fur- 
nishing new ideas for documents, which, from the frequency 
of their repetition, must unavoidably have the fault of same- 
ness when proceeding from one pen, but as informing me of 
the tone and character which will be most in accordance with 
the Queen's and Your Royal Highness's wishes.' 

Every one of these Memoranda was used, and they were 
found to be invaluable, from the peculiar aptness with which 
they had been framed to suit the circumstances of the dif- 
ferent localities, and the idiosyncrasies of their populations.* 

Returning to London on the 8th, the Prince wrote to 
Baron Stockmar next day, with a piece of family news, 
which it was right that valued friend should be among the 
first to hear : — 

^ . . We returned yesterday from the Ascot races, which 
unfortunately were made more tedious than usual by inces- 
sant rain. 

' The two young Princes of Hesse-Darmstadt leave Eng- 
land tO"day, and have just taken leave. There is no doubt 

» Our authority for this statement is Mr. G. D. Engleheart, the Du^e of 
Newcastle's Secretary, who accompanied him through Canada and the United 
States with the Prince of Wales. 

102 MR. ARTHUR HELPS. 1860 

that the eldest (Louis) and Alice have formed a mutual lik- 
ing, and although the visit fortunately has passed over with- 
out any declaration, I have no doubt it will lead to further 
advances from the young gentleman's family. We should 
not be averse to such an alliance, as the family is good and 
estimable (hrav und achtbar)^ and the young man is unexcep- 
tionable in morals, manly, and both in body and mind distin- 
guished by youthful freshness and vigour. As heir presump- 
tive to the Grand Duchy, his position would, moreover, not 
be unsuitable. . . . The Queen and myself look on as passive 
observers, which is undoubtedly our best course as matters 
at present stand. 

'. . . I must now once more take my leave. Our Reform 
Bill will be sent back again like a useless hack to its stall for 
this year ; no great loss.' 

The same day (9th June) Mr. Arthur Helps, who had 
been appointed Clerk of the Council, upon the retirement of 
the Hon. William L. Bathurst, was sworn in. The name 
which Mr. Helps had made for himself in literature, and his 
many engaging personal qualities, soon created an interest 
in him on the part of both the Queen and Prince. The feel- 
ing was mutual. To Mr. Helps the close observation of one 
who was to him his ' own ideal Prince,' was a privilege by 
which he was peculiarly qualified to profit, and it bore fruit 
in the subtle and eloquent sketch of the Prince's character, 
which was prefixed to th6 volume of the Prince's Speeches 
and Addresses, published at the end of 1862. He remained 
Clerk of the Council till his death in March 1875, and his 
loss was deeply mourned by the Queen as that of ' a true and 
devoted friend.' * 

The Commissions to which the Prince refers, in the letter 
to the Princess Frederick William above cited, as making 
regular demands upon his time, were the Fine Arts Commis- 
sion, the Commission for the Exhibition of 1861, the St; 

* A few days after Sir Arthur Helps's death (he was made K.C.B. in July, 
1872), the following tribute by the Queen to his memory appeared in the Court 
Circular : * By the death of Sir Arthur Helps the Queen has sustained a loss 
which has caused Her Majesty ^eat affliction. As a loyal subject and as a kind 
friend, he rendered to Her Majesty very important service. He assisted, with 
a delicacy of feeling and an amount of sympathy, which Her Majesty can never 
forget, in the publication of her record of the Prince Consort's Speeches, and 
of the Life m the Highlands^ to which he willingly devoted the powers of his 
enlightened and accomplished mind. The Queen feels that in him she has 
lost a true and devoted friend.' 


Martio's Provident Institution and the Wellington College. 
Of all these he was the President, and in all of them he took 
a most active interest, presiding at their frequent meetings, 
and directing all their deliberations. 

The Wellington College, the establishment of which had 
engrossed much of his attention (vol. iv. p. 320 ante), was 
now in full operation. The Queen had decided on givmg an 
Annual Medal for good conduct, and the regulations with 
reference to it were drawn up bv the Prince on the 16th of 
this month. The high tone in which they are conceived, and 
the justice shown in the mode of carrying them out, are too 
characteristic of their author for them to be omitted here : — 

'leth June, I860. 

' Her Majesty the Queen has been pleased to declare her intention of pre- 
senting a Gold Medal annually for good conduct to the scholars of Welling- 
ton College. 

' Her Majesty would wish, by the establishment of this prize, to hold up 
to the admiration of the students, and to their emulation, as far as they are 
capable of emulating such virtues, the great qualities of the hero and states- 
man, in whose honour and to whose memory the College has been instituted. 

* It is not beyond the power of any boy to exhibit cheerful submission to 
superiors, unselfish good-fellowship with equals, independence and self-respect 
with the strong, kindness and protection to the weak, a readiness to forgive 
offences towards himself, and to conciliate the differences of others, and, 
above all, fearless devotion to duty, and unflinching truthfulness. 

* He who displays all, or any of these qualities, will have so far trodden 
in the steps of the great Duke. 

' The Medal will, by Her Majesty's command, be awarded under the fol- 
lowing regulations : — 

* ^e Medal shall be granted to a boy to be selected annually by the Head 
Master, after consultation with the other Masters. 

* The name of the boy so selected shall be announced by the Head Master 
to the Prefects assembled for that purpose. 

*■ A week shall elapse between the announcement of the name selected to 
the Prefects and the submission of the name of the scholar recommended 
to Her Majesty. 

*■ During this week any Prefect who is acquainted with any act, or course 
of conduct upon the part of the boy selected, which he considers would dis- 
qualify him for such a distinction, shall communicate, in the first instance in 
writing, with the Head Master, who will make such inquiry as he may think 
necessary as to the truth and importance of the allegation. 

* Before the name selected is announced to the Prefects, the Head Master 
shall state to several boys, the number to be judged by him, that it is prob- 
able that one of them will be selected for this distinction, and ask them each 
whether, supposing he should be the one chosen, he will be ready and willing 
to have his eligibility for such a prize subjected to the ordeal of the judgment 
of his schoolfellows, represented by the Prefects. 

'The Medal shall be presented in public, before all the Masters and 
scholars of the College, and shall belong to the recipient absolutely, unless 


he shall at any f atnre time oommit any act which shall be considered to dis- 
qualify him for such an honour.* 

On the same day (16tb June) on which these regulations 
were drawn up by the Prince, he presided in the Banqueting 
Room, St. James s Palace, at a dinner given to celebrate the 
two-hundredth anniversary of the formation of the Grenadier 
Guards. Eight years previously the Prince had been ap- 
pointed to succeed the Duke of Wellington in the command 
of this regiment, — a distinction on which he dwelt with 
emphasis in proposing the toasts of the evening. His rapid 
glance at the brilliant annals of the regiment showed how 
well he knew the way to touch the hearts of brave men, and 
to kindle in them that emulation of a great past which is the 
life-blood of a national army : — 

* We are assembled,* he said, * to celebrate the two-hundredth anniversary 
of the formation of the Regiment as at present constituted — two hundred 
years, which embrace the most glorious period of the history of our country 
— and in the most glorious events of this history the Regiment has borne an 
important and distinguished part. It has fought at sea and on land, in most 
parts of Europe, in Africa and America ; and, whether fighting the French, 
Dutch, Spaniards, Moors, Turks, or Russians, it has stood to its colours, up- 
held the honour of the British name, and powerfully contributed to those 
successes which have, under God's blessing, made that name stand proudly 
forth amongst the nations of the earth. 

* I need not recall to your recollection its deeds, which must be all present 
to your minds ; but I cannot forego on such an occasion pointing at least to 
some of the most important of the long and uninterrupted list of victories 
with which the Grenadier Guards have been associated. I must point to the 
celebrated siege and capture of Namur, the first defence of Gibraltar, the 
capture of Barcelona and Valencia, the battles of Blenheim, Ramillies, Oude- 
narde, and Malplaquet, the battle of Dettingen, — ay ! and of Fontenoy, where, 
though the victory did not ultimately remain with the Allies, it was fairly won, 
as far as the English were concerned, and that by the conspicuous prowess of 
the Grenadier Guards ! the capture of Cherbourg, which, just a century ago, 
looked grimly across at our shores ; the battles in Germany under the Marquis 
of Granby ; the battle of Lincelles ; those of Corunna, Barossa, and the Py- 
renees ; the capture of St. Sebastian ; battles of Nive and Nivelles, and of 
Waterloo; in which last great struggle with Napoleon the Regiment acquired 
the title of Grenadier Guards, from having defeated, in fair fight, those noble 
and devoted grenadiers of lids Imperial Guard, who, till met by the British 
bayonet, had been considered invincible ; and, more lately, the battles of the 
Alma and of Inkermann, and the long-protracted siege of Sebastopol. 

* These are glorious annals, and proud the corps may well be which can 
show the like ! But the duty of the soldier unfortunately is not confined to 
fighting the foreign enemies of his country ; it has at times been his fate to 
have to stand in aims against even his own brothers ! a mournful duty, which 
we may trust never to see again imposed upon a British soldier. Under such 
circumstances, he is upheld, however, by the consideration, that, while he is 


implicitly obeying the commands of his Sovereign, to whom he has sworn 
fidelity, he purchases, by his blood, for his country, that internal peace and 
that supremacy of the law upon which alone are based the liberty as well as 
the permanent happiness and prosperity of a nation. 

* The Regiment, originally sprung from those loyalists who had clung to 
Charles the Second in exile, has never failed in its duty to its Sovereign ; it 
fought for James the Second against Monmouth on the field of Sedgmoor ; 
and struggled during five years heroically, although finally in vain, to preserve 
to George the Third his revolted American colonies. 

* Gentlemen ! That same discipline which has made this Regiment ever 
ready and terrible in war, has enabled it to pass long periods of peace in the 
midst of all the temptations of a luxurious metropolis without loss in vigour 
and enei^, — ^to live in harmony and good-fellowship with its brother citi- 
zens, — and to point to the remarkable fact, that the Household Troops have 
now for two hundred years formed the permanent garrison of {iondon, have 
always been at the command of the civil power to support law and order, 
but have never themselves disturbed that order, or given cause of complaint 
either by insolence or licentiousness. 

* Let us hope that for centuries to come these noble qualities may still 
shine forth, and that the Almighty will continue to shield and favour this 
little band of devoted soldiers ; let us on our part manfully do our duty, 
mindful of the deeds of our predecessors, loyal to our Sovereign, and jealous 
of the honour of our country.* 

A few days afterwards (23rd June) the first of the great 
Volunteer Reviews was held in Hyde Park. The gathering, 
which included detachments of Volunteers from the Prov- 
inces, who had come to London at their own expense, as well 
as the various corps of the metropolis and the suburbs, 
formed a striking illustration of the national determination 
to put the country into an efficient state of defence. * De- 
fence, not defiance,' was the motto of the movement. It 
was the best of all answers to the charge, that the blandish- 
ments of a long peace had sapped the hardihood and the 
patriotism of the people, and proved that, if they hated war, 
as all good citizens and especially all good soldiers do, they 
were not likely to shrink from it if the safety or the honour 
of the country made it unavoidable. The appearance which 
these Volunteers made upon the ground showed that they 
had set about the work of learning the soldier's craft in 
right earnest. The superior material of which they were 
composed had enabled their officers to convert them into 
soldiers far more rapidly than could have been anticipated, 
and produced a most favourable impression even upon the 
jealous critics of the Regular army.* 

; • * As a rule,' TTie Times wrote (25th June), * they are a finer body of men 
r than our infantry of the line. Their drilling has been done so quietly in out- 




At four o'clock, the Queen entered the Park in an open 
carriage with the King of the Belgians, the Princess Alice, 
and Prince Arthur; the Prince riding by the side of the 
carriage, and followed by a brilliant cortege. It took two 
hours for the 20,000 men and upwards to defile past Her Ma- 
jesty. But the short time occupied in getting this large body 
into and out of the Park, and the precision with which this 
was accomplished, was remarked upon at the time as having 
dissipated, at once and for ever, the doubt ascribed to the 
Duke of Wellington, whether such a feat, even in the hands 
of the most experienced General, could ever be accom- 

To the' Prince, who had watched with the liveliest inter- 
est the growth of the Volunteer forces, the spectacle of that 
day gave the keenest pleasure. He presided the same even- 
ing at the Trinity House dinner, and seized the opportunity 
of adverting to it in proposing the toast of * The Army and 
Navy,' glancing as he did so at the fact that the British 
Services, unlike those of other European countries, are com- 
posed exclusively of volunteers. The toast, the Prince said, 

* is never given without calling forth proud and grateful feelings, for English, 
men have reason to be proud of the condition of these Services, and of the 
deeds which they have achieved, and cause to be grateful for the benefits 
which have been secured to them by their soldiers and sailors, who have 
been drawn from all ranks and classes of society, and have devoted their 
lives to their country. 

* We hear sometimes complaints of the expense which these Services en- 
tail, and must certainly regret that such sacrifices should be necessary ; but 
on the whole the public spirit with which the nation is determined, through 
good and evil report, to maintain the efficiency of these establishments, is a 
most gratifying proof of its soundness of heart and the shrewdness of its in- 
stinct. It has lately come forward, and placed at the service of the Queen, 
Volunteer corps to act as an auxiliary to the regular army and militia, in case 
of danger to our shores ; and the rapidity with which this movement has de- 
veloped itself has been the subject of universal and just admiration. 

* We have witnessed this day a scene which will never fade from the mem- 
ory of those who had the good fortune to be present — the representatives of 
the independence, education, and industry of this country in arms, to testify 
their devotion to their country, and their readiness to lay down their lives in 


of-the-way places, and often under cover, that no one could anticipate such 
perfection in so short a time. . . . The troops kept the best time. The com- 
panies followed at equal distances with the even now of a continuous stream. 
Had the operation been rehearsed fifty times over, instead of the fifty corps 
having never seen one another till that hour, it could not have been better 
executed. . . . Of the worth of the demonstration itself there can be no doubt, 
for it proves England to be at heart a military nation.* 


its defence. The Volunteer force exceeds already 130,000 men; and to what 
extent this country is capable of exerting itself in real danger is shown by 
the number of Volunteers, which in 1804 reached the extraordinary figure of 
4V9,000 1 We are apt to forget, however, that, in contrast with every other 
country of the world, all our Services are composed exclusively of Volun- 
teers : the Navy, Goast-Guard, Coast Volunteers, Army, Militia, Yeomanry, 
Constabulary. May the noble and patriotic spirit which such a fact reveals 
remain ever unimpaired ! And may God*s blessing, of which this nation has 
seen such immistakable evidence, continue to rest upon these Toluntary ser- 

A few days later ^nd July) the Queen testified her inter- 
est in the National Kifle Association, a necessary comple- 
ment of the Volunteer movement, by opening their first meet- 
ing on Wimbledon Common. The scene, which was one of 
unusual interest from its novelty, was made more brilliant by 
taking place under what was said at the time to be the first 
summer sky of the year. The first shot at the target was fired 
by the Queen ; and Mr. Whitworth had so adjusted one of 
his rifles as to secure a good score for Her Majesty, at the 
400 yards' range. An address was presented to the Queen 
on her arrival at the Camp by Mr. Sidney Herbert, as Presi- 
dent of the Association, after which Her Majesty, accompa- 
nied by the Prince, advanced to a tent, in which the rifle had 
been fixed, which was to open the competition, A touch of 
the trigger was followed by the flutter of the red and white 
flag before the target, an intimation that the * bull's eye ' had 
been hit, and that Her Majesty, in accordance with the rules 
of the Association, had scored three points. Under these 
happy auspices began the first of those annual meetings, 
which have kept alive the ambition of eminence as marksmen 
among the Volunteers of all parts of the Kingdom, and raised 
the standard of excellence to a point of precision which is 
surpassed in no other country. 

The deep-seated feeling, which had given rise to the Vol- 
unteer movement, the resolution of the Government to pro- 
ceed with the works of national defence, the indications that 
England, Austria, and Prussia were drawing more closely 
together in the common interests of peace, and to secure the 
maintenance of t|je existing European settlement, produced 
a salutary change upon the mind of the Emperor of the 
French. It was not merely that he could not lean as he had 
hitherto done upon the English Alliance in furtherance of his 
policy. The alliance might continue for all legitimate pur- 
poses, and he knew that the fault would be his own if it did 


not ; but the warm personal regard which he had been at 
pains to establish, and which individually he still felt — as in- 
deed he felt it to the last — ^had undergone a chill of which 
he was painfully conscious. He now knew that he should 
encounter no more resolute adversary than England to his 
schemes for remodelling the map of Europe ; and he already 
felt the weight of her influence in the loss of his own, which 
had resulted from the closer intercourse now subsisting be- 
tween her Government and those of Austria and Germany. 
To assure these Powers that England should not, as they had 
feared she would, make conmion cause with France in any 
aggressive policy, was all that was necessary effectually to 
defeat the Emperor's policy of division, to which reference 
has been made in a previous chapter. As the Queen wrote 
to Lord Palmerston (3rd June) : — 

* What is required, and is now attainable for the general 
security, is a mutual agreement between the three Powers, 
" that each should make known to the other two any over- 
ture or proposition, direct or indirect, which either of the 
three may receive from France, tending to any change of the 
existing state of territorial possession in Europe, and that no 
answer should be given to such overture or proposal until 
the Government to which it may have been made shall have 
had an answer from the other two to the conmiunication so 
made." Anything short of this will not effect the object of 
giving absolute confidence.' 

Measures had already been taken by Lord John Russell 
to ascertain the feelings of the Prussian and Austrian Minis- 
ters in regard to some such common understanding. These 
were cordially met, especially on the part of Prussia ; and 
Baron Schleinitz, through Count Bernstorff, the Prussian 
Ambassador in England, assured Lord John Russell in reply, 
that * whenever any fact, which appeared to be of a nature 
to justify the apprehensions of Europe, should come to his 
knowledge, he would, as a matter of urgent duty, put him- 
self in communication with the Cabinet of St. James's, with 
a view to concerting what course ought to be pursued.' The 
advance thus made was cordially accepted, and in his De- 
spatch in reply (7th June), Lord John Russell suggested, 
nearly in the language of the Queen above quoted, that * in 
order to carry the views of the two Governments more com- 
pletely into effect, it would be advisable that, if any propo- 


sition were made to either of the two Powers tending to af- 
fect the territorial circumscription of Europe, or to disturb 
the balance of power, no answer should be given by the Pow- 
er to whom such proposition should be addressed, until a 
communication should be received from the other.' 

A similar communication was made to Austria, to whom 
it was no less welcome, and thus a harmonious understand- 
ing was established between the three Powers, without the 
semblance of anything which France could justly complain 
of as in the nature of a coalition against her. 

Feeling that something must be done to quiet the appre- 
hensions he had aroused, the Emperor, not content with em- 
ploying the usual diplomatic means at his disposal, published 
a manifesto in the Moniteur (Ist June), in which tne inten- 
tions imputed to the French Government of provoking or 
countenancing complications in Europe, in order to create 
opportunities for fresh aggrandisements, were indignantly 
disclaimed. * Every effort the Emperor can make, he is mak- 
ing,' it went on to say, * to restore confidence in Europe. His 
only desire is to live in peace with the Sovereigns his allies, 
ana to applv all his energies to the active development of the 
resources of France.' 

Confidence in Europe, however, was not to be re-estab- 
lished except by restoring confidence in himself — a task of 
no ordinary difficulty. As the Prince said, a few days after- 
wards, in a letter to Baron Stockmar : * Confidence once lost 
it is not given to every man to regain,' neither was the 
Prince at all hopeful that the Emperor's case would form 
any exception to the rule. 

To set the mind of Germany at rest was a matter of the 
first importance, for the Emperor was well aware that anxi- 
ety about the left bank of the Rhine had been strongly ex- 
cited in the mind of the Prince Regent by the Emperor's 
application, in the case of Savoy and Nice, of his favourite 
doctrine of ' natural frontiers.' Accordingly a proposal for 
a friendly meeting at Baden was conveyed to the Prince 
Regent. Whether the Emperor hoped, as was surmised at 
the time, to convince the Prince Regent, that an equivalent 
might be found for the surrender of the Rhenish Provinces 
in some general scheme of redistribution of European terri- 
tory, is not likely ever to be known. But any anticipation 
of this nature must have been dispelled, even before the in- 
terview took place, when he learned that the Prince Regent 


had inyited all his brother German potentates to Baden for 
the same date as that appointed for his interview with the 
Emperor. By doing so he at once dissipated every feeling 
of distrust upon their part as to any combination to their 
prejudice, and made it impossible for the Emperor to hint at 
a proposition for appropriating to France any portion, how- 
ever small, of their common country. 

The meeting at Baden took place on the 16th of June ; 
and, in the feverish state of European affairs, it was natural 
that its results should be regarded with no ordinary interest. 
By the 19th these were known in London. * The German 
Sovereigns,' the Prince notes in his Diary, * seem to have 
come to an understanding in Baden, and the Emperor Napo- 
leon to have been very much disappointed at the meeting.' 
The details of what had taken place, however, were still un- 
known to him when he wrote the following letter (26th 
June) to his daughter at Berlin : — 

* Accept my best thanks for your welcome letter and the 
photographs of your plastic labours. They are real successes, 
and I can fancy that their creation has given you great plea- 
sure and satisfaction. After a time it will become a neces- 
sity for you to master architecture, as the complementary 
and third, if not highest, art. Still, I hope it may be some 
time yet before you enter upon this study, inasmuch as it 
cannot be carried into practice without a very serious expen- 
diture, and you (if you should have the means) would have 
many purposes to apply them to, more useful to your country. 

* Baden-Baden,' the Prince adds, * is still a mystery for 
us ; ' but he goes on to express a hope that the result has in 
effect been to heighten mutual confidence between the Ger- 
man Sovereigns, and thereby to contribute towards the unity 
of Germany. 

Soon after this letter was written the Princej — and 
through him Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, — were 
put in full possession of all that had taken place in Baden, 
by a communication from the Prince Regent. From this it 
appeared, that the Emperor of the French had adopted the 
only course which the tactics of the Prince Regent had left 
open to him, by at once explaining that his object in seeking 
the interview had been to give an earnest of his pacific in- 
tentions, and to put a stop to the excitement to which a 


belief in his designs npon a portion of their country had 

f'ven rise among the Germans. What had happened as to 
ice and Savoy, he said, was quite exceptional, and due to 
the special circumstances of the case. When he first prom- 
ised his assistance to King Victor Emmanuel, he had told him 
that this annexation must follow upon any material addition 
to the Piedmontese territory resultmg from the war. 

The assurance of peaceful intentions was of course ac- 
cepted by the Prince Kesent as most satisfactory. He <]uite 
admitted the state of feeling in Germany to which the Em- 
peror referred, but at the same time he reminded him, that 
the world and himself were now for the first time made 
aware of the compact with Victor Emmanuel, having had 
nothing before them up to this time but the Milan Manifesto, 
and the declaration that France desired no increase of terri- 
tory of any kind. What had occurred since was quite suffi- 
cient to justify apprehension on the part of Germany. The 
Emperor, too, had now appeared in the field as a General 
and Commander-in-Chief, a circumstance not calculated to 
allay the uneasiness of the country. 

Nothing, the Emperor rejoined, could be further from his 
thoughts, than to dissever any territory from Germany and 
incorporate it with France. So clamorous, however, was 
the outcry of the German press, that something must be 
done to convince Germany of his sincerity. What should 
this be ? Nothing, was the reply, could be easier. Most of 
the German Sovereigns were then in Baden. Let the Em- 
peror tell them what he had told the Prince Regent, and the 
news of his desire to leave Germany undisturbed would 
speedily be known throughout the country. 

The Emperor went on to speak of the press, which had 
become a power in Europe. For himself he had very little 
control over it. Would it not be well to guard agamst its 
being allowed to govern the country as it did 'in England? 
The panic it had helped to create there about a French inva- 
sion was childish, because invasion was impossible, even with 
the best steam fleet. To land, and to hold your ground after 
landing, were two very different things ; — the latter simply 
impossible. What stronger proof, moreover, could be given 
of his desire to be at peace with England, than the recent 
Commercial Treaty — a treaty more advantageous perhaps, he 
said, to England than to France, for it had been vehemently 
attacked by the manufacturers and artisans of France ? The 


fears which were current, too, he went on to say, about a 
French invasion of Belgium were equally incomprehensible 
and absurd. But were they not, he was reminded, in a ^eat 
measure due to the language of the French press ? This he 
would. not admit. 

The conversation was turned by the Emperor to a pam- 
phlet which had recently appeared in Paris, entitled ^ L^Enx" 
pereur et la PruBBe^ in which the Rhine, as the only secure 
frontier for France, was contended for, while Prussia's true 
policy was maintained to be the surrender of the Rhenish 
Provmces, while absorbing as compensation all the minor 
States of Germany. That this pamphlet, if not directly 
countenanced by the Emperor himself, was issued with the 
connivance of his Government, who had ordered its title to 
be altered, was very well known. But the Emperor dis- 
claimed the views which it upheld, and said that he regretted 
its appearance. This he might well do, whether privy to its 
publication or not, as he must by this time have felt that the 
promulgation of these doctrines at the present moment had 
been singularly inopportune. He complained of what he 
called * a thundering article,' which had just appeared in the 
Allgemeine Zeitung^ denouncing his purpose in coming to 
Baden as one of deliberate falsehood and treachery. The 
Prince Regent's answer was, that he had never seen either 
the pamphlet or the article. But the effectual way to neu- 
tralise both was to publish the disclaimer of any aggressive 
intention given by the Emperor to the present meeting. 

The state of affairs in Italy also came under discussion. 
By this time Sicily was obviously lost to the Neapolitan 
Crown, and an early attack upon ]Naples itself seemed more 
than probable. The Emperor was very guarded in dealing 
with the subject. While he said he would use his influence 
with Victor Emmanuel to persuade him to lend no support 
to any movement of Garibaldi and his friends upon Naples, 
he added that the recent Neapolitan Sovereigns had by their 
conduct alienated from themselves the sympathies of the 
rest of Europe. 

The frank communication thus made of what had passed 
at Baden was the first fruit of the good understanding which 
had been established between England and Prussia. In re- 
plying to the Prince Regent (27th June), the Prince Consort 
expressed in warm terms his acknowledgment of the loyalty 
and confidence which it evinced. He did not fail to con- 


gratulate the Prince Regent on his success in dissipating by 
the course he had taken any latent distrust on the part of his 
German colleagues as to a combination to their prejudice 
between Prussia and France. The safety of their common 
country depended on their standing firmly together. * The 
only power which Germany can oppose to France is that 
which led to the war of 1813 and 1814, — patriotism and love 
of freedom.' 

At the close of his letter the Prince writes : — 

* Last Saturday we went through a remarkable day in 
London. The 20,000 Volunteers, who defiled before Vic- 
toria in Hyde Park, would have commanded your admira- 
tion, as they did that of all who saw them. Tiiey were the 
finest body of young men I have ever seen under arms (and 
no wonder, for amon^ them was the best blood in England), 
and the military bearmg and aptitude which they displayed, 
considering their very limited opportunities for practice, 
were really surprising. Some of them came from Manchester, 
Leeds, Nottingham, &c., all at their own expense.* (Their 
numbers in the whole now run up to 130,000.) Next Mon- 
day the great Rifle Shooting Competition comes off at Wim- 
bledon Common, on this side of Richmond Park. It is to 
go on for a week. The great competition will be at a dis- 
tance of 1,000 yards. The first pnze will be shot for with 
Mr. Whitworth's rifle. 

* On the 9th proximo Bertie will embark at Plymouth, 
and sail on the 10th for America. He is to visit all our 
North American Colonies, and come back by way of the 
United States. Mr. Buchanan has invited him to Washing- 
ton. This will be an important historical as well as political 
event, and I have no doubt that Canada will do her utmost 
to make our neighbour alive to the unity of feeling which 
gives vitality to the monarchical principle in a people.' 

When writing this letter, the Prince was not aware of a 
fact which subsequently came to his knowledge upon un- 
questionable authority, that at the time the Emperor of the 
French proposed the interview at Baden, he had abandoned 
all thought of war, but hoped to have an opportunity of un- 

• It was computed that of the 21,000 reviewed in Hyde Park, 15,000 be- 
longed to the metropolis and the suburbs, and 6,000 to the Provinces. 


folding to the Prince Regent the plan, on which he had long 
brooded, of effecting peaceably a territorial revision in the 
interests of France by means of a fresh distribution of terri- 
tory in European Turkey. The basis of his project was the 
assignment of the Danubian provinces to Austria ^ — an ar- 
rangement to which, strangely enough, he had anticipated 
that Russia would not object. Much to his chagrin he found, 
by a communication from St. Petersburg only a few days be- 
fore going to Baden, that Russia would impose a peremptory 
veto on this plan. To broach it at Baden, therefore, was no 
longer possible. Nevertheless, the Emperor did not abandon 
the hope that, sooner or later, either in consequence of Tur- 
key's own weakness and misdeeds, or of external pressure, a 
partition of her kingdom, to which more Governments than 
one looked as the only solution of the Eastern question, 
would take place, that would enable him to press upon the 
European States his own claims to acquisition of territory 
nearer home. 

7 The idea was an old one. According to the French historian Mignet, it 
was propounded to Napoleon I. after Ulm by Talleyrand. Talleyrancrs plan 
was that Austria should be deprived of Venetia, of the Tyrol, and Swabia, and 
be compensated on the Danube by receiving Moldavia, Wallaohia, Bessarabia, 
and the smaller portions of Bulgaria. * Tn this way,' said Talleyrand, 'Aus- 
tria, possessing the whole course of the Danube and a portion of uie shores of 
the Black Sea, would be a neighbour, and consequently a rival of Bussia. The 
Ottoman Empire would purchase securitv for many a long vear by the timely 
sacrifice of provinces which have several times been invad.ed by Bussia ; the 
Bussians, shut up in their deserts, would direct their efforts towards Asia, where 
the course of events would place them in the presence of the English, and 
transform into future adversaries the confederates of to-day.' 


OppodtioD to Goyemment Scheme for National Defenoes— Mr. OfaidstoDO^ and Lord Pal- 
mer8toD*8 Viewa — House of Lords rejects Paper-Datv Bill— Letters by Prince Consort 
— International Statistical Gonf^ess — Address by Prince Consort— Birtii of Qaeen''8 
first Graaddaughter— Fortifications Bill— Prince of Wales in NewfoandUod. 

Although the nation in the aggregate recognised the time- 
liness of the active measures which had been taken and were 
further contemplated for the National Defence, and were 
prepared to accept the burden of them without reluctance, 
this was not the view of the class of politicians of whom Mr. 
Cobden and Mr. Bright w^ere the representatives. They did 
not hesitate to denounce as provocative of war the very meas- 
ures which those to whom the safe keeping of the State was 
entrusted regarded as the only means to prevent it. Our 
Volunteers, our new ships of war, the fortification of our 
arsenals, were aU in their view so many menaces to France, 
and the frank avowal that they were meant chiefly as a pro- 
tection against her was inveighed against as fatal to the 
continuance of friendly relations with her Sovereign or her 
people. Wiser and more manly was the tone of Lord 
I^almerston, when he said : * The only foundation for friend- 
ship between equals is perfect frankness ; and so far from 
the fair statement of what we intend to do for our own 
defence being the ground for bad relations between us and 
France, I say that not only that statement, but the works 
that are to follow that statement, are the only foundation 
for real and substantial friendship with France. So long as 
we were vulnerable, we presented a temptation to attack. 
Make attack not only dangerous, but hopeless, and it would 
never be attempted. 

The Report of the Royal Commission on National De- 
fence had indicated many weak points in our armour. Why 
repair them, argued the self-styled Peace party, when you 


have the assurance of the French Sovereign that he means 
no mischief,* and the Commercial Treaty just conchided with 
him will bind the two nations bjr such intimate ties of inter- 
est that there is no chance of their falling out for the future ? 
The believers in this view, as already indicated, had a power- 
ful supporter in Mr. Gladstone, who upon this subject was 
so completely at variance with the Cabinet to which he 
belonged, that for a time it seemed not unlikely that he 
would leave their ranks. Yielding a reluctant consent to the 
measures which they considered indispensable, he made no 
secret of his opinions at the time ; and in future years told 
the nation again and again that their unreasoning panic had 
forced upon the Government an expenditure which the cir- 
cumstances did not justify. This view, expressed at a public 
meeting in Manchester in April, 1862, drew from Lord Pal- 
merston an answer, in a letter to Mr. Gladstone (29th April, 
1862), which so clearly states the grounds on which Lord 
Palmerston proceeded, in the summer of 1860, in bringing 
in the Fortifications Bill, that it cannot be out of place to 
insert it here. He could not, he said, agree with Mr. Glad- 
stone in his assertion fiiat the nation had coerced the Gov- 
ernment into their large eicpenditure upon the National 
Defences, but, he added, if the fact had been so, this would 
rather be a proof of its superior sagacity than a subject for 
reproach : — 

* Successive Governments/ he went on to say, 'have taken the lead by 
proposing to Parliament such estimates as, acting upon their responsibility, 
they thought needful for the public service; successive Parliaments have 
sanctioned those estimates, and the nation has ratified those acts by their 
approval. It is, therefore, a mistake to say that this scale of expenditure 
has been forced upon Parliament, or upon the Government ; and it is a still 
greater mistake to accuse the nation, as Cobden does, of having rushed head- 
long into extravagance under the impulse of panic. Panic there has been 
none on the part of anybody. ^ There was for a long time an apathetic blind- 
ness on the part of the governed and the governors as to the defensive 
means of the country compared with the offensive acquired and acquiring by 
other Powers. The country at last awoke from its lethargy, not indeed to 

» In Theirs' History of the Consitlate and fhe Empire^ book Ivi., we are told 
that when at the Congress of Vienna the Emperor Alexander urged upon his 
Imperial brother, Francis Joseph, that the known and tried sincerity of his 
character ou^ht to bo a sufficient security for the Austrian people, the ilmperor 
Francis replied, * Yes, the sincerity of a Prince is an excellent guarantee, but 
a good frontier is still better.' * Isritannia needs no bulwark, no tower along 
the steep,' was truth as well as poetry, when Campbell wrote the lines ; but 
the days had now gone by for England trusting to the ' silver streak of sea* 
as an all sufficient frontier. 


rush into extravagance and uncalled-for exertions, but to make up gradually 
for former omissions, and so far, no doubt, to throw upon a shorter period 
of time expenses which earlier foresight might have spread over a greater 
length of time. The Government, the Parliament, and the nation acted in 
harmonious concert ; and, if any proof were wanting, that the nation has 
been inspired by a deliberate and sagacious appreciation of its position with 
respect to other Powers, that proof has been afforded by the long-continued 
and well-sustained sacrifices of time and money which have been made by 
the 160,000 Volunteers, and by those who have contributed to supply them 
with the requisite funds.' ' 

The argument of economy, ably and eloquently though 
it was urged by the opponents of the Fortification scheme, 
was disregarded as inapplicable. England, it was felt, would 
be no longer England were she to hang back from spending 
whatever sum was. required to make her secure at home, and 
thus enable her to retain her place among the nations. The 
average common sense of the country was not to be misled 
by theories however closely reasoned, or by rhetoric how- 
ever copious, into thinking that it was throwing away its 
money out of a foolish apprehension. It might be fairly 
trusted to know its own interest best, in taking the course 
which ordinary prudence demanded ; for what could econo- 
mists or rhetoricians do to repair the fatal consequences of 
mistake, if mistake there should be, in a matter of such vital 
moment ? 

At all events Lord Palmerston and his Cabinet had the 
average common sense of the country with them in perse- 
vering with the scheme. They had it with them also in not 
joining in the outcry raised by some of their body and fol- 
lowers against the vote of the House of Lords upon the 
Paper duties. The Commons Privilege Committee, twenty- 
one in number, appointed to report on the practice of each 

* Ashley's Life of Lord Palmerston^ vol. ii. p. 
subject, a further statement of Lord Palmerston'e 

223. In connection with this 
*8 views in a letter to Mr. Cob- 
den' (8th January, 1862) may be given. A memorandum by that gentleman on 
mutual disarmament by France and England had been sent to hmi, and in ao- 
knowledginc' its receipt, Lord Palmerston wrote : ' It would be very delight- 
ful if your Utopia could be realised, and if the nations of the earth would 
think of nothing but peace and commerce, and would give up quarrelling and 
lighting altogether. But untbrtunately man is a fighting and quarrelling ani- 
mal ; and that this is human nature is proved by the fact that republics, where 
the masses govern, are far more quarrelsome and more addicted to fighting 
than monarchies, which are governed by comparatively few persons. But so 
long as other nations are animated by these human passions, a country like 
England, wealthy and exposed to attack, must by necessity be provided with 
the means of defence, and however expensive these means may be, they are 
infinitely cheaper than the war which they tend to keep off.' — {ihid» p. 221.) 


House of Parliament in questions of taxation, reported (29th 
June), by a majority of fourteen, that the Lords had not 
acted unconstitutionally in rejecting a Bill for the repeal of 
a tax; Mr. Bright had failed to get the Committee to adopt 
his conclusion, that by what the Lords had done, ^ the funda- 
mental and inherent right of the House of Commons to an 
absolute control over taxation was not only menaced, but 
desti'oyed.' The country took the same view ; and in truth, 
that large body of the public which lies outside the world of 
mere party, could not be brought to believe that the House 
of Lords, by an overwhelming majority, including some of 
the greatest constitutional lawyers and statesmen of the 
age, would have been guilty of an act of such transparent 

Something of courae had to be done to set the matter at 
rest, and to satisfy the uneasy scruples of two members of 
the Cabinet. This was effected by a series of Resolutions 
introduced by Lord Palmerston (6th July), which, while ad- 
mitting that the House of Lords had acted within their right, 
reasserted the exclusive power of the Commons to grant aids 
and supplies to the Crown, and so to impose and remit taxes, 
and to frame bills of supply, that their * right as to the mat- 
ter, manner, measure, and time, may be maintained inviolate.' 
These Resolutions were condemned by several of the extreme 
Liberals as inadequate. But their opposition came to nothing, 
when even Mr. (rladstone, while denouncing the vote of the 
Lords as * a gigantic innovation,' and reserving to himself 
freedom to vindicate the privileges of the Commons by action, 
concluded by admitting that he could not refuse his assent 
to the Resolutions, * because they contained a mild and tem- 
perate, but a firm declaration of the rights of the House of 
Comnions.' A further attempt by Lord Fermoy to renew the 
agitation was defeated by a majority of 177 to 138. 

The Queen and Prince had by this time matured a plan 
for a visit in September to Coburg. It would effect the 
double purpose of enabling them to refresh their spirits amid 
the old familiar haunts of that beautiful region, and of grati- 
fying their natural yearning to see the IVincess Frederick 
William and their first grandchild. The plan, the Prince 
had written to her in May, * is among our pious' wishes for 
the late summer. You must, however, bring the hopeful 
Wilhelm with you, and not hide him away with a blush, as 
you used to hide your drawings in the portfolio. " Don't look 


at it, papa ! It is so bad, you must not see it ! " and then 
forth came into view something full of beauty and talent. 
The little fellow is sure to be charming. You owe it to us, 
after deserting us as you have done, to give us the delight of 
seeing the little one.' The Prince, too, seems to have been 
possessed by the passionate longing to look once more upon 
the scenes of his youth, which observation shows to be often 
most intensely felt, when no one could surmise it to be likely 
that the visit will be for the last time. How welcome the 
intelligence would be to his friend Stockmar he well knew, 
and he announced it to him in sending (30th June) the budget 
of general news, with which the Prince always strove to find 
time to keep him abreast of what was doing in England : — 

' Uncle Leopold leaves us this morning for Brussels. He 
has been particularly well and cheerful, despite a cold that 
has teased him. In politics we have been in accord on all 
points, and even our Cabinet is beginning to see things 
rightly. So much the worse, should it be wrecked upon 
certain rocks which lie ahead of it. The Reform Bill is 
happily withdrawn, and the union of the Indian with the 
Queen's army has been resolved on ; but there still remains a 
Resolution against the Upper House, denouncing its rejection 
of the abolition of the Paper duty as unconstitutional, for 
which Lord John and Gladstone will vote,* but against which 
Lord Palmerston and the rest of the Cabinet protest, and the 
works for the protection of our harbours and coasts, which 
were promised to the country and to Parliament, but to 
which Mr. Gladstone will not assent, because, in common 
with Bright and Cobden, he looks to the recent Commercial 
Treaty for England's real and only defence. 

'The review of the Volunteers, which was a sight that 
went home to the heart, ought to have taught him how 
utterly his views are at variance with those of the nation. 
... I cannot call to remembrance any finer sight than that 

' The Prince of Wales sails from Plymouth on the lOth, 
and we do not expect him back till the middle of October. 
Mr. Buchanan, in a letter to Victoria, has invited him to 
Washington, which he will take on his way back. The 
Duke of Newcastle, Lord St. Germans, General Bruce, and 

• This contingency was averted bv the Kesolutions submitted to the House 
of Commons, as already mentioned, oeing arranged to their satisfaction. 


Colonel Teesdale, Captain Grey and Dr. Acland, will form 
his suite. 

* We shall go to Scotland in August, and have decided to 
visit Col;)urg for a week at the end of September, where Vicky 
with her little one will give us a rendezvous. We travel 
incognito, and decline all visits and royal receptions. 

* The meeting in Baden has certainly changed the state 
of things for the moment ; not that it has had the effect of 
awakening confidence in the Emperor, but by giving an as- 
surance that for this year at least he either desires, or finds 
his necessities enjoin, peace. The Prince Regent appears to 
have behaved admirably. He sent me copies of his notes 
upon the Conferences, and nothing can be more straightfor- 
ward, frank, and noble, than the appearance he makes ; and 
this du*ectnes8 of purpose is, after all, the only weapon on 
which one can rely against duplicity, and disregard of prin- 

* I have got through all my speech-making ; the only one 
left is an opening Address for the International Statistical 
Congress, which meets on the 16th of next month, and at 
which I am to preside. The subject is a difficult one and 
causes me considerable trouble I 

* Mama- Aunt will not go to Abergeldie this year, but re- 
pair to a country seat in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh. 

* Clark, who again finds himself rather unwell, is soon to 
start for Birkhall ; he will not be able to accompany us to 
the Continent. 

' Of course, I am infinitely delighted at the prospect of 
seeing you again, and hope the feeling is reciprocal. But 
see that you keep quite well, so far as the weather, which is 
really frightful, will let you. Here, at least, it has rained 
for six weeks without intermission, and people are beginning 
to be very apprehensive for the harvest. We are still wear- 
ing our winter clothes.' 

A few days later (4th July) the Prince writes to his 
daughter at Berlin as follows on the to him more congenial 
subject of art and music : — 

' Your plastic labours have arrived and they have been 
duly admired. The attitude of the Jane Grey is especially 
natural and happy. Gretchen in Retzsch's Faust must have 
hovered before you in producing it, as Lady Lichfield did in 
the Mary Stuart, They are complete successes. 


* We have seen the Orpheus (Gluck's) twice, and- 1 ad- 
mire it extremely. It is a real refreshment after our modem 
sound and fury (Gerdusch)^ and the works of the Italian 
school, which depend entirely on individual * morceaux,' and 
have no regard whatever to the poetry of the drama. Here 
we have a poem presented in music, and this is why, with 
the scantiest materials, the effect is so impressive. Schillag 
plays the part admirably. 

* I am engaged in the preparation of my Address for the 
opening of the Statistical Congress, which costs me a deal of 
hard work.' 

The study of statistics as a science was no new one to 
the Prince. During his stay in Brussels in 1836-7 he had 
been instructed in its principles by M. Quetelet, the great 
statist and mathematician (vol. i. p. 29 ante). He was one 
of the Patrons of the Statistical Society of London, and took 
part in the discussions at two of their meetings. It was a 
study which had particular attractions for him, and which 
he had turned to practical account in his systematic observa- 
tion of social and political phenomena. 

The International Statistical Congress owed its establish- 
ment to M. Quetelet. All the States of Europe were in the 
habit of collecting and publishing statistical returns. M. 
Quetelet, seeing the importance of getting those returns 
made on an uniform system, and expressing quantities in the 
same units, persuaded the Belgian Government to summon 
a Congress of the directors of the statistical offices of Eu- 
rope, with a view of carrying out this design. The Congress 
met accordingly at Brussels, and was opened by an address 
of M. Quetelet. It was cordially supported by King Leo- 
pold, who received the members at dinner. Every State of 
Europe and America, with the exception of Russia, was rep- 
resented. The Emperor Nicholas declined to send a delegate, 
on the ground that he did not think Kussia had anything to 
learn from the rest of Europe. Meetings were next held at 
Paris and Vienna, and it then became the turn of London to 
receive the Congress. 

According to the rule previously followed, the President 
should have been the Minister more immediately connected 
with commerce : in this case, Mr. Milner Gibson, as President 
of the Board of Trade. But M. Quetelet, knowing the spe- 
cial qualifications of his old pupil for the office, advised that 

VOL. V. — 6 


the Prince Consort should be invited to accept it. With one 
accord the members adopted the suggestion, and the Prince, 
who thoroughly appreciated the importance of the objects in 
view, comphed with a request, which threw much labour upon 
him at a time when his hands were already more than full. 
* I think I can help you, and I will do it I ' were his words to 
the secretaries of the Congress, when they waited upon him, 
after he had intimated his consent. 

One of the secretaries was Dr. Farr, the distinguished 
statistician, to whom we are indebted for most of the partic- 
ulars above given ; and to him he said, * Now, Dr. Farr, I 
wish to suck your brains I ' asking what he could say that 
would be most useful to the Congress. Dr. Farr forwarded 
to the Prince a paper which he had addressed to the Govern- 
ment on the subject, and in doing so mentioned some topics, 
on which he thought it would be well the Prince should ex- 
press his opinion. * What struck me,' Dr. Farr writes, * was 
the mastery of the subject by the Prince, and the use he 
made of the information I had given him. His Address was 
entirely his own.' 

He delivered it upon the 16th of July. * It excited uni- 
versal admiration in all its hearers, and all its readers,' were 
Lord Palmerston's words in writing to the Prince a few days 
afterwards (23rd July). They implied much, when taken in 
connection with the fact, that among his audience were many 
of the men most eminent in Europe for science, and in the 
political world. Subsequent meetings of the Congress at the 
Hague, Florence, Berlin, St. Petersburg, and Buda-Pesth, 
were presided over by Princes and leading Ministers of 
State, but, Dr. Farr writes, *it was admitted by all, that 
none of the addresses — by Princes or Ministers — equalled in 
merit the address of the Prince Consort.' 

The value of accurate statistics as the basis of social and 
political science was not then so well understood as it has 
since become. In the Prince's words, statistical science, 
*was still subject to many vulgar prejudices.' He seems, 
therefore, to have thought he could not better serve the 
objects of the Congress than by a popular exposition of the 
use of statistics, and of the processes by which they might 
be made to advance the knowledge of the leading facts and 
phenomena of nature and of life, and point to deductions 
valuable to the cause of man's progress and well-being. 
After glancing at the deterrent effect upon the general 


mind of the dry figures and tables for comparison, ' simple 
arithmetical expressions, but representing living facts,' which 
from their very nature were more or less valuable in propor- 
tion to their quantity and comprehensiveness, he went on to 
speak of the discredit which had been brought upon the sci- 
ence by ' the peculiar and often unjustifiable use which has 
been made of it.' He then proceeded : — 

* The very fact of its difficulty and the patience required in reading up 
and verifying the statistical figures which may be referred to by an author in 
support of his theories and opinions, protect him, to a certain extent, from 
scrutiny, and tempt him to draw largely upon so convenient and availa- 
ble a capital. The public generally, therefore, connect in their minds sta- 
tistics. If not with unwelcome taxation (for which they naturally form an 
important basis), certainly with political controversies, in which they are in 
the habit of seeing public men making use of the most opposite statistical 
results with equal assurance in support of the most opposite arguments. A 
great and distinguished French Minister and statesman is even quoted as 
having boasted of the invention of what he is said to have called ** I'art de 
grouper les chiffres." But if the same ingenuity and enthusiasm which may 
have suggested to him this art should have tempted him or others, as histo- 
rians, to group facts also, it would be no more reasonable to make the his- 
torical facts answerable for the use made of them, than it would be to make 
statistical science responsible for many an ingenious financial statement. 

* Tet this science has suffered materially in public estimation by such use, 
although the very fact that statesmen, financiers, physicians, and naturalists 
should seek to support their statements and doctrines by statistics, shows 
conclusively that they all acknowledge them as the foundation of truth ; and 
this ought, therefore, to raise, instead of depressing, the science in the gen- 
eral esteem of the public. 

' Statistical science is, as I have said, comparatively new in its position 
amongst the sciences in general ; and we must look for the cause of this tardy 
recognition to the fact that it has the appearance of an incomplete science, 
and of being rather a helpmate to other sciences than having a right to claim 
that title for itself. But this is an appearance only. For if pure statistics 
abstain from participating in the last and highest aim of all science (viz. the 
discovering and expounding the laws which govern the universe), and leave 
this duty to their more favoured sisters the natural and the political sciences, 
this is done with conscious self-abnegation, for the purpose of protecting the 
purity and simplicity of their sacred task — the accumulation and verification 
of facts, unbiassed by any consideration of the ulterior use, which may, or 
can, be made of them. 

* Those general laws, therefore, in the knowledge of which we recognise 
one of the highest treasures of man on earth, are left unexpressed, though 
rendered self-apparent, as they may be read in the uncompromising, rigid 
figures placed before him. 

* It is difficult to see how, under such drcumstances, and notwithstanding 
this self-imposed abnegation, statistical science, as such, should be subject to 
prejudice, reproach, and attack ; and yet the fact cannot be denied. 

* We hear it said that its prosecution leads necessarily to Pantheism, and 
the destruction of true religion, as depriving, in man's estimation, the Al- 


mighty of His power of free Belf'determination, making His world a mere 
machine working according to a general prearranged Bchcme, the parts of 
which are capable of mathematics measurement, and the scheme itself of 
numerical expression I — ^that it leads to fatalism, and therefore deprives man 
of his dignity, of his virtue and morality, as it would prove him to be a mere 
wheel in this machine, incapable of exercising a free choice of action, but 
predestined to fulfil a given task and to run a prescribed course, whether for 
good or for evil. 

* These are grave accusations, and would be terrible indeed if they were 
true. But arc they true ? Is the power of God destroyed or diminished by 
the discovery of the fact that the earth requires three hundi^ed and sixty-five 
revolutions upon its own axis to every revolution round the sun, giving us so 
many days to our year, and that the moon changes thirteen times during that 
period ; that the tide changes every six hours ; that water boils at a tempera- 
ture of 212° according to Fahrenheit; that the nightingale sings only in 
April and May ; that all birds lay eggs ; that a hundred and six boys are 
bom to every hundred girls ? Or is man a less free agent because it has 
been ascertained that a generation lasts about thirty years ; that there are 
annually posted at the Post-oflSces the same number of letters on which the 
writer had forgotten to place any address ; that the number of crimes com- 
mitted under the same local, national, and social conditions is constant ; that 
the full-grown man ceases to find amusement in the sports of the child ? 

* But our statistical science does not even say that this must be so ; it 
only states that it has been so, and leaves it to the naturalist or political 
economist to argue that it is probable, from the number of times in which it 
has been found to be so, that it will be so again, as long as the same causes 
are operating. It thus gave birth to that part of mathematical science called 
the calculation of probabilities, and even established the theory that in the 
natural world there exist no certainties at all, but only probabilities. Al- 
though this doctrine, destroying man's feeling of security to a certain extent, 
has startled and troubled some, it is no less true that, whilst we may reckon 
with a thoughtless security on the sun rising to-morrow, this is only a prob- 
able event, the probability of which is capable of being expressed by a deter- 
mined mathematical fraction. Our insurance offices have, from their vast 
collection of statistical facts, established, to such a precision, the probable 
duration of man's life, that they are able to enter with each individual into a 
precise bargain on the value of this life ; and yet this does not imply an im- 
pious pretension to determine when the individual is really to die. 

* But we are met also by the most opposite objection ; and statistics are 
declared uselesSj because they cannot be relied on for the determination of 
any given case, and do only establish probabilities where man requires and 
asks for certainty. This objection is well founded ; but it does not affect 
the science itself, but solely the use which man has in vain tried to make of 
it, and for which it is not intended. It is the essence of the statistical science, 
that it only makes apparent general laws, but that these laws are inapplicable 
to any special case ; that, therefore, what is proved to be law in general is 
uncertain in particular. Herein lies the real refutation also of the first ob- 
jection ; and thus is the power, wisdom, and goodness of the Creator mani- 
fested, showing how the Almighty has established the physical and moral 
world on unchangeable laws, conformable to His eternal nature, while He has 
allowed to the individual the freest and fullest use of his faculties, vindicat- 
ing at the same time the majesty of His laws by their remaining unaffected 
by individual self-determination.' 


The IMnce then passed on to a graceful apology for so 
'inadequate an exponent' as himself, speaking 'such homely 
truths,' to a meeting which included men of great eminence 
in science, and in particular M. Qnetelet, from whom, he 
said, * I had the privilege, now twenty-four years ago, to re- 
ceive my first instruction in the higher branches of mathe- 
matics, — one who has so successfully directed his great abili- 
ties to the application of the science to those several phenom- 
ena, the discovery of the governing laws of which can only 
be approached by the accumulation and reduction of statisti- 
cal facts.' The social condition of mankind, as exhibited by 
these facts, he added, formed the chief object of the study 
and investigation which the Congress had undertaken, and it 
had been prompted by the hope that the results of its labours 
would afford to the statesman and legislator a sure guide in 
his endeavours to promote social development and happiness. 
Such Congresses were most valuable, as paving the way to 
an agreement amongst different governments and nations to 
follow up inquiries in which all were interested * in a common 
spirit, by a common method, and for a common end.' 

To arrive at the laws which it was the aim of statistical 
science to ascertain, the Prince went on to say, a very wide 
area of observation, and unity of system in noting and re- 
cording facts, were essential. So, too, for the purpose of 
that comparison which was necessary in order to arrive at 
sound conclusions in the investigation of our social condition, 
the greatest variety of facts must be brought together, — * the 
statistics of the increase of population, of marriages, births 
and deaths, of emigration, disease, crime, education, and oc- 
cupation, of the products of agriculture, mining, and man- 
ufacture, of the results of trade, commerce, and finance.' 
These, again, must be contrasted with the same class of facts 
in different countries * under the varying influences of politi- 
cal and religious conditions, of occupations, races, and cli- 
mates.' And both sets of observations must be supplemented 
by observations taken under the same conditions, but at dif- 
ferent times. * It is only the element of time, in the last in- 
stance, which enables us to test progress, that is to say, 

After illustrating what had already been done, and point- 
ing out various directions in which the influence of the In- 
ternational Congress would be felt in introducing greater 
accuracy, and essential uniformity in the collection of obser- 


vations in the various branches of statistics in England and 
in other countries, the Prince continued : — 

* The returns so obtained will no doubt prove to us afresh, in figures, 
what we know already from feeling and from experience — ^hgw dependent 
the different nations are upon each other for their progress, for their moral 
and material prosperity, and that the essential condition of their mutual hap- 
piness is the maintenance of peace and good-will amongst each other. Let 
them still be rivals, but rivals in the noble race of social improvement, in 
which, although it may be the lot of one to arrive first at the goal, yet all 
will equally share the prize, all feeling their own powers and strength in> 
crease in the healthy competition.* 

The Prince then urged the members of the Congress not 
to lose themselves in points of minute detail, however attrac- 
tive, but to direct their energies to * the establishment of 
those broad principles upon which the common action of dif- 
ferent nations can be based, which common action must be 
effected, if we are to make real progress.' He then conclud- 
ed in words which made a deep impression at the time, and 
were often present to the minds of the members of the Con- 
gress in their future deliberations : — 

* I know that this Congress can only suggest and recommend, and that it 
must ultimately rest with the different Governments to carry out those sug- 
gestions. Many previous recommendations, it is true, have been carried out, 
but many have been left unattended to ; and I will not except our own coun- 
try from blame in this respect. Happy and proud indeed should I feel if this 
noble gathering should be enabled to lay the solid foundation of an edifice, 
necessarily slow of construction, and requiring, for generations to come, la- 
borious and persevering exertion, intended as it is for the promotion of 
human happiness, by leading to the discovery of those eternal laws upon 
which that universal happiness is dependent ! 

* May He, who has implanted in our hearts a craving after the discovery 
of truth, and given us our reasoning faculties to the end that we should 
use them for this discovery, sanctify our efforts and bless them in their re- 
sults ! ' 

We have dwelt at some length on this Address, both be- 
cause it was one of the Prince's best, and because it was his 
last. It was so highly thought of, that Dr. Farr had it trans- 
lated into French for circulation abroad, — ^ a difficult task,' 
he writes, ' in which M. van de "Weyer assisted. The Prince,' 
he adds, * evidently thought in German and wrote in English, 
which it required a great deal of skill to turn into good 
French.' No one, however, can be familiar with the Prince's 
German, as compared with his English style, but must be 



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struck by the skill with which he worked his thoughts into 
cleaTy yigorous, and idiomatic English. 

A few days after delivering the Address, the Prince sent 
a copy of it (23rd July) from Osborne to Baron Stockmar, 
with the following letter : — 

* I now send you the Address which I delivered in Lon- 
don eight days ago, at the opening of the International Con- 
gress. The subject was a very dimcult one, and, considering 
how the Address has been received here, I can only congratu- 
late myself on having got through it so well. But my plea- 
sure would indeed be great if my production should meet 
with your approval. 

* I fear the horrible summer to which we have been treat- 
ed will not have ministered to your health. Here we bear 
up because we have no leisure to be sick. 

*The Prince of Wales will by this time have reached 
Newfoundland, and according to our calculation Alfred ought 
to arrive in Capetown to-morrow^ but we have had no tidings 
of him for six weeks. 

* We are daily expecting news from Berlin. May God 
V ouchsaf e his blessing on the approaching event ! ' 

Next morning brought tidings that the anxiously looked 
for event, here alluded to, had come off well. * Soon after 
we sat down to breakfast,' is the entry in the Queen's Diary, 
'came a telegram from Fritz, — ^Vicky had got a daughter at 
8.10, and both were well ! What ]oy ! Children jumping 
about — every one delighted — so thankful and relieved.' 

The previous day a letter from the Princess herself had 
been received, with intelligence of the deepest interest to 
the Queen and Prince. She had been in communication with 
the Princess Charles of Hesse, the mother of Prince Louis, 
who had informed the Princess of her son's great admiration 
for the Princess Alice, and of his hope, not unmixed with 
manly misgivings, that she might not regard his suit with 
indiflference. An extract, sent at the same time, of a letter 
from the young Prince himself, produced such an impression 
upon the Queen and Prince, that they felt bound, in consid- 
eration for him, to ascertain the state of their daughter's 
feelings. The result was such as to justify the encourage- 
ment of the young Prince's hopes. In the meantime no en- 
gagement was to be made ; but some months later Prince 


Louis was to return to England, when he would have an op- 
portunity of pressing his suit in person. It is to this the 
Frince alludes in the following letter to his daughter at Ber- 
lin, written in the fulness of joy at the good tidings of her 
safety : — 

* Osborne, 26th July, 1860. 

* Only two words of hearty joy can I offer to the dear 
newly-made mother {der lieben Wochnerin), and these come 
from an overflowing heart. The little daughter is a kindly 
gift from heaven, that will (as I tnist) procure for you 
many a happy hour in the days to come. The telegraph 
speaks only of your doing well ; may this be so in the fullest 
sense ! 

' Upon the subject of your last interesting and most im- 
portant letter, I have replied to Fritz, who will communicate 
to you as much of my answer as is good for you under pres- 
ent circumstances. Alice is very grateful for your love and 
kindness to her, and the young man behaves in a manner 
truly admirable. 

* Now farewell, right well ! ' 

Every day brought good news of the little granddaugh- 
ter, and of the young mother. The Prince could not con- 
tent himself with his weekly letter to her, and accordingly 
wrote to her as follows, three days after the letter just 

quoted : — 

* Osborne, 28th July, 1860. 

* Everything goes on most excellently, body and soul, 
mother and child ! I hope you are very quiet, and keep this 
well in mind, that although yoij are well, and feel yourself 
well, the body has to take on a new conformation, and the 
nervous system a new life. . . . Only rest of brain, heart, 
and body, along with good nourishment, and its assimilation 
by regular undisturbed digestion, can restore the animal 

* My physiological treatise should not bore you, for it is 
always good to keep the great principles in view, in accord- 
ance with which we have to regulate our actions. However, 
for all I know, you may be already doing as I wish, in which 
case this is but " un chiffon de papier de plus." 

' The little girl must be a darling. Little maidens are 
much prettier than boys. I advise her to model herself after 
her Aunt Beatrice. That excellent lady has now not a mo- 


ment to spare. '^ I have no time," she says, when she is asked 
for anything, " I must write letters to my niece." 

* It will make you laugh, if I tell you that I have chris- 
tened a hlack mare Ayah (as black nurse). I lately asked the 
groom, what was the horse's name ? which I had forgotten. 
" Haya," was the answer. " What ! " I asked. " We spell 
it Hay, Why, Hay." You should call your WestphaUan 
nurse, " Hay, Why, Hay I " ' 

The movements of French propagandists in Belgium had, 
a few days before this letter was written (21st July), pro- 
voked a demonstration of the resolution of the people to 
maintain their independence which for the time had the 
effect of putting an end to the activity of French agitators 
there. The occasion was the thirty-ninth anniversary of 
King Leopold's accession to the throne. Fetes were given in 
all parts of the country, and at these there was shown to be 
but one feeling among all classes,— devoted loyalty to the 
Sovereign, and a pride in their nationality, which resented 
the idea that Belgium should become a department of 
France. It is to this the Prince alludes in the following 
letter (31st July) to Baron Stockmar : — 

* I do not think I have written to you since our first grand- 
daughter was bom. You will no doubt have shared our joy 
at that event. Vicky seems to recover with extraordinary 
rapidity. When she is able to move, she will go for sea air 
to the Island of Riigen, which is decidedly a judicious step. 

*You will have rejoiced at the Belgian demonstration. 
This was the answer to the idea of annexation, like the 
" Misquons tout I " to the " liberty, igaliti et fratemit'e " of 
the Republic of 1848. May it, like that incident, prove to 
be the turning point ! . . . 

' Our Fortifications Bill is at last in the House of Com- 
mons. Gladstone continues in the Ministry, but on the con- 
dition that he shall be free next year to attack and denounce 
the fortifications, to the construction of which he this year 
gives his assent, and the money. Palmerston laughingly 
yielded this condition to him.' 

The Fortifications Bill had been introduced by Lord 
Palmerston himself in a vigorous speech on the 23rd of July. 
Writing to the Queen the next day he said : — 


' Mr. Gladstone told Viscount Palmerston this evening that he wished it 
to be understood, that though acquiescing in the step now taken about the 
fortifications, he kept himself free to take such course as he may think fit 
upon that subject next year, to which Viscount Palmerston entirely assented. 
That course will probably be the same which Mr. Gladstone has taken this 
year, namely, ineffectual opposition and ultimate acquiescence.' 

On the 2nd of August tidings were received of the Prince 
of Wales' safe arrival at St. John's, Newfoundland, where his 
presence produced a fever of excitement. Of this, some idea 
may be gathered from a letter to Lady Hardwicke from the 
wife of the Archdeacon of St. John's which the Prince has 
preserved among his papers : — 

' If all the Colonies feel towards the Prince as Newfoundland does, it was 
a most politic step to have sent him on this tour. His appearance is very 
much in his favour, and his youth and royal, dignified manners and bearing 
seem to have touched all hearts, for there is scarcely a man or woman who 
can speak of him without tears. The rough fishermen and their wives are 
quite wild about him, and we hear of nothing but their admiration. Their 
most frequent exclamation is, " God bless his pretty face and send him a 
good wife ! " 

*He came to see our Cathedral. The Bishop and Henry showed him 
over it, and his manner to the old Bishop was very beautiful, so gentle, and 
quito reverential. Every one remarked it, and the Bishop was so touched, 
he cannot speak of him calmly, but even now only sobs out, " God bless my 
dear young Prince !"...! hope he will carry away a favourable impression 
of this almost unknown rugged island.' 

These and many other gratifying details of the reception 
which welcomed the Prince to Canada, had not yet reached 
the Prince, when he wrote the following letter to the Dow- 
ager Duchess of Coburg from Osborne (5th August) : — 

* You will no doubt have shared our delight at the happy 
event at Potsdam, which has also conferred fresh ancestral 
dignity upon you. All goes excellently well with Vicky 
and her little daughter. As I hear, she is to be called Vic- 
toria, Elizabeth, Augusta, Charlotte ; but by which of these 
names she is to go is at present unknown to me, which may 
be accepted as a sufficient reason why I cannot impart the 
information to you. 

* On the same 25th of July, Bertie landed in the New 
World, and was received in St. John's, Newfoundland, with 
enthusiasm. That locality is known to the European, and 
particularly to the German Philistine, chiefly if not exclu- 


sively through the Newfoundland dogs. He therefore pic- 
tures to himself the Prince of Wales as surrounded by these 
animals, and their taking an animated part in the prevailing 

* The voyage across, by what the travellers report, was 
not altogether to your taste ; eight days' storm, with a very 
heavy sea and dense mist, I can imagine not to be par- 
ticularly agreeable. Now, however, it is over, and belongs 
probably to the things, of which the travellers will speak 
willingly and with satisfaction ; for it is one of our charac- 
teristics, that we find a peculiar pleasure in talking of dis- 
agreeable things that have befallen us.' 



Maasacres In Syria— Steps for European Occupation— Oontlnaed Distnut of the Emperor 
of the French— His Explanatory Letter to M. Perslgny— Effect produced by it In Eng- 
land- Yenetia- Kingdom of Two Sicilies — ^Meeting at Toplitz of Emperor of Austria 
and Prince Regent of Prussia— Letter by Prince Consort to Prince Eegent of Prussia 
— Review of Scottish Volunteers by Queen at Edinburgh— At Balmoral— Letters by 
Prince Consort on Naral Reserves — The Duchess of Kent — Intonriew of Lord Clarendon 
with Emperor of the French— The latter^s Italian Policy— Illness pf Dowager Duchess 
of Coburg. 

Is the month of June England had been shocked and 
alarmed by the tidings from the Lebanon of a bloody on- 
slaught of the Druses upon the Maronites, — shocked by the 
atrocity of massacres m which thousands of lives were 
sacrificed, and alarmed at the prospect of the intervention 
of Russia or France, to which these might lead, and the con- 
sequent renewal of the chronic dangers of the Eastern ques- 
tion. The Druses, it appeared from subsequent inquiries, 
had only anticipated the Maronites, who, under the instiga- 
tion of their clergy and of foreign agents, had been meditat- 
ing a similar onslaught upon them, with the view of over- 
throwing the Turkish authority in the Lebanon. Aware of 
what was intended, the Turks determined to profit by the 
aniijiosity of these contending races, and not only connived 
at the destruction which ensued, but assisted in it.* Their 
conduct was even more outrageous, when on the 9th of July 
similar outrages broke out in Damascus ; and the Christian 
quarter was attacked and ravaged by a mob consisting of the 

» The Druses and Maronite sappear to have been divided, not by questions 
of religion, but by political rivalry. As to the Christian element in liieir 
creed, it may be judged of by the fact reported to the English Government by 
Lord Duflferin, when sent out as Commissioner to Syria, that the so-called 
Christian communities of the Maronites had asked, througn their Bishops, for 
4,500 of the heads of the Druses by way of retribution. * This,* wrote Iiord 
John Kussell, in a Despatch (9th of January, 1861) to Lord Cowley, *is the 
manner in which these Christian Bishops in the East preach peace on earth 
and good will towards men I ' 


lowest order of Moslem fanatics, assisted by large bodies of 
the Turkish soldiery. During that and the following day it 
was computed that between one and two thousand C&stians 
were butchered ; while in the massacres in the mountains not 
less than 3,500 males were ascertained to have fallen. The 
Consulates of France, Austria, Russia, Holland, Belgium, 
and Greece were destroyed ; their inmates took refuge m the 
house of Abd-el-Kader, who sheltered there about 1,500 
Christians from the fanatical fury of the mob, and behaved 
upon the occasion in a spirit so noble, that he subsequently 
received the thanks of the British Government. 

The misconduct of the local authorities was speedily and 
effectively punished, under the direction of Fuad Pasha, the 
Sultan's Conmussioner. But what had occurred revealed an 
absence of governing power so intolerable, that a proposal 
instantly made by the Emperor of the French to send troops 
to Syria to restore order, and prevent a renewal of atrocities, 
was felt to be so well grounded that, subject to proper condi- 
tions, it could not be resisted. These conditions were subse- 
quently embodied in a Convention between the five Great 
European Powers and the Sultan (3rd August), which pro- 
vided for a body of European troops, not exceeding 12,000, 
being sent to Syria to aid in the re-establishment of tranquil- 
lity. France was to furnish one-half of this force, and the 
Powers were to agree with the Sultan, as to which of them 
should provide whatever further troops were required. The 
five Powers were to contribute any naval force that might 
be necessary, and six months was fixed as the period for the 
occupation of Syria by European troops. 

It was not without much negotiation that this Convention 
was arranged. France, which had always laid great stress 
upon her prestige as protector of the Christians in Syria, was 
regarded with no little jealousy by the other Powers, who 
dreaded her obtaining a footing in the country, and using 
it for purposes not consistent with the interests of some at 
least of the other Powers. England, which had the most 
reason for being on her guard, hung back for a time, but 
waived her objections on the conditions being secured, which 
were embodied in the Convention. 

The attitude taken up by the English Government was 
another expression of the distrust which the French Empe- 
ror had provoked — a distrust not wholly unnatural, knowing 
as they did the alteration of his views in regard to Turkey, 


whicb bad taken place since the close of the Crimean war. 
He was hurt by the suspicion, that in despatching troops to 
Syria he had an object beyond the safety of the Christian 
population ; and he gave vent to this feeling in a letter ad- 
dressed to Count Persigny on the 25th of July, and imme- 
diately published in the newspapers — in which, in very em- 
phatic terms, he vindicated himself from the imputations of 
entertaining designs of any kind, or in any quarter, which 
could lead to war in Europe. There were some to whom the 
frankness and sincerity of tone which pervaded this letter 
furnished only fresh reasons for suspicion. It was said at 
the time, and with some show of authority, to have been 
written on the suggestion of Mr. Cobden, with a view to 
strengthen the hands of the so-called Peace party — a rumour 
which rather injured its effect. Certainly the Emperor's 
assurance did not alter, in any respect, the resolve of the 
country and of Parliament to complete the national defences. 
But it made many waver in their determination to find a 
sinister purpose in all his acts. Nor can it be disputed that 
his future relations with England, which were all in con- 
formity with the views expressed in this letter, in a great 
measure justified their more charitable judgment. However 
this may be, the letter was most able, and remarkable as 
showing how earnestly the Emperor clung to the English al- 
liance : — 

'St. Cloud, 26tli July, 1860. 
* My dear Persigny, — Affairs appear to me to have got into such a tangle 
— ^thanks to the mistrust excited everywhere since the war in Italy — that I 
write to you in the hope that a conversation, in perfect frankness, with Lord 
Palmerston will remedy the existing evil. Lord Pahnerston knows me, and 
when I affirm a thing he will believe me. "Well, you may tell him from me, 
in terms the most unqualified, that since the peace of Yillafranca I have had 
but one thought, one object, — to inaugurate a new era of peace, and to live 
on the best terms with all my neighbours, and especially with England. I 
had renoimced Savoy and Nice ; and it was the extraordinary additions to 
Piedmont which made me fall back upon my right to reunite to France prov- 
inces that were essentially French. But it will be said, " You wish for peace, 
yet you go on augmenting immoderately the military forces of France." I 
deny the fact, utterly and entirely. My army and my fleet have nothing that 
any one can regard as of a menacing character. My steam navy is far from 
being even adequate to our wants, and the number of steamers is far short of 
that of Louis-Philippe's sailing ships. I have 400,000 men under arms ; but 
from this total deduct 60,000 in Algeria, 6,000 in Rome, 8,000 in China, 
20,000 gendarmes^ the sick, and the fresh conscripts, and you will see — ^what 
is the fact — that my regiments have an effective strength lower than they 
had in Louis-Philippe's time. The sole addition to the army has been the 


creation of the Imperial Guard. Moreover, while wishing for peace, I desire 
also to organise my forces on the best possible footing : for, if foreigners 
have only seen the bright side of the late war, I, being on the spot, have wit- 
nessed our defects, and these I wish to remedy. This granted, I have not, 
since Yillaf ranca, done, nay, not even thought of, anything to cause alarm to 
any one. When Lavalettc ' [the French Ambassador at the Porte] * started 
for Constantinople, the instructions which I gave him were confined to this : 
** Use every effort to maintain the stahu quo ; it is the interest of France that 
Turkey should live as long as possible." ' 

*■ Now, then, occur the massacres in Syria, and people are found who assert, 
that I am delighted to find a new occasion for making a little war, or of play- 
ing a new part. Really such people give me credit for very little common 
sense. If I instantly proposed an expedition, it is because I feel as the people 
feel, who have put me at their head, and the intelligence from Syria trans- 
ported me with indignation. But my very first thought was to come to an 
understanding with England. What other interest than that of humanity 
could induce me to send troops into that country ? Could the possession of 
that country by possibility enhance my strength ? Is it not an ever-recurring 
cause of regret to me to see how Algeria for the last thirty years has ab- 
sorbed the purest of France's blood and treasure ? I said in 1860 at Bor- 
deaux — and am still of the same mind — ^that I have great conquests to make, 
but they are to be made in France. I have still to organise this country, 
morally and socially. I have still to develop her internal resources, which 
«ven yet are in a languishing state ; and those objects present a field for my 
ambition, vast enough to more than satisfy it. 

* It was difficult for me to come to an understanding with England about 
Ycnetia, because I was bound by the peace of Villaf ranca. But as to Central 
Italy I am free from engagements, and I ask for nothing better than to be at 
one with England on this subject as upon others ; but in heaven's name, let 
the eminent men who are at the head of the Government lay aside pitiful 
jealousies and unfounded distrust I Let us deal frankly and loyally with one 
another like honest men, as we are, and not like rogues, who are each bent 
on cheating the other. 

*To sum up, this is my innermost thought. I am anxious that Italy 
should obtain peace, no matter how, so that I can withdraw from Rome, and 
that foreign intervention may be averted. I am most anxious not to go to 
Syria alone : first, because of the great expense ; and next, because I fear my 

a This was very different from the language which Lavalette himself was 
reported to have used, and which, if correctly reported, was cidculated to pro- 
duce exactly the opposite impression in regard to the Emperor's intentions. 
One of the great dimculties of the Foreign Secretarjr must always be to deter- 
mine how much is to be believed, and how much rejected, of the intelligence 
forwarded bv his representatives at foreign Courts. There is much truth in 
what is said by Sir George Comewall Lewis, in a letter to Lord Palmerston 
(23rd November, I860), quoted in Mr. Evelyn Ashley's Idfe of Lord Balmer' 
don (vol. ii. p. 333) : * We keep in every country of the world a paid agent, 
often of great activity and intelligence, whose time in general is omj half em- 
ployed, and whose business it is to frighten his own Government with respect 
to the ambitions and encroaching designs of foreign Governments.' Unhap- 
pily, as matters stand, it is better as a rule to be susf)icious than trustful or 
supine. Sir George C. Lewis himself admits, that it is not only natural, but 
' proper, that they should keep a sharp look-out for the machinations of foreign 


doing 80 may inTolve me in the Eastern question. But, on the other hand, 
I do not see how I can resist the public opinion of my country, which will 
never brook that we should leave unpunished, not only the massacre of 
Christians, but also the burning of our Consulate, the insult to our flag, and 
the pillage of monasteries which were under our protection. 

* I have made a clean breast of my thoughts, disguising nothing, omitting 
nothing. Make of my letter what use you please. The style is free and 
familiar, but it is therefore the more sincere.' 

It was characteristic of the Emperor and his mode of 
governing, that a letter of this importance was written and 
despatched without consultation with even his leading Min- 
ister. In some of the opinions expressed, the Emperor was 
in advance of many of the most active politicians in France, 
both within and without the Imperial circle, — in the obvious 
anxiety to conciliate England by deference to her views, and 
by the assurance of his determination to leave her undis- 
turbed, — ^in his frank admissions about Algeria, — ^in his some- 
what curt reference to the Pope, — ^and in his strongly ex- 
pressed desire to go hand in hand with England about Italy, 
a desire which implied the approval, by no means generally 
entertained in France, of the formation of a great Italian 
kingdom. M. Thouvenel saw in this letter a double danger, 
first, that it might wound the feelings of the French nation, 
and next, that it committed the Emperor to pledges, which 
he might find it hard to fulfil. 

But, as regarded public opinion in England, the letter was 
certainly well timed, and served to allay some of the dis- 
quietude which had been occasioned by the doctrine of natural 
frontiers,' and by the prevalent rumours of the activity of 
French agents in the Palatinate, in Belgium, and Poland, and 
even in Ireland. It elicited, however, no very warm response 
from the Government ; who being better informed by their 
agents in different parts of Europe of what was being done 
by persons professing to derive their inspiration from the 
Court of the Tuileries, than the general public could be, 
naturally waited to see if the acts of the French Government 
confirmed the pacific assurances of the Sovereign. These 

• In the last volume, then recently published, of his History of the ConsrdaU 
and the Empire. M. Thiers had written strongly in support of this doctrine, 
and shown tnat ne was prepared to risk the peace of Europe and the fortunes 
of France in obtaining for her those * natural frontiers * of which he considered 
her to have been vindictively deprived by the Congress of Vienna. M. Thiers 
lived to see to what disastrous results for France his own most cherished dream 
of enlarging her frontier of 1790 had led. 


were formally accepted as baying been felt as a relief, and 
France was told tbat England was ready to remain on tbe 
most friendly terms witb ber wbile sbe left ber neigbbonrs at 
peace. {JDespatchy Lord John JiusseU to Lord Cowley, 5tb 
of August, 1860.) 

Tbe immediate source of anxiety was Venetia, to regain 
wbicb it was apprebended tbat Sardmia, unless restrained by 
France, would be impelled by tbe impetus wbicb tbe national 
movement in Italy bad received from tbe successes of tbe in- 
surgents and tbe Garibaldian army in Sicily. Tbe royal 
troops were, towards tbe end of July, sbut up in tbe Citadel 
of Messina, and Garibaldi and bis friends were preparing to 
transfer active operations to tbe mainland. Feeling tbe 
power crumbling beneatb bim, wbicb be bad wantonly 
abused, Francis U. bad, at tbe end of June, offered to grant 
to bis Neapolitan subjects tbe Constitution of 1848, and to 
Sicily tbe Constitution of 1812, or any otber Constitution 
tbey migbt prefer. He bad also proposed an intimate alli- 
ance witb Sardinia, and adberence to a national Italian policy. 
But it was too late. Tbe conviction bad become general, 
tbat tbe only bope for constitutional freedom was in a cbange 
of dynasty, and in annexation to tbe State tbat bad been tbe 
representative and cbampion of tbe liberty and nationality 
of tbe peninsula. In vam tbe King of Naples appealed to 
tbe otber Powers of Europe to belp bim in confronting tbe 
danger wbicb be bad provoked. Wbicb of tbem would bave 
ventured to undertake tbat task, witb tbe uncertainty before 
tbem as to wbat Powers tbey migbt find ranged against tbem 
in tbeir attempt to upbold a dynasty, wbicb bad in despite 
of repeated warnings forfeited its rigbt to govern ? It was 
well known tbat tbe Emperor of tbe Frencb bad protested 
against Garibaldi's enterprise, and tbe enrolment in Nortbem 
Italy of volunteers to support it. But even be, wben ap- 
pealed to by envoys from tbe Court of Naples for assistance, 
declined to interfere. *Tbe Italians,' be said, 'tboroughly 
understand tbat, baving given tbe blood of my soldiers for 
tbe independence of tbeir country, I will never fire a sbot 
against tbis independence. It is tbis conviction wbicb bas 
led tbem to annex Tuscany contrary to my interests, and 
wbicb is urging tbem forward now to Naples.* To save tbe 

* The reader will remember Cavour's words to M. Benedettij cited above 
(note, p. 90), on signing the cession of Savoy and Nice, ^M matrUenant vous 
voila nos complices ! * 

138 VENETIA. 1860 

King single-handed is past my power ; I must be aided hy 
my allies.' Sardinia alone, he at the same time told them, 
could arrest the course of revolution, and to Sardinia he 
recommended them to apply. 

AU, however, which the Neapolitan envoys could obtain 
from Sardinia was a letter from the King to Garibaldi (22nd 
July), urging him not to invade the Neapolitan continent. 
But to this appeal Garibaldi (27th July) courteously respond- 
ed, that much as he should like to do so, he could not obey 
His Majesty's injunctions. He was called for by the people 
of Naples, whom he had tried in vain to restrain. * If he 
should now hesitate,' he added, ' he should endanger the 
cause of Italy. When his task was accomplished of emanci- 
pating the Neapolitan people from tyranny, he would lay 
down his sword at His Majesty's feet, and obey His Majesty 
for the remainder of his lifetime.' Meanwhile the feeling 
throughout the peninsula in favour of union with Sardinia, 
continued to gain strength. It became more and more ap- 
parent, that the Italians would be left to fight out the ques- 
tion for themselves. The fall of the Bourbon dynasty at 
Naples would not move a man or a ship of any other Power. 
All the care of diplomatists was to prevent Austria being 
forced into the field by an attack on Venetia, because this 
would certainly drag other Powers into the conflict, and pos- 
sibly endanger that settlement of the question of Italian in- 
dependence to which its friends were now looking forward 
with the liveliest hopes. 

How Prussia and Germany might act in such an eventu- 
ality was a question of the gravest interest. Curiosity was 
stimulated by the announcement that the Emperor of Aus- 
tria and the Prince Regent of Prussia were to meet at Top- 
litz on the 25th of July. As usual on such occasions, the 
wildest speculations were circulated as to what had taken 
place. The British Government, however, had again the 
advantage of being made acquainted with the exact facts, 
through a letter (29th July) from the Prince Regent of 
Prussia to the Prince Consort. 

On receiving this communication, the Prince wrote to 
Lord John Russell (4th August) to inform him, that the 
Prince Regent had sent him *an account of his interview 
with the Emperor of Austria, written with the same open- 
ness and completeness as his Report on the meeting of 
Baden.' By this it appeared, that * there had been no writ- 


ten or even yerbal engagement, bat only a thorough discus- 
sion and communication of ideas.' The Prince Regent had 
been urged by the King of Bavaria and other Sovereigns to 
see the Emperor of Austria, as he had engaged at Baden to 
treat with him on the matters alluded to there, and a letter 
had come from the Emperor, inviting the Prince to meet 
him at some neutral place like Dresden, and to ask the other 
Kings or any of them to be present. The Prince had select- 
ed Toplitz, and had preferred to meet the Emperor alone, as 
he had undertaken at Baden to treat directly with him. 

*The Emperor,' the Prince continued, 'is anxious that 
Prassia and Germany should act in common in case of a 
conmion danger. He hopes and believes, that an attack by 
France against him in Italy will be considered as such a case 
of common interest. He does not ask for Prussian assistance 
in case he were to make an attack, unless, indeed, after nego- 
tiations, Prussia should have recognised a necessity for such 
aggression. The Emperor declares himself, however, not to 
have the least intention of acting aggressively. 

* On internal policy the Emperor will proceed with his 
reforms, whereby he may gain the sympathies of Germany. 
In the question of the reorganisation of the Federal Army, 
two Generals, one Prussian and one Austrian, are to negoti- 
ate for a division into two commands on the basis of the un- 
derstanding of 1840. 

* The Emperor fears that Sicily may be lost to the King 
of Naples, and hopes that he will be able to maintain him- 
self at Naples. He does not believe in an attack upon Yene- 
tia this year ; but his entourage believe that in about six 
weeks the propaganda, Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi, will 
begin their jomt attack. 

* He hopes to calm Hungary by concessions. 

' He promises to be as just as possible to the Protestant 
Church, which the Prince Kegent has most strongly urged — 
also with a view to conciliating public opinion in Northern 

* The Prince Regent seems to have given the very best 
advice. He found the Emperor self-possessed and open, 
speaking of Russia and England without any bitterness. . . . 
His distrust of France is complete. 

* Will you consider this communication as quite confiden- 
tial, but let Lord Palmerston see it with the same request ? ' 


The Emperor of Austria was right in his conjecture that 
there would be no attack upon Venetia that year. The 
Italians had already quite enough upon their hands, and the 
statesman, whose task it was soon to be to take the guidance 
of the movement for national unity, was too well aware of 
the dangers of every step in that direction to be likely to 
run into them. Between her apprehension, however, of at- 
tack on that side and of a rising m Hungary, the position of 
Austria was one of extreme uneasiness. She still hesitated 
to do, what she did partially and ineffectually in the follow- 
ing October, but was ultimately compelled after the defeat 
of Sadowa to do completely. While, therefore, she hung 
back from restoring to Hungary her rights as an independent 
monarchy, with its own powers of taxation and mternal 
government, she kept alive the discontent and agitation at 
home, which made her weak to resist encroachment from 

The Prince, in his reply to the Prince Regent's letter, 
speaks out upon this subject with his usual boldness and 
clearness of view. This will be seen even from such portions 
of what he wrote, as may without impropriety be given : — 

* Osborne, 6th August, 1860. 

*My dear Cousin, — ^Tou have again given me a proof of 
your friendly confidence, by your communication of so com- 
plete an account of your recent meeting with the Emperor 
of Austria. To my cordial thanks I can again add our con- 
gratulations upon the admirable way in which you have han- 
dled that meeting and endeavoured to turn it to the advan- 
tage of Germany and of Europe. . . . 

' What further development the Italian question will 
take I do not venture to predict ; but my belief is that 
nothing will tend so much as an abstinence from all external 
intervention to force the Italians into a solution of their own 
internal questions, and to this we may look for the surest 
safeguard against their making further appeals for aid from 
without. . . . The worst thing for the King is, that, after 
taking pains to perpetuate his father's system out of personal 
conviction, he now feels that he can rely neither on his troops 
nor on his fleet. The constitutional promises which he now 
makes are contrasted with the broken pledges of his father, 
grandfather, and great-grandfather, and the Count Monte- 
molin's recent breach of faith is pointed to as a proof that 


the present generation of the Bourbons is as little to be re* 
lied on as its predecessors. Our Ministry is decidedly anx- 
ious that the Two Sicilies should be kept independent of 
Sardinia, but such is the popular hatred of the J^eapolitan 
r^gimey which for the last twelve years has been the object 
of general execration, that any step, which could be open to 
the suspicion of seeming to uphold it, is next to impossible. 

* May the Emperor i rancis Joseph go on with his reforms, 
and cause justice to be done to Protestants, Hungarians, 
Jews, &G. ! It is high time. It seems to me that one of his 
chief difficulties consists in the fundamental difference be- 
tween his and his people's way of looking at things. He 
proposes to make concessions as acts of grace ; they, on the 
other hand, ask to haye a legal status, and institutions not 
dependent on the good or ill will of the Sovereign. They 
had, most of them, documentary rights ( Verbriefte Hechte), 
as they were called, in the Middle Ages, and as the Revolu- 
tion of 1848 had overthrown everything, the Emperor was 
wronff, when it had been put down, not to return to a state 
of things based upon law and right, instead of, as it were, 
legitimising the Revolution by proclaiming himself its 
heir. . . . 

* How happily has e vervthing passed off with Vicky this 
time I We cannot be sufficiently grateful to heaven. The 
little granddaughter has doubtless been as welcome to you 
as to ourselves. Now we are rejoicing at the thought of 
meeting Vicky soon, and making the acquaintance at least 
of her little boy, and we are especially pleased at the pros- 
pect of seeing you at Coburg. While you are at Ostend, 
where I wish you better weather than as yet has fallen to 
your lot, we shall be at Balmoral. 

* We have now good news of Bertie's arrival and recep- 
tion in the New World. (His crossing was a very stormy 
one.) Of Alfred's arrival at the Cape, however, we are still 
without any tidings. 

* I must add that M. Thouvenel has expressed himself as 
very unhappy about the publication of the Emperor's letter 
to M. de Persigny, which, he fears, will hurt His Majesty in 
the eyes of his people, and contained promises which might 
be very difficult for him to fulfil ! ' 

The day after this letter was written (6th August) the 
Court moved from Osborne to Balmoral, taking Edinburgh 


by the way, where a review of the Scottish Volunteer forces 
had been appointed for the 7th. . 

* At 8.10, says the Queen's Diary, ' we were at the Edin- 
burgh Station. The Duke of Buccleuch and usual author- 
ities, besides the Staff come down for the Review, received 
us. Many people out and most friendly.' The morning was 
devoted to a visit to the Duchess of Kent, who was spending 
the summer at Cramond House, some miles to the west of 
Edinburgh, — 'a small cheerful house, looking across the 
Erith of Forth,' the Queen writes, *with a pretty garden, 
and surrounded by beautiful beech, sycamore, and other 
trees.' After a short stay, the Queen and Prince returned 
to Holyrood Palace, passing through the town, which they 
found all astir with excitement, the streets crowded with 
people, and troops of Volunteers on their way to the Review. 

The scene of the Review was Holyrood Park, a long level 
space stretching eastward from Holyrood Palace at the base 
of the steep ascent which is crowned by Arthur's Seat, and 
also commanded by the great breadth of slope westwards, 
which terminates in the picturesque ridge of Salisbury 
Crags. A nobler arena for such a display could not be 
imagined ; and the enthusiasm of the multitudes, which 
covered every inch of ground, on slope, and peak, and crag, 
from which it could be seen, made even more exciting a 
spectacle that abounded in features peculiarly fitted to satisfy 
the eye and to quicken the imagination. Of all the cities of 
Europe, none presents so many points as Edinburgh for giv- 
ing effect to holiday movement and display. The spot, more- 
over, on which the Review took place, was not merely dear 
to Scotchmen from the associations of history and romance, 
but it has in itself more features of mingled beauty and 
grandeur than any other in the ' grey metropolis of the North.' 

The gathering was a truly national one. From all parts 
of the country vast multitudes flocked to Edinburgh, to 
testify their loyalty to the Queen, and the hold which the 
Volunteer movement had upon their hearts. As the English 
counties had sent the flower of their local corps to the Re- 
view in Hyde Park in June, so now came a goodly array of 
the best blood and bone and sinew from nearly every county 
in Scotland to swell the general muster. From the Orkneys, 
* placed far amid the melancholy main,' from Caithness, from 
Inverness, from Aberdeen, from the hills of Argyleshire, from 
the banks of Loch Tay, from the straths and upland pastures 


of the valley of the Tajr, from Forfarshire, Fifeshire, and 
Stirlingshire, came the picked men of each district. Niths- 
dale, Annandale, Galloway, Roxhurghshire, and Selkirkshire 
sent their contingents from the South, swelled by troops 
from Tynemouth, Alnwick, Sunderland, and Whitehaven ; 
while Glasgow and the West of Scotland furnished about 
one-third of the entire force of at least 22,000 men, who came 
together on that day to salute their Sovereign under the win- 
dows of the ancient palace of Holyrood.' 

The day was fine to a wish, the sun shining brightly, 
and set off the animated scene to the greatest advantage. 
As the Volunteers, troop by troop, marched to their posi- 
tions, the bulk, the stature, the fine muscular development 
of the men, no less than the precision of their movements 
and their soldierly bearing, excited general admiration. Nor 
was this wonderful, for the ranks were filled by the very 
flower and manhood of <a hardy and spirited race. ' Mama 
arrived,' says Her Majesty's Diary, * about a quarter to three, 
and waited with us, looking at the splendid scene, — Arthur's 
Seat covered with human beings, and the Volunteers with 
bands marching in from every direction on to the ground 
close in front of the Palace. We waited long, watching 
everything from the window.' Soon after half-past three 
the Queen came upon the ground in an open carriage and 
four, in which were seated with her the Duchess of Kent, 
the Princess Alice, and Prince Arthur. The Princess Hele- 
na, Princess Louise, and Prince Leopold, followed in the 

» A visitor to Edinburgh at this time would have found it much as Mr. 
Jonathan Oldbuck in Scott's novel says he found it in the days of Napoleon's 
threatened invasion at the beffinninff of the centurv. * I called to consult my 
lawyer ; he was clothed in a draff oon's dress, belted and casqued, and about to 
mount a charger, while his writing-clerk (habited as a sharpshooter) walked 
to and fro before his door. I went to scold my a^ent for having sent me to 
advise with a madman : he had stuck into his head the plume, which in more 
sober days he wielded between his fingers, and figured as an artillery officer. 
My mercer had his spontoon in his hand, as if he measured his cloth by that 
implement, instead of a legitimate yard. The banker's clerk, who was directed 
to sum mv cash account, blundered it three times, being disordered by the 
recollection of his military tdlinga off at the morning drill. I was ill and sent 
for a surgeon — 

* He came— but valour so had fired his eye, 
And such a falchion glittered on his thigh, 
That, by the gods, with such a load of steel, 
I thought he came to murder, not to heal. 

I had recourse to a physician, but he also was practising a more wholesale 
mode of slaughter than that which his profession had been supposed at all 
times to open to him.' — The Antiquary^ chap. vi. 


next carriage. The Prince Consort rode on the right side of 
the Queen's carriage, and the Duke of Buccleuch, as Lord 
Lieutenant of the county and captain of the Royal Body- 
Guard of Scottish Archers, on the left. As Her Majesty 
passed along the lines of the Volunteers, who stood at the 
salute, the whole assembled multitudes that crowded the 
slopes of the great natural amphitheatre of the adjoining 
hills broke into acclamations. ' The effect,' wrote a spec- 
tator, ' of the cheering on the hill-side was not less than sub- 
lime. Peal after peal broke forth in thunder, carried away 
by the strong wind, to be again and again renewed.' 

Then came the marching past, and this, a^ain to quote 
Her Majesty's Diary, * lasted an hour and ten mmutes. Very 
good, very fine men, the Highlanders splendid. Lord Bread- 
albane, riding at the head of his own body of five hundred 
Highlanders, looked magnificent and was loudly cheered. 
The only drawback was the dust, which came at times in 
such clouds, as to prevent the men from seeing anything, 
and yet they marched so well. . . . Every one looked so 
dirty, just as after a dusty Aldershot day, and the dust was 
of a much more disagreeable kind for the eyes.' 

The Volunteers, who had kept silence during the Re- 
view, according to the British rule of military discipline, so 
soon as it was over, showed that they were resolved not to 
be behind the lookers-on in letting their loyalty be heard. 
Advancing in line, they saluted the Sovereign with cheers 
which seemed to surpass in concentrated energy those of the 
far greater numbers which had preceded them. * Cheers,' 
says the Royal Diary, ' which never ceased, and went on 
again and again.' Caps were thrown into the air, or stuck 
upon rifles, and waved wildly to and fro ; while not a few, 
throwing discipline aside, broke from the ranks, and hurried, 
cheering, after the royal carriage, until it re-entered the pre- 
cincts of the Palace. * We came home,' the Queen writes, 
* at near six, so delighted that dear Mama could be present 
on this memorable and never to be forgotten occasion. She 
had not witnessed anything of the kind for long (the distri- 
bution of the Crimean Medals in 1854, and of the Victoria 
Cross in 1857, excepted), and had not driven with me on any 
similar occasion for above twenty-six years ! ' 

Former experiences had made the Queen no stranger to 
the heartiness with which her Northern subjects express their 
loyalty, nevertheless their enthusiasm throughout this excit- 

1860 AT BALMORAL. 145 

ing day impressed her deeply. In a hasty note written the 
same evening to King Leopold, Her Majesty refers to it with 
obvious satisfaction : — 

' Holyrood, 7th August, 1860. 

* We came down here by night train, arriving at 8 a.m. 
We paid Mama [the Duchess of Kent] a visit at her really 
charming residence at Cramond, quite near the sea, with 
beautiful trees, and very cheerful. And this afternoon she 
was present the whole time at the splendid Volunteer Re- 
view, which lasted from half -past three till near six, in the 
open carriage with me, and enjoyed it greatly. I was happy 
to have her with me on this memorable occasion, having had 
y(m with me at the Review in Hyde Park. It was magnifi- 
cent, — ^finer decidedly than in London. There were more 
men, and the scenery here is so splendid. That fine moun- 
tain, Arthur's Seat, was crowded with people to the very 
top ; and the Scotch are very demonstrative m their loyalty. 
Lord Breadalbane, at the head of his Highlanders, was the 
very picture of a Highland chieftain.' 

On the following day (8th August) the Court reached 
Balmoral, and the I'rince mentions, in his Diary, that he 
had the good fortune the very next day to shoot a fine stag, 
and on the 13th to kill fifty head of grouse to his own eun. 
But the season was as bad for game as it was for the har- 
vest, and on the few days the Prince was able to go out on 
his favourite sport of deer-stalking, ill-success seems gener- 
ally to have attended his efforts. At Balmoral, as elsewhere, 
his mind was busy on subjects of national interest. Thus 
on the 14th he wrote on the subject of the Naval Reserve 
to Lord Palmerston, who had sent him a letter and memo- 
randum by the Duke of Somerset, then First Lord of the 
Admiralty, containing information on the subject, for which 
the Prince, on behalf of Her Majesty, had asked some time 
before : — 

' Balmoral, 14tli August, 1860. 

*My dear Lord Palmerston, — ^I return the Duke of Som- 
erset's letter and memorandum. It shows what I had been 
afraid of, viz. that we have not yet much of a Naval Re- 

' The Coast Volunteers are, for the greater part, lands- 
men, and as they cannot, by the terms of their engagement, 

VOL. V. — ^7 


be used beyond fifty leagues from the shore, they are useless 
for general purposes, and cannot be drafted into the fleet. 

' Of the 20,000 or 30,000 men, " Naval Reserve," whom 
the Manning Commission recommended to be raised, and in 
whom the Government and Parliament recognised the only 
real safeguard for the country, as impressment is considered 
inapplicable in our days, we have, after more than a year's 
operation of the measure, only got 1,419 I Of these we 
must calculate that more than one-half are out on long voy- 
ages ; so that our Naval Reserve, for a sudden emergency, 
amounts to 700 men. 

* What I have never understood is, that the Admiralty 
does not try to raise and train for the service more boys, 
who are most easily got, cheap to keep, and make much bet- 
ters sailors for the Royal Navy when grown up, than men 
entered in the ports, and who have been brought up in the 
Merchant Service, and may have contracted every vice of 
indiscipline. We actually require on an average 4,000 boys 
a year, and we have only 1,880 in our school ships (this 
number including even the Novices !) If we had a reserve 
of 5,000 boys, these would almost supply the Navy in peace 
time. And if an equal number of men who have served in 
the Navy were placed in the Naval Reserve, when these 
boys grow up and take their places, we should soon have an 
efficient reserve force, not requiring any further training, 
and most valuable to the Merchant Service from the pre- 
vious training received in the Royal Navy. 

* But something must really be done. Government and 
Parliament have recognised the necessity of it, and acknowl- 
edged it to the country ; and, if the plan which was to sup- 
ply the defect fails, something else must be tried. The 
pledge is not redeemed by adopting a plan which does not 
work, but by achieving a success by whatever plan may en- 
sure it.' 

The subject of training boys for the Navy was no new 
one to the Prince. Two years previously he had brought his 
views on the subject before Lord Hardwicke, the Chairman 
of a Committee then sitting on the subject of the manning 
the Navy, in the following letter : — 

' My dear Lord Hardwicke,— ^In your position as Chair- 
man of the " Manning Committee " 1 wish to draw your at- 
tention to a point which I consider of the utmost importance. 


* We have two brigs, the Holla and NautiliMy at Ports- 
mouth and Plymouth, for apprenticing boys for the Navy. 
You are perfectly acquainted with their excellent system, 
and the fact that, after having completed their time of in- 
struction, these boys form the best sailors in the Queen's ser- 
vice, having acquired a taste for the " man-of-war " service 
early in life, and being free from any connection with the 
merchants' service. 

* But these two ships give the Navy only about 200 sea- 
men a year. What are 400 annually to a fleet of 50,000 ? 
Why should not each of the coast-guard ships have a brig 
attached to them on their respective stations for receiving 
boys ? The brigs are worth nothing to the service, and I am 
told that the applications for the entry of boys are always 
far beyond the present means of receiving, whilst men are 
frequently not to be had. If 2,000 boys so trained were 
added every year to the Navy for ten years' service it would 
be none too many. It would only give us 20,000 men at the 
end of ten years, but these would be added permanently to 
the stock of seamen of the country, which I am sorry to say 
appears to be gradually falling below our wants. Ever yours 
truly, Albert. 

'Osborne, 24th July, 1858.' 

Birthdays, it will have been noticed, were never forgotten 
in the Royal Family, and they were always made the occa- 
sion for kind words, which may be superfluous as assurances 
of affection, but to which those who have the least reason to 
doubt its existence, are never indifferent. The 17th of this 
month was the birthday of the Duchess of Kent ; and of all 
the Prince's circle she was the least likely to be overlooked 
on such an anniversary. He knew that to her it would be a 
sad one, for on the 12th he had learned that her only sur- 
viving sister • had been struck with apoplexy. This added to 
the regret which he expressed in the following letter for th^ 
absence of the Duchess from the family circle : — 

* Balmoral, 16th August, 1860. 

*Ink and paper are, and unhappily must be, the medium 
to-day for conveying to you my good wishes for the 17th. 

• The Princess Juliana Henrietta Ulrica, bom 23d September, 1781, married 
in 1796 to the Grand Duke Oonstantine of Bussia, when she assumed the name 
of Anna Feodorowna. 


We are unfortunate in being so often separated from you 
now on that day. May the presence of three dear grand- 
children act as a compensation and serve to cheer you, for 
the thought of your invalid sister will, no doubt, hang upon 
you like a gloomy veil, and mar your otherwise complete 
enjoyment ! We have heard no further news of Aunt since 
yesterday morning. 

* We beg you will be pleased to accept our gifts gracious- 
ly, and to picture to your thoughts the improvements or reno- 
vations which await you at Frogmore/ 

* The children write everything to you in greater or less 
detail. We have just heard from Bertie, from Halifax, 
where the news of Vicky's confinement met him, and where 
they spoke to him in kindly remembrance of the Duke of 

* Vicky's little daughter was baptized yesterday at half - 
past one ; and we had news of the fact by telegraph at three. 
It is now called Charlotte. Once more a thousand good 
wishes. Ever your devoted son, 

* Albert.' 

The same evening, a telegram announced the death that 
day at Elf enau of the Grand Duchess Anne, widow of the 
Grand Duke Constantine of Russia, and sister of King Leo- 
pold ; and the Prince again wrote to the Duchess of Kent : — 

' My yesterday's letter was scarcely gone, when the mourn- 
ful telegram arrived from Berne ! So once more I write to 
you on black-edged paper I What a sad birthday for you 
this will be ! With poor Aunt it is well, and now one may 
indeed say, that a partial restoration (for a complete one was 
impossible, especially at her advanced age) would have been 
a great misfortune for her. Infirm and crippled, with men- 
tal faculties enfeebled, and her sensibility of feeling over- 
strong, quite alone among strangers, without children of her 
own who would regard it as a privilege and a pleasure to 
nurse her, life would have been certain to become insupport- 
able to her ! Still such considerations do not alleviate the 
grief of the survivors. My only wish is, that it may not in- 
jure your health. Ever your devoted son, 

* Albert. 

* Balmoral, 16th August, I860.' 

T The residence of the Duchess, where considerable iraprovemeuts for her 
convenience were being carried out. 


On the 2lBt the Prince wrote as follows to his now most 
taciturn friend at Coburg : — 

* I must once more make inquiry how you are. I know 
it will be fruitless, for I shall get no reply ; still I must and 
will in that case comfort myself with the proverb, " No news 
is good news." Of ourselves I am able to give you a good 
account, notwithstanding the utter absence of any summer. 
We have not hitherto had one summer's day, and yet, accord- 
ing to the calendar, the summer is nearly over ! Here there 
is no living in the house without a iire, and if you go out, 
you get frightfully wet. Nevertheless, we do go out deer- 
stalking, and with as much success as usual. 

* You will have been greatly grieved at the death of good 
Aunt Julia. . . . Poor XJncle Leopold will be greatly cut up 
by it ; he was particularly fond of his sister, and her roman- 
tic character had a special charm for him. I fear his cure at 
Wiesbaden will have been greatly disturbed by this event. 
Mama was also greatly distressed, out, beyond this, I do not 
hear that her health has been affected. She had her grand- 
children, Victor Hohenlohe and Ernest and Marie Leimngen, 
with her on her birthday, which cheered her up. Cramond, 
the countrv house which she has taken near Edinburgh, is 
very prettily situated on the sea, and has a wonderfully fine 
look-out across the Frith of Forth. We visited her there 
when we halted at Edinburgh on the 7th for the Volunteer 

* This review was magnificent. There were present 22,000 
Volunteers and more than 200,000 spectators, who covered 
the whole of Arthur's Seat down to the front of Holyrood, 
where the Review took place. The French arc as much out 
of humour at this demonstration as Messrs. Cobden and 
Bright. The former remarked to an American in Paris, 
among others — " As for Prince Albert's Rifle mania, that is 
mere Germanism in the disguise of British patriotism." The 
American despatched the whole conversation forthwith to 
the N^ew York Herald^ from which it has come back to our 
papers ! The British patriotism, however, of the British 
themselves goes on arming without interruption. The Forti- 
fication Bill has passed, and will secure a permanent protec- 
tion to our harbours. . . . 

*We have good news of our travelling sons from Nova 
Scotia and Rio Janeiro. The two others are with us 


here — Leopold for the first time, which makes him very 

The Emperor of the French felt acutely the comparative 
failure, referred to by the Prince, of his letter to Count Per- 
signy in re-establishing the old cordiality in the relations be- 
tween the English Government and his own. Hearing that 
Lord Clarendon was to be in Paris, he intimated through M. 
Thouvenel a wish to see him, knowing well from* former ex- 
perience that no one wai3 better able to report the true state 
of public feeling in England, or more certain to speak his 
mind without reserve on what it concerned the Emperor to 
know. The conversation that ensued was reported by Lord 
Clarendon in a letter to Lord Palmerston (20th August^, 
which Lord John Russell, who was then staying with his 
family at Abergelkie Castle, sent on a few days afterwards 
to the Queen. Lord Clarendon had little to tell the Emper- 
or, which the Emperor had not already learned from Lord 
Cowley and through other channels. But the interview was 
not without influence upon the Emperor's mind, and it is 
clear, from Lord Clarendon's account of it, that he was for 
the time thoroughly in earnest in the purpose to abstain from 
embroiling Europe in war : — 

* I have seen the Emperor,* Lord Clarendon wrote, * who was very friendly, 
and talked upon all subjects with his usual frankness. After some prelimi- 
nary gossip, he said he wished me to explain to him the feelings of aversion 
and mistrust which he had inspired in England. 

*I begged permission to answer his inquiry without reserve, and then said 
that his inexplicable policy was the whole cause of it. That it was not alone 
his taking of Savoy, but the manner in which he had taken it, that had irri- 
tated the English nation. He had first published a proclamation at Milan, 
which was received with universal applause. He had then declared that he 
did not mean to take Savoy ; then he would have it by consent of the Sardin- 
ian Parliament and the universal wish of Savoy, to which he added Nice ; 
and all these announcements had been made to us and disregarded the next 
day, as if he wished to proclium his utter contempt of English opinion. 

* But this was not all ; because his annexation of Savoy to France was 
thought to be the beginning of an aggressive policy, in furtherance of his 
scheme of remaniement de la carte de V Europe, which meant tearing up trea- 
ties, despoiling States, and creating confusion — and what was the conse- 
quence? Why, that alarm, mistrust, most unnecessary expense in arma- 
ments, want of confidenoe, check to enterprise, and enormous commercial 
losses, now prevailed throughout Europe. Men woke in the morning, inquir- 
ing what surprise had been menage for them in the night, and all this at 
a time when Europe wanted repose and economy, and when Govemmenta 
wished to advance the material prosperity of their people by taking advan- 
tage of all the improvements in art and science. 


'Was it possible, I asked, that a straightforward, industrious people like 
the English should not resent such a state of things, and be irritated at its 
cause ? I must further observe, that the system of making known his inten> 
tions and feeling his way by means of anonymous pamphlets appeared to me 
a dangerous novelty, and that he ought not to be surprised at its giving uni- 
versal offence. 

* The Emperor allowed me to go on without showing any signs of dis- 
pleasure, and only remarked that he was wronged about the pamphlets ; that 
he could not prevent their publication, and he explained the law of France. 
But I said he could not deny the authorship of " ie Pape et U Congrhy^ and 
that, as it was known he had once resorted to such means, he was, of course, 
more than suspected of using them again by the different parties whose in- 
terests they affected. 

' He then said, with his characteristic nawete, that he was generally dis- 
trusted — that nobody believed what he said — that the worst designs were im- 
puted to him, and tiiat he had therefore determined de se retirer dans sa eo- 
quille^ and no longer to take an active part in the questions that were usually 
supposed to interest France. I said, it appeared to me a wise determination, 
and that, if adhered to, it might do more than anything else to restore the 
confidence of which he regretted the loss. 

' He said he was sure the King of Naples would run away. In that case, 
I asked His Majesty if he thought Garibaldi would march against Venetia ? 
His Majesty had not the least doubt of it. If the Austrians, I asked, should 
act wisely and wait for him within their own frontier, will the Sardinians go 
to the assistance of Garibaldi and attack Austria i His Majesty had no 
doubt of that either. " Shall you then, sir, go to the assistance of the Sar- 
dinians, provided that Austria observes the Treaty of Zurich, and docs not 
attempt to recover Lombardy, or to meddle with Parma or Modena ? " ** Most 
assuredly not," was the answer. " Have you given them notice of it ? " "I 
have. I know they say que jtfau de la diplomatie, and that they shall like 
to see when the first Austrian cannon is fired, if I shall dare not to come to 
their assistance. But they will find that my diplomatie est une veriU et une 

' I have never seen him in a more sober and less speculative state of 
mind, and never so alive to the reality of his own position, and to the state 
of public opinion respecting his policy. I think he f e^ls strongly that the 
English alliance is the only one he can rely on, and that it is his interest to 
r^ain, by deserving it, the confidence of the English people.' 

In what the Emperor Baid as to the coarse he meant to 
pursue in regard to Sardinia and Venetia, he subsequently 
showed that he was quite in earnest. Beyond all doubt he 
would gladly have seen Venetia added to Sardinia as the 
result of a pacific transaction, for it was part of his pro- 
gramme, and it would have left him more free to disembar- 
rass himself of the irksome task of holding Rome for the 
Pope. But he was resolute in his determination not to be 
dragged into supporting any unprovoked invasion of Venetia 
in violation of the arrangements of Villafranca and Zurich. 
The knowledge of this strengthened the hands of Count 


Cavour and of Victor Emmannel in holding in check the 
rash ardour of Garibaldi and others, when soon afterwards, 
in the flush of their success in upsetting the Bourbon dynasty 
in Naples, they thought to wrest Venetia from the hands of 
Austria, and when the attempt, instead of completing, as they 
hoped, the work of liberation, might have endangered all 
that they had already achieved. 

On the 7th of October, 1859, the Queen and Prince had 
made the ascent of Ben Muich Dhui, the highest of the Scot- 
tish mountains.® They had then so thoroughly enioyed the 
excursion, and taken away so delightful an impression of the 
magnificent panorama which is visible from its summit, that 
they determined to make another ascent this year. This in- 
tention they carried out on the 24th of August, taking with 
them the frincess Alice and the Princess Helena. The 
ascent was accomplished with no less happy results than on 
the former occasion. The day was fine, the atmosphere 
clear, and the views unusually splendid. It was the best 
possible refreshment for the overtasked mind and spirits of 
the Prince. 

Two days later (26th August) came his own birthday, 
and with it the usual gifts and greetings from those who 
loved him. They drew many letters from him in reply. To 
his daughter in Berlin he wrote the next day : — 

* Balmoral, 27th August, 1860. 

* Hearty thanks for your dear lines, which I found yester- 
day on my table under the Staghom chandeliers. I did 
indeed miss you ! Four of you were absent — Bertie, Affie, 
Baby, and you !' — ^but all were well employed and doing well, 
and for a father's heart that is the chief concern. Your little 
tableau vivant • is indeed the best of gifts and the best of 
productions, only it has the disadvantage, that I cannot man- 
age to see it. 1 console myself, however, with the hope of 
seeing your first work before long, and although you have 
always something to object to in it, yet it is to me a source 

* In the Leavesfrom a Journal the Queen, in writing about this ascent, in- 
cidentally notes tne impression which the Prince's cheerful and kindly ways 
produced upon those about him. He had ridden on, * talking so gaily with 
Grant,* his head keeper, ♦ upon which Brown observed to me, in simple High- 
land phrase, ** It's very pleasant to walk with a person who is always con- 
tent." ' Again, in answer to a remark by the Queen, that the Prince never 
was cross Mter bad luck when out shooting. Brown said, *■ Every one on the 
estate says there never was so kind a master.' 

» The allusion obviously is to the children of the Princess, 


of great delight. The 26th fell upon a quiet day in Scot- 
land, but to me the quiet was the very thing, and accords 
best with my mood of mind. 

* The people, however, intend to hold a festival on Thurs- 
day in honour of the day.' 

The Prince's stepmother, the Dowager Duchess of Co- 
burg, had been for some time in very delicate health. When 
he wrote the following letter in reply to her congratulations 
on his birthday, he had, however, no reason to apprehend 
that they were the last she would send him : — 

* Accept my most hearty thanks for your kind good wishes 
for the 26th, which we spent in the quietude of a Scottish 
Sunday. I will salute with great satisfaction, as coming 
from your hand, the picture which you announce as on its 
way. That you continue to give such bad news of your own 
health makes me very unhappy, and troubles the otherwise so 
cheerful thought of soon bemg able to be in Coburg and 
Gotha. The terribly damp summer is no doubt in some 
degree to blame for your indisposition. May a fine autumn 
help to restore your strength ! 

* I was convinced that you would be greatly distressed, 
too, by the death of good Aunt Julia. She retained her 
vivacity of mind and feeling, her vital freshness and amia- 
bility to the last. It is now plain that the attack, which 
ended her life on the 15th inst., began on the 25th of July. 
In spite of this she made the journey from Geneva to 
Elfenau, arranged everything there, received visits, &c. 
Uncle Leopold and Mama-Aunt have been greatly cut up by 
the news.' 

The illness of the Duchess, an illness involving great suf- 
fering, borne with admirable courage, proved to be deeply 
seated ; and, when the Prince visited Gotha a few weeks 
afterwards, it was to see her laid in her grave. 


Prorogation of Parliament—Garibaldi invades Kingdom of Naples— Enters Naples— Threat- 
ens to advance on Borne— Arrested by Cavour^s Determination to invade Umbria and 
the Marches— Gavour*8 Circular Note — Its Effect in Kurope— Papal States invaded by 
Sardinian Army— Dictatorship of Garibaldi^Success of Cavour^s Measures— Court re- 
turns from Balmoral to London. 

The 28th of August had been reached before Parliament 
was prorogued. The Session was not only of unusual length, 
but the sittings had been long and late. Much time had been 
lost in the protracted debates upon the abortive Reform Bill. 
The lengthened and frequent discussions on foreign politics 
had also retarded the progress of the necessary business, 
which had to be got through before the national Council 
could be dismissed for its holiday. Late as the Session must 
in any case have been, it was made later by a cause to which 
Lord Palmerston makes humorous allusion in writing to the 
Queen on the 13th of August : — 

* Members,' he wrote, * are leaving town, but the tiresome ones, who have 
no occupation of their own, and no chance of seeing their names in the news- 
paper when Parliament is up, remain to obstruct and delay by talking. The 
Speaker, who has not been quite well, grows as impatient as any official who 
has hired a grousing moor and cannot get to it, and a few nights ago, when 
a tiresome orator got up to speak just as an end to the debate had been ex- 
pected, the Speaker cried " Oh, oh ! " in chorus with the rest of the House.' 

But talking, as a means of obstruction to business, had 
not, as in more recent times, been reduced to a science. The 
patience of weary legislators and still wearier officials had no 
doubt had a rather heavier burden than ordinary to bear ; 
but business was never brought to a standstill, nor respect 
for the very constitution of the Assembly shaken. The de- 
bates in both Houses had upon the whole been worthy of the 
high reputation which each had inherited, and the Statute 
Book was enriched by several valuable measures of legal and 
fiscal reform. 


All eyes were directed upon Italy, where events of the 
deepest interest were passing with startling rapidity. Gari- 
baldi had thrown down a challenge to the Neapolitan Gov- 
ernment by a proclamation, on the 6th of August, of his in- 
tention to accomplish for the Neapolitan States what he had 
already accomplished for Sicily. It struck panic to the heart 
of Francis U. and his advisers ; for they saw with dismay, 
that not only was the announcement everywhere hailed with 
delight, but that neither the army nor the fleet could be re- 
lied on to make a stand against the invader. That invader's 
forces were so scanty, so wanting in experience and in dis- 
cipline, so deficient in all the resources for a campaign, that 
they could have made no way against a regular army well 
led, and loyal to its colours. But this element of loyalty was 
wanting, and it soon became apparent that the liberator's 
work was in effect done for him in advance, by the total 
alienation from the Sovereign of both the army and the na- 

The first sign of this was shown in the ease with which 
Garibaldi was able, on the 19th of August, to effect a dis- 
embarkation on the mainland at Melito with a force of 4,000 
men. Here he was joined by a small body of his volunteers, 
who had crossed the Straits of Messina some days before, 
and had been joined by about 1,500 Calabrians.* The next 
day he marched along the coast to Reggio, which was occu- 
pied by a large body of Neapolitan troops, the great body of 
whom retreated before his advance almost without resistance, 
and took refuge at San Giovanni. In less than two hours 
after the first exchange of shots, they had evacuated the 
town, and the Fort of Keggio alone was left in the hands of 
those who remained. Meanwhile, Garibaldi's forces had been 
greatly increased by the landing of General Cosenz with large 
bodies of his followers, who had crossed the Straits and land- 
ed near Reggio in the face of a feeble and badly directed fire 
from some Neapolitan war steamers. The attack was now 
directed upon the Fort of Reggio. After a short fire, in 
which the officer in command of the fort was mortally wound- 

1 A few days before the descent of Garibaldi upon Calabria, it was reported 
to the French Government by an eye-witness, who could be relied on, that the 
insurgent forces amounted to only 27,000 men, of whom 18,000 were Italians, 
7,000 Sicilians, while the remainder consisted of English. French, Poles, Hun- 
^rians, and Russians. The Sicilians were deserting in large numbers, partly 
because their pay was in arrear, and partly because tnev were disposed to leave 
their brethren oi Southern Italy to fight their own battles. 


ed, it surrendered, leaving in the hands of the invaders 500 
stands of arms, many guns, and much valuable ammunition 
and other supplies. Garibaldi then turned his attention to 
the Royal troops, who had retreated upon San Giovanni, and 
arranged his advance so skillfully, that thev found themselves 
surrounded. Feeling confident they would surrender, Gari- 
baldi forbade his men to fire. Presentl^r a flag of truce was 
sent from the Royal lines, and they raised the cry, ' Viva 
Garibaldi/ Viva PltcUia/^ Upon this, Garibaldi himself 
descended among the King's troops, when he was almost torn 
to pieces in the enthusiasm with which they greeted him. 
Their numbers were about 2,000, and when they were told 
they might go to their homes, they laid down their arms, and 
joyfully availed themselves of the permission. 

What happened at Reggio and San Giovanni was the 
prelude to many similar defections. Regiment after regi- 
ment in other parts of the country broke out into open revolt, 
and declared for Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel, whilst 
others joined the insurgents, whom they had been sent to 
quell. It was obvious that the doom long foreseen, which 
tne Bourbon dynasty had provoked, was now close at hand. 
The King's uncle, the Count of Syracuse, on the 24th of 
August, wrote to him, urging him to abdicate, and so avert 
the calamity of civil war. Heedless of this appeal, the King 
lingered on in Naples, while every day brought news that his 
army was dwindling away and that Garibaldi was advancing 
unresisted to the capital. At length, his Ministry having 
resigned, no others being found to accept their places, he 
embarked, on the 6th of September, for the fortress of Gaeta, 
where he still hoped to rally sufficient forces to maintain his 
kiugdom. Two days afterwards. Garibaldi entered Naples 
by railway from Salerno, and was hailed by its inhabitants 
with the wildest demonstrations of delight. 

Meanwhile, Cavour had not been idle. He had for some 
time seen that nothing could arrest the fall of Francis II., 
and that he must grapple, and that swiftly, with the problem 
which this contingency presented. Was the revolution to be 
left in the hands of Garibaldi and his followers, at the hazard 
of the anarchy and confusion which would to a certainty 
ensue, or was the principle of Italian unity to be protected 
by the interposition of Sardinia, as the only power by whom 
it could hope to be consolidated ? The state of chaos into 
which, under the dictatorship of Garibaldi, the administration 


of affairs in Sicily had fallen, was a warning of what might 
be expected to follow, should he succeed at Naples ; but a 
still greater danger might result from that success, should 
Garibaldi be emboldened by it to march upon Rome, and so 
come into collision with France, or to dash himself against 
the strongholds of the Quadrilateral, and give Austria the 
excuse she would have welcomed, for seeking to wrest from 
Victor Emmanuel the provinces which he had already secured. 

Cavour would have been well pleased, had Naples herself 
taken the initiative in throwing off the Bourbon yoke and in 
turning to Sardinia for help ; nor can it be doubted that his 
agents were secretly at work with this view. But the mo- 
ment Garibaldi established himself at Reggio, and his entry 
into Naples grew to be a question of days, prompt action 
became necessary to prevent his coming triumph there from 
being used as the first step to a series of enterprises against 
Rome and Austria, which would all but certainly have re- 
sulted in disaster to the national cause. Garibaldi, fired by 
his ruling idea of sweeping Papal and Austrian power and 
influence from the Italian Continent, would not, he well 
knew, be held back in his career by those considerations of 
which, as a statesman, Cavour could estimate the importance. 
If he were to be restrained, it would only be by finding him- 
self in a position that made it impossible for him to move 
upon Rome, without coming into collision with the forces of 
Victor Emmanuel.* The crisis was a desperate one, and 
Cavour had to make his choice between throwing aside the 
restraints of international law, and forcibly occupying the 
Roman States, or of letting things drift with all the hazards 
already indicated. 

He took the former course, and seized, as the pretext for 
his action, the conduct of the Papal Government, m drawing 
together, as it had been for some time doing, an irregular 
mercenary force, with the avowed motive of recovering the 
territories which it had already lost, and holding in control 
the disaffected inhabitants of the other Roman States. This 

* Count Cavour's anticipations were fully realised. On the 10th of Septem- 
ber Garibaldi told our Amoassador, Mr. Henry Elliot, that he intended to push 
on to Borne, and when that city was in his nands, to offer the Crown of an 
United Italy to King Victor Emmanuel, upon whom would then devolve the 
task of the liberation of Venetia. He spoke of the Emperor of the French 
with contempt and defiance. — {Despatch^ 10th September, 1860 : Mr. Elliot to 
Lord John Musaell.) The wiser head and heart of Count Cavour never forgot 
how much Italy owed to tiie Emperor and to France. 


force bad been placed under tbe command of General La- 
moriciere, and was likely soon to be called into action ; Um- 
bria and the Marches having been for some time on the 
point of insurrection, with the avowed object of annexing 
themselves to the kingdom of Victor Emmanuel. In coming 
to the assistance of these provinces, Cavour secured himself 
against the imputation of acting adversely to the great aim 
of national liberation. On the contrary, he kept before the 
Italian people the claims of his Sovereign, which ran some 
risk of bemg overshadowed by the brilliant successes of 
Garibaldi. Neither could Garibaldi nor his friends, who re- 
fused to recognise any impediments to the accomplishment 
of their desires, take exception to a measure by which that 
cause was advanced, although by it they were prevented 
from making the advance upon Rome, on which their hearts 
were resolutely set, but which would have had the immediate 
effect of calling France into the field as their opponent. 

Everything was ready for the outbreak of revolt in Um- 
bria and the Marches, and for sending efficient help to the 
insurgents by land and sea, when, on the 7th of September, 
Cavour sent to Cardinal Antonelli an ultimatum, calling for 
the immediate disarmament of the mercenary forces levied 
by the Pope. In this document their existence was stated 
to be a continual menace to the peace of Italy, and the Papal 
Government was bluntly told that, unless its forces were at 
once disbanded, Sardinia would feel herself justified in pre- 
venting any movement they might make for the purpose of 
repressing the manifestations of national feeling in Umbria 
and the Marches. Cavour must have been profoundly con- 
scious how wholly indefensible were the grounds on which 
this demand was rested. Twenty-four hours only were al- 
lowed for an answer. That the answer would be a peremp- 
tory refusal he must have anticipated ; and, indeed, the 
demand itself was merely a compliance in form with the 
proceeding which usage and courtesy have established as the 
preliminary to a declaration of war. Compliance with any 
admissible demand would not have served his purpose. He 
had, however, to justify that purpose before Europe ; and 
he did so, in a Circular addressed a few days afterwards 
(12th September) to the diplomatic agents of Sardinia, rest- 
ing the defence of his proceedings on the broad and much 
more defensible plea of necessity in the interests of the new 
Sardinian Kingdom and of the welfare of the peninsula. To 


overthrow the resistance of the Papal forces might be no 
formidable task ; but to suspend the action of the various 
European Powers was an object so important and so difficult, 
that Gavour threw into this document all his powers of argu- 
ment and subtlety of suggestion. 

It dealt with the whole Italian c^uestion. While frankly 
avowing that, so long as the question of Venetia remained 
unsolved, Europe could enjoy no solid and sincere peace, it 
proclaimed the intention of the Sardinian Government not to 
meddle with that question for the present, but to let time 
and circumstance bring about its solution. It touched upon 
the misdeeds which had brought the Neapolitan dynasty to 
ruin by a ' prodigious revolution that had filled Europe with 
astonishment, by the almost providential manner in which it 
had been accomplished, and excited its admiration for the 
illustrious warrior whose glorious exploits recall all that po- 
etry and history can relate.' It dwelt upon the advantage to 
Europe and to the interests of order, which, by the establish- 
ment of an Italian kingdom, would rob * revolutionary pas- 
sions of a theatre, where previously most insane enterprises 
had chances, if not of success, at least of exciting the sympa- 
thies of all generously minded men.' The only barrier to 
this result, it urged, was the separation of the north and 
south of the peninsula by provinces which were in a deplor- 
able state. To repress all participation in the great national 
movement, the Papal Government had not onlv made an un- 
justifiable use of the spiritual power, but had lormed for the 
purpose an army, ' consisting almost exclusivelv of strangers, 
not only to the Roman States, but to the whole of Italy.' 
Sympathising with their oppressed countrymen, the Italians 
of other States were bent upon putting an end to this state 
of things by force and violent measures. * If the Govern- 
ment of Sardinia remained passive amid this universal emo- 
tion, it would place itself in opposition to the nation. The 
generous outburst which the events of Naples and of Sicily 
had produced in the masses, would degenerate at once into 
anarchy and disorder. Were he to suffer this, the King would 
be wanting in his duties towards the Italians and towards 
Europe. In fulfilment of his obligation to prevent the na- 
tional movement from so degenerating, he had addressed his 
summons to the* court of Rome to disT^and its mercenaries, 
and, on this being refused, had ordered his troops to enter 
TJmbria and the Marches, to re-establish order there, and to 


leave tlie populations a free field for the manifestation of 
their sentiments.' 

The Circular concluded with a declaration that Rome and 
the territory round it should be scrupulously respected, and 
a professed confidence ^ that the spectacle of the unanimity 
of the patriotic sentiments which had burst forth throughout 
the whole of Italy, would remind the Sovereign Pontiff that 
he had some years before been the sublime mspirer of this 
great national movement.' 

Cavour had not taken this bold step without giving the 
Emperor of the French some hint of his intentions through 
Farini, the Sardinian Minister, and General Cialdini, who 
had gone for the purpose to Chambery, where the Emperor 
happened to be. The Emperor avoided committing himself 
to any approval of the course proposed to be pursued. What- 
ever Sardinia should do, must be done at her own risk, and 
upon her own conviction of what was essential for her own 
safety and that of Italy. This, however, was enough for 
Cavour, who was skilled in interpreting the reserves and 
hesitations of the Emperor's mind. Two facts at least were 
certain. The Emperor was committed to the view that the 
Pope's legitimate authority would not suffer by the loss of 
Umbria and the Marches, and he had never approved of the 
Pope's attempt to get up the army which it was Cavour's ob- 
ject to scatter to the winds. So long as the safety of Rome, 
as a residence for the Sovereign Pontiff, remained inviolate, 
the neutrality of the Emperor might consequently be relied 

England was pledged to leave Italy to work out her own 
liberation, and was not likely to judge too narrowly the ir- 
regularity of Sardinia's proceedings in accomplishing an 
object of manifest importance, which there were no appar- 
ent means of accomplishing in any other way. Lord Pal- 
merston's Government had only two fears : one, that Victor 
Emmanuel might buy the support of France by the cession 
to her of the island of Sardinia ; the other, that he might 
join with Garibaldi in invading Venetia. On both points 
Cavour hastened to give, through Sir James Hudson, the 
strongest assurances that Garibaldi would not be suffered to 
attack Venetia, and that, if that attack were ever made, it 
would be by an Italian army, and when events were ripe for 
the movement. Never, moreover, he added, would he be 
accessory to bringing the French again into Italy, and so to 


making his coontiy the slave of France. As for the surren- 
der of Sardinia to France, it was a proposal which no Italian 
dared to entertain. 

The other European Powers could not but regard with 
disfavour the arguments of Count Cavour's Circular, based 
as they were on the right of the people to depose their hered- 
itary sovereign, and to choose for themselves by whom they 
should be governed. But in what direction coidd they move 
to stay the course of events in Italy ? One of two results 
was by this time inevitable — ^the triumph of the extreme 
revolutionary party, with the consequent dangers to Italy 
and to Europe, or the establishment of orderly government 
under a monarch whose interests would be identical with 
their own in arresting the spread of revolutionary doctrines. 
If success attended the movement of the Sardinian army, it 
could scarcely be doubtful which of these alternatives would 
be most acceptable to the courts of St. Petersburg and 

Almost before Count Cavour's Circular reached them, at 
any rate before remonstrance was possible, Victor Emmanu- 
el's army was in full possession of the Papal States. By 
the 10th of September the army had been concentrated by 
General Fanti, their commander-in-chief, upon the frontiers. 
General Cialdini held the command of the divisions destined 
for the Marches, and General Delia Rocca of those which 
were to operate in Umbria. On the morning of the 12th the 
fortress of Pesaro fell, after being cannonaded by Cialdini 
during the night, and the garrison of 1,200 men were taken 
prisoners. Fano and Urbino were next taken by assault. In 
the meantime General Delia Rocca had invested Perugia, 
which, after a few shots from the Piedmontese batteries, 
surrendered with its garrison of 1,700 men. The same fate 
bef el Foligno and Spoleto. Both generals then directed their 
forces to the pursuit of Lamorici^re, who, with an army of 
between eight and nine thousand men, had fallen back upon 
Loretto, with the intention of throwing himself into the cita- 
del of Ancona. They succeeded in hemming him in on all 
sides, and forced him to give battle on the 18th. After an 
obstinate struggle, during which a body of about 4,000 men 
made a sortie from the fortress of Ancona, and was repulsed. 
General Lamorici^re, finding further resistance useless, left 
the field, followed by a few horsemen, and succeeded in 
reaching the fortress. Next day, all that were left of his 


army laid down their arms, and not a soldier of the entire 
Papal force remained in IJmbria and the Marches beyond 
the few who were shut up in Ancona. That place was im- 
mediately invested, and bombarded both by sea and land. 
On the 28th of the month it surrendered, the garrison becom- 
ing prisoners of war. In this brief campaign the Papal gov- 
ernment lost nearly all its war material, while from 17,000 
to 18,000 of their troops, with all their generals, were made 
prisoners of war. The stroke devised by Count Cavour, as 
the first move towards securing Central and Southern Italy 
as part of one great Italian kingdom, had been conclusive as 
it was swift. 

The sympathies of the Prince, it has been seen, were 
entirely in favour of the establishment of Constitutional 
Government in Italy. But his moral sense and passion for 
political honesty were frequently revolted by the means re- 
sorted to for the advancement of this object. He was pre- 
pared to accept the results ; but would have been better 
pleased to see them accomplished by means less tortuous 
and indirect. Ever since the compact of Plombi^res the 
Prince appears to have entertained an invincible distrust of 
Cavour. Nor was this diminished by what he knew of the 
covert aid, — unworthy, as the Prince considered it, of the 
representative of a Constitutional sovereign, — lent by the 
Sardinian Minister to the operations of Garibaldi in the 
descent both upon Sicily and the mainland, as well as of the 
countenance which he was lending at this very time to the 
intrigues of plotters of insurrection in Hungary and upon 
the Danube. This feeling seems in some degree to have 
prevented the Prince from making full allowance for the diffi- 
culties with which Cavour had to contend in accomplishing 
his great task. It would in all probability have been altered 
by the fuller knowledge of the secret history of the time, 
which has since become available ; but it perceptibly colours 
the views upon the last phase of Italian history expressed in 
the following letter by the Prince to Baron Stockmar : — 

* Time flies, and we have once more reached the end of our 
Scottish 8^j(yur, To-morrow we leave beautiful Balmoral, and 
turn southwards. We shall stay two days in Edinburgh, that 
we may see a little of Mama, and travel over-night to Os- 
borne, where, if we leave Edinburgh about seven in the 
evening, we shall be next morning at breakfast about nine. 


* We have not been favoured here by the weather, and, 
in spite of unremitting and most arduous exertions, I have 
had little luck in my deer-stalking. I have not got one sin- 
gle fine stag, and only brought down thirteen in all. 

* To everybody's amazement, notwithstanding the fright- 
fully bad summer, in which we have scarcely once seen the 
sun, our harvest has turned out by no means badly — that is, 
in England ; here it has not yet begun. You may imagine 
my delight at the prospect of my visit to Coburg ! Do keep 
well enough to enable us to enjoy your society ; it is quite 
an age since I heard from you. 

' In politics the Italian drama is making progress, and I 
have not one moment's doubt that the attack on Venice will 
be made in the spring. Cavour is well aware that it would 
not be viewed with favour in Europe at the present moment, 
but he hopes by the spring to have stirred up the revolu- 
tionary spirit sufficiently, and the Austrians are sure by that 
time to have practised some maladroit severities towards the 
Venetians, which will enlist general sympathy in favour of 
the Italian movement. 

' Here joy at the fall of the Neapolitan dynasty is uni- 
versaL Sardinia gives out that she will be compelled to 
incorporate the kingdom, and to send troops into the Roman 
States, in order to prevent anarchy, as Garibaldi is sur- 
rounded by Mazzinians. . . . 

* From Canada we have the best possible accounts. Ber- 
tie is generally pronounced " the most perfect production of 

'Balmoral, 14th September, I860.' 

On the 18th the Court reached Osborne, where it re- 
mained until the 21st, when the Queen and Prince returned 
to London, previous to embarking for their visit to Coburg. 
Before leaving Osborne the Prince wrote (21st September) 
to his daughter at Berlin : ' I must and will express my de- 
light, that I shall soon have no more occasion to write, and 
can press you to my heart. . . . We start in a few hours for 
London, and to-morrow evening embark on board the yacht 
at Gravesend, as certain people did on a certain occasion. 
This time, however, we shall be able to dispense with tears 
and snowdrift.' 

Meanwhile the news had reached England of the total 
defeat of Lamorici^re, and of the siege of Ancona. Tidings 


had also been received of the state of confusion into which 
things were rapidly falling at Naples under the dictatorship 
of Garibaldi. Cavour had not acted one moment too soon. 
The Dictator had proclaimed his intention not to sheathe hi^ 
sword until Kome and Venice were in his hands. Not till 
then, either, would he sanction the annexation to Sardinia of 
Sicily or of any part of the Neapolitan kingdom. Carried 
away by the intoxication of success, and by his animosity to 
Cavour, he had even sent one of his most trusted friends, 
who reached Turin on the 14th of September, to demand 
from the King the instant dismissal of Cavour and Farini. 
Thus, at a crisis which demanded the highest wisdom of ex- 
perienced statesmen to consolidate the victories which had 
already been achieved for the cause of Italian unity, Gari- 
baldi sought to wrest the helm from the hands of the only 
men who were qualified to hold it, and who had the knowl- 
edge and skill to avoid the rocks and quicksands on which 
the Dictator and his friends would, but for them, have 
wrecked themselves and their cause. Happily the troops of 
Francis II. were able to hold Garibaldi for a time in check 
upon the Voltumo ; so that before he could attempt to carry 
into effect his purpose of marching upon Rome, the conquest 
of TJmbria and the Marches was complete, and any attempt 
of this kind was no longer possible. Cavour had also put 
himself in a commanding position by summoning the cham- 
bers for the 2nd of October to consider the question, whether 
the King's government should be authorised to accept the 
annexation of the revolted Papal territories and the King- 
dom of the Two Sicilies, thus in effect appealing to the Ital- 
ian nation to decide between himself and Garibaldi. 


Jooroey of Qneen aad Prince to Coborgr— Stay at Cobo^ and Vlstts to the Environs- 
Alarming Accident to the Prince Oonsort— A Boar- Drive— Gaae of Captain Haodonald 
— Stef at Coblenx and fimaMla—Betom to Windsor Castle. 

On the afternoon of the 22nd of September, the Queen and 
Prince, and the Princess Alice, left Buckingham Palace for 
Gravesend, attended by Lady Churchill, Miss Bulteel, Gen- 
eral Grey, Sir Charles Phipps, and Colonel Ponsonby. They 
were joined at the railway station by Lord John Russell and 
Dr. Baly, who were to accompany them abroad. * At half- 
past five,' says the Queen's Journal, on which we are enabled 
to draw for the narrative of the journey, * we embarked on 
board the Victoria and Albert. Many people there. A 
number of volunteer cadets, pretty little boys, nicely set up, 
lined the way to the vessel We started almost immediate- 
ly, and dropped anchor at the Nore about a quarter to seven,' 
where the yacht remained for the night. 

Weighing anchor next morning at five, the passage across 
was made in a perfectly smooth sea. The scenery of the 
Scheldt, with its great stretches of level land, broken only by 
straight rows of trees, was felt to be ' really too hideous ' after 
the Highlands so lately left behind. 'But I am so thankful 
for the admirable passage, the best, I think, we have ever 
had to Antwerp, that I can complain of nothing, and feel 
full of gratitude to be so far on our journey ! May the rest 
be equally prosperous ! ' By six p.m. Antwerp was reached. 
The night was passed on board the yacht, and next morning, 
by half -past seven, King Leopold, with his sons and daughter- 
in-law, Marie f Duchess of Brabant), came on board, and ac- 
companied their Royal visitors to the station, travelling with 
them as far as Verviers. 

* We were much grieved to hear in the railway carriage 
from Philippe [Count of Flanders], who had received a tele- 

166 VISIT TO COBURG. 1860 

gram from Ernest [the Prince's brother], that poor Mama 
Marie [Dowager Duchess of Coburg] was so ill that they 
were expecting her death, and wished us to put off our 
journey for a day. Telegraphed back, that this was im- 
possible, and that we hoped to hear again at Frankfort, and 
trusted this was merely a temporary alarm. Alas I at Ver- 
viers, we received a sad, sad telegram, announcing that my 
poor Mama-in-law had died at five this morning ! How sad 1 
How distressing ! We knew that she could live but a short 
time, but for the moment she had been much better. Albert 
had had a letter on Saturday dictated by herself, rejoicing 
to see us. What a sad arrival for us ! ' 

At Aix-la-Chapelle the Royal travellers were met by the 
Prince Regent of Prussia and his brother. Prince Charles, 
who accompanied them for a short distance. From Cologne 
the journey was made to Mayence by the railway, which had 
been constructed from Bonn along the left bank of the Rhine 
since the Queen's last visit to Germany in 1858. ' You see 
from the railway admirably all the beautiful parts upon the 
river, and pass sometimes through, sometimes close behind 
the picturesque little towns and villages on the Rhine. We 
saw and admired the Drachenfels, Konigswinter (where 
Bertie spent six months in 1857) decked out with flags ... 
the numerous beautiful castles and vine-clad hills . . . The 
mountains are very pretty, and very beautifully lit up, but 
they are not our dear hills, and the vineyards are stiff. . . . 

'At about seven we reached Frankfort, where, to our 
regret, we were received by a guard of honour and a band. 
The Princess of Prussia, Fritz, and Louise of Baden were 
there, having come on purpose to meet us.' Arrived at the 
H6tel d'Angleterre, *the same where we were fifteen years 
ago, we found sentries placed on the staircase, whom we 
dispensed with. . . . After dinner came Prince George of 
Saxony, who brought me a kind letter from the King of 
Saxony, inviting us to come to Dresden, an invitation which 
naturally we cannot accept. We remained some little time 
together, and then went to our rooms. . . . This sad, sad 
news lay like a load upon our otherwise bright and happy 

Next morning at nine the journey was resumed by way 
of Wilhelmsbad and Aschaffenburg. The scenery of the 
Valley of the Main, its many pretty villages, with their 
picturesque roofs, church spires, relieved against the trees 


by which they are in most cases surrounded, are duly noted. 
* The country is charming : fields and valleys, vineyards, 
with crucifixes and little picturesque chapels in the vineyards 
and along the roads ; and women working in the fields, with 
handkerchiefs over their heads, reminding me so much of 
the Highland women. They carry baskets on their backs, 
with immense loads of fruit, Ac. reaching over their heads. 
The carts drawn by oxen, none by horses.' Through 
Schweinfurt and Bamberg the Royal travellers reached 
Lichtenf els, where they left the main line for the Thuringian 
railway, which carried them through the country, full of 
quiet beauty, which lies between Lichtenfels and Coburg. 

* I felt so agitated as we approached nearer and nearer, 
and Albert recognised each spot. At last we caught the first 
glimpse of the Festung, then of the town, with the cheerful 
and lovely country round, the fine evening lighting it all up 
so beautifully. At five we were at the station. Of course 
all was private and c^uiet ; Ernest [Duke of Coburg] and 
Fritz [Prince Frederick William] standing there in very 
deep mourning. Many people out, but they showed such 
proper feeling — all quiet, no demonstrations of joy, though 
many kind faces. Felt so moved as we drove up to the door 
of the Palace under the archway. Here stood, in painful 
contrast to fifteen years ago, when so many dear ones, in the 
brightest gala attire, received us at the door {see vol. i. ante 
p. 237), Alexandrine [Duchess of Cobur^l and Vicky, in the 
deepest German mourning, long black veils with a point, sur- 
rounded by the ladies and gentlemen ! A tender embrace, 
and then we walked up the staircase. . . . Could hardly 
speak, I felt so moved, and quite trembled. We went at 
once through the large rooms to ours, where my dear Mama 
used to live. . . . The view from them is on the Festung and 
the Platz, which is now so pretty, with Papa's [the late Duke 
of Coburg's] statue, surrounded by a garden. One of the 
sitting-room windows also looks up one of the very pictu- 
resque narrow streets of the town, with high gabled red- 
roofed houses, and commands a glimpse into the market- 

* We remained together for some little time, and then our 
darling grandchild was brought. Such a little love ! He 
came walking in at Mrs. Hobbs's [his nurse's] hand, in a 
little white dress with black bows, and was so good. He is 
a fine, fat child, with a beautiful white soft skin, very fine 

168 THE ROSENAU. 1860 

shoulders and limbs, and a very dear face, like Vicky and 
Fritz, and also Louise of Baden. He has Fritz's eyes and 
Vicky's mouth, and very fair curly hair. We felt so happy 
to see him at last ! ' 

The next day (26th September) was spent very quietlv. 
In the morning the Hofgarten was visited. It is situated m 
front of the Palace, is beautifully laid out, and is open to the 
public. * The view from it of the town and country, and also 
of the Festung, is lovely. We visited the pretty Mausoleum 
of our grand-parents, plucked a flower for dear Mama, and 
walked about the garden, the green-house, and flower-garden. 
. . . The people are very civil and kindly, but do not foUow 
us about at all. The peasants so well behaved and friendly, 
the women with coloured handkerchiefs round their heads, 
and the little girls, so nice, and with their hair plaited rouiid 
the head, and generally barefooted. The swaddled babies, 
on cushions, with their trim little caps, are so picturesque 

^On coming home, there came dear old Stockmar, who 
remained some time, looking quite himself, though a little 
weak.' The Prince says, in his Diary, that he n)und him 
showing signs of age, but looking well. In the afternoon, 
after visiting the Festung, the Royal party drove across the 
Bausenberg, which commands a fine view over the surround- 
ing country, on to Oeslau, where formerly were fine gardens. 
* Here we got out and walked across the fields, along a pretty 
little stream, to the beloved Rosenau. Albert at first in- 
tended not to go up there, but when we were near it, we 
could not resist. So we walked up to it and round it. 
Everything just as it was — the pretty garden, the lovely 
view. We only went into the Marmorsaal [Marble HallJ, 
where we always used to dine, and then down to the Schwei- 
zerei [Swiss Farm]. I remembered all so well, and it is all 
so lovely. Those fine meadows, valleys, hills, and woods, and 
everywhere those very picturesque little farms and villages 
with red roofs and wooden beams ; the carts always drawn 
by oxen ; the peasant women working in the fields, with their 
coloured handkerchiefs and aprons, fearfully laden with those 
heavy baskets, full of fruit, potatoes, hay, or grass, bent quite 
double with their work, and early growing very old. Home 
near six. Found many letters from the children. Dear Len- 
chen [the Princess Helena] writes charmingly. ... At a 
quarter to eleven our three husbands (alas I) left us to go to 

1860 AT COBURO. 160 

Gotha, where the sad ceremony (the f oneral of the Dowager 
Duchess of Cobnrg) was to be at seven next morning. 

•* September 27. — ^Was wakened at six by the " Currenden 
Schtller " (boys belonging to a school) singmg as they passed 
under the window **jSin*/este Burg ist unser GoU,^^ It was 
beautiful and touching, as it came nearer and then died away. 
Dear Uttle William came to me as he does every morning. 
He is such a darling, so inteUigent. ... We went at ten to 
the 8c?do89'Kirche (in the Palace), a fine large and richly- 
decorated chapel like some of those old chapels in En^and. 
We went in veils with the points on the forehead. Every 
one in the church in mourning. They were singing when 
we went in, and so beautifully, it quite upset us alL The 
service was very like the Scotch, only more form ; but we 
did not stand ^for the prayers, wmch I believe we ought 
to have done. They sang two hymns, consecutively, at two 
different times. One, to the tune " O Jerusalem I " was ex- 
quisite. The Superintendent Meyer prayed and preached 
upon the death of my poor Mama-in-law ; but what he said 
did not move me greatly. It was too general, too much a 
mere eulogy. . . . Albert back at three. The sad ceremony 
had gone off well. Ernest Wtlrtemberg, who was with the 
Ducness [his sisterl during the last sad day, said her suffer- 
ings had been fearful. . • • Her release is merciful. Still it 
would have given her so much pleasure to have seen us, and 
she longed so for it. Albert felt deeply the whole cere- 

On his return to Coburg, the Prince wrote the letter to 
the Duchess of Kent, from which we extract the following 
passages : — 

* I will give you news of myself under my own hand, 
although Victoria and Alice will have written to you already. 
Coburg is prettier than ever, and the weather hitherto has 
been unusually propitious. Yesterday we visited Ketschen- 
dorf, which remains wholly intact, as if good Grandmama 
might step in at any moment. The Kalenberg and the Fes- 
tung have become exceptionally beautiful. 

* Vicky and Fritz are well, and your great-grandson is a 
very pretty, clever child — a compound of both parents, just 
as it should be. Stockmar has aged, and complains terribly 
of weakness, but is fresh in spirit, and as warm in heart as 
ever. . . . 

VOL. V. — 8 

170 -^T COBURG. 1860 

* I went to Gotha for the sad ceremony, whicli took place 
at the Palace yesterday about seven in the morning. . . . 
Ah ! poor Mama must have had an infinite deal of suffering ! 
. . . Gotha was very sad under the circumstances. 

* Coburg, 28th September, I860.' 

To resume Her Majesty's narrative. In the afternoon 
* we walked with Ernest, Alexandrine, and our children by 
the Glockenberg (just above the Palace) to the Mausoleum 
or Erbbegrabniss, which is in the churchyard — such a pretty 
one, in such a pretty position. Already there are many 
graves, covered with wreaths and flowers. We went into 
the beautiful Mausoleum, which has been erected by the 
whole family, after Albert's and Ernest's designs, carried out 
by the architect Eberhardt. It is in the Italian style ; beau- 
tiful inside, with a marble floor and marble altar in the 
Chapel. There are side-galleries, in which the sarcophagi 
are placed ; dear Papa's and Albert's own Mother's are 
already there ; but the coffins have not been placed in them. 
It is beautiful, and so cheerful. We remained some time 
here, Albert and Ernest talking over various points, then 
walked through the remainder of the churchyard, where all 
the little children are buried, — the poor little graves covered 
with flowers — and where the private vaults are, with some 
small mausoleums, including that of the Stockmar family, — 
then down and round Ketschendorf chaussi^y and the Alex- 
andrinen-Strasse, and home by the Philosophen-Weg. A 
splendid evening ; the colours of the foliage, now turning 
most brilliant, — the shadows deep-blue, and the outlines of 
that peculiar sharpness, which you never see in England. . . . 

* Before dinner, I received Count Alexander Mensdorff 
(our first-cousin) enforme^ with* Lord John Russell, to pre- 
sent a letter from the Emperor of Austria.' 

The afternoon of the next day was devoted to a drive to 
the family villa, Ketschendorf. 'We drove out by the 
" Ketschenthur " and "^w^er" (a large meadow), the 
" Ketschenbrticke " and "Neuer Weg," along the railway 
to the " Steinerne Tisch " (a stone table under some trees, 
where Gustavus Adolphus is supposed to have rested), up a 
hill, past the picturesque village of Mahren, where we got 
out and walked along a pretty lane to the Finckenau — a very 
pretty farm, belonging to the family of Erfa, where there 
were peasants in their picturesque dresses, carts with oxen, 

1860 AT COBURG. 171 

&c. We met a child carrying a basket full of plums {Zwet- 
schen), who refused money for two we took. The trees 
^long the road are laden with them, yet we cannot get them 
to grow in England. The lights were again quite wonder- 
ful : such clearness, such brilliancy of colours ; and the 
country is so lovely, the peasantry so picturesque, I should 
like to draw all day long. 

' We walked through the wood and little village to Ket- 
schendorf. We went all over the dear old house, where 
everything has remained as in our beloved grandmother's 
time — ^all the pictures of the family, and drawings by her 
grandchildren, including one by me ! I think so much of 
dear Mama, when I visit all these loved places. Here, in 
1845, on the day of our arrival, we met dearest Uncle Leo- 
pold and Louise {ante^ vol. i. p. 236), who entered the car- 
riage with us. Home at six. The evenings are damp here, 
which comes from the clay soil, and the valley being sur- 
rounded by hills. 

* Saturday/, September 29. — Again such a beautiful day. 
I feel so happy to be h^re, to visit all these loved places 
again, and to see my dearest Albert so happy ! Market-day 
again — a gay scene, of which we got a glimpse from our 
windows — so many of the peasants in their best dresses com- 
ing into the town. . . . Very bad weather we hear at Os- 
borne — ^very beautiful at dear Balmoral. A fortnight to-day 
we left it. It seems so far off ! 

' At a quarter to one we drove in four carriages with our 
dear relations and children, and also Lady Churchill, the 
Countess Brilhl (Vicky's lady), and Lord John Russell, to 
the Rosenau. Our English people are enchanted with every- 
thing, with the beauty of the country, and of the palaces, 
the quiet and simplicity of the people, &c., and certainly 
nowhere could you see a more charming, cheerful country, 
with such pretty valleys, and so much fine distant scenery, 
as here. We got out at the bottom of the hill, and walked 
about the charming grounds, which I knew so well, and then 
went into the dear old house, and over all our dear rooms, 
and the salons, all which are quite unaltered. There was the 
room painted by dear Mama, &c. . . . After luncheon Vicky 
and I sat in front of the Marmorsaal, drawing the beautiful 
view of the Festung and Oeslau, the air like a warm sum- 
mer's day, and listening to the tinkling of the cow bells.* 

The next day (30th September) was Sunday, and the 


Royal party went at ten o'clock to the Moritz-Kirche. ' The 
General-Superintendent Meyer received us at the door, and 
said a few kind words. The service was just the same as at 
the Schloss-Kirche — very fine chorale, and a very pretty can- 
tata by Ernest (the Duke of Coburg). Dr. Meyer preached 
a splendid sermon like one of our fine Scotch sermons, very 
powerful, full of true Protestant feeling, on the independence 
of our true Protestant faith. The text was from St. John. 
Home by a quarter to twelve. Took a short turn in the 
Hofgarten with our children, Ernest and Alexandrine, and 
Alexander (Count Mensdorff), Albert having much to do at 
home. Then saw our dear good excellent Stockmar, who 
stayed nearly three-quarters of an hour, and was quite his 
dear old self.' In the afternoon a visit was paid to the 
Festung {ante, vol. i. p. 238), and a fine sky made the charm- 
ing view, which is to be seen from its ramparts, of the town 
of Coburg nestled at its base, and away towards the Bohe- 
mian frontier, and the forest of Thuringia, more than usually 

The next day was to be an eventful one, for in it the 
Prince's life was in serious danger. Her Majesty's Journal 
for the day opens thus : — 

[' Oct. 1. — Before proceeding, I must thank God for hav- 
ing preserved my adored one ! I tremble now on thinking 
of it. . . . The escape is very wonderful, moat merciful/ 
God is indeed most gracious ! '] 

The Prince went in the morning to the Kalenberg to 
shoot, the Queen remaining at Coburg. 'Busy writing. 
Had received very interesting accounts from Affie from the 
Cape (from the 24th of July to the 6th of August), where he 
had met with a most gratifying reception, and had to make 
an extempore speech at the dinner. Also from Bertie (11th 
September) and from the Duke of Newcastle (who has 
behaved so admirably) from Toronto, where everything had 
gone off well.' 

Later in the day the Queen went to the Kalenberg, with 
the two Princesses and the Duchess of Coburg. They re- 
mained there, intending to follow the Prince, who was called 
away to Coburg by business early in the afternoon. He was 
alone in an open carriage with four horses, driven from the 
box. When about three miles from the cMteau the horses 


took fright, became uncontrollable, and dashed off at full 
gallop. About a mile from Coburg the road crosses the 
railway on a IcTcl. The bar to prevent carriages crossing 
the line was drawn across the road, and a waggon standing 
on the road just outside the bar. The Prince, seeing this, 
and that a concussion was inevitable, jumped from the car- 
riage. Happily, although somewhat bruised, and cut across 
the nose, and on the hands, arms, and knee, he was not 
stunned, and was even able to go to the assistance of the 
coachman, who had been seriously hurt. He had stuck by 
the carriage till it crashed against the railway bar and was 
upset. One of the horses was killed ; the others, who had 
broken away from the carriage, rushed on to Coburg, and 
were there seen by Colonel Ponsonby, the Prince's equerry, 
who immediately procured a carriage and drove to the scene 
of the accident, along with Dr. Baly and Dr. Carl FlorschUtz, 
the medical attendant of the Duke of Coburg. The Prince 
insisted on the doctors directing all their attention to the 
coachman, and at once sent on Colonel Ponsonby to inform 
the Queen of what had happened. The rest will best be 
told in Her Majesty's words : — 

'Our drawings (the distant view of Coburg, which is 
beautiful) being finished, we ladies walked down (the gen- 
tlemen were gone elsewhere) through the Hnhn to the Park- 
thor, going along merrily, and much amused by a pretty 
peasant woman, who told Vicky how dirty her dress was 
getting by trailing on the ground, and advising her to take 
it up, and expecting our carriages to overtake us, when we 
met a two-seated carriage, with Colonel Ponsonby in it, who 
said Albert had sent him to say there had been an accident 
to the carriage, but that Albert was not hurt, having only 
scratched his nose ; that Dr. Baly happened to meet him, 
and said it was of no consequence. This prevented my being 
startled or much frightened. That came later, when Colonel 
Ponsonby explained that the horses had run away, and that 
Albert had jumped out ! 

'Drove back in this carriage with Alice, Colonel Pon- 
sonby sitting on the box beside the coachman. We were 
told by an excited Postbeamter not to go where the carriage 
still was, one of the horses being seriously hurt as well as 
the coachman, and then drove by the ' Pappel-Allee ' and 
the Barracks home. I went at once to my dearest Albert's 


rooms, and found him lying quietly on Lohlein's [his valet's] 
bed, with lint compress on his nose, mouth, and chin, and 
poor good old Stockmar (who, I feared, would be terribly 
alarmed) standing by him, and also Dr. Baly. He was quite 
cheerful, and talking, and giving an account of this fearful 
accident, and, as it proved, merciful and providential escape. 
Dr. Baly said Albert had not been the least stunned, that 
there was no injury, and the features would not suffer. Oh 
God ! What did I not feel I I could only, and do only, 
allow the feelings of gratitude, not those of horror at what 
might have hapepned, to fill my mind. . . . Every one in 
su^ distress and excitement, and such anxiety in Coburg, 
and, at first, anxiety. I sent off many telegrams to Eng- 
land, &c., fearing wrong messages.' 

* Tuesday^ October 2. — Full of gratitude and relief on 
waking.' The Prince was already much better, and rose at 
seven. When the Queen went down to his room, she ' found 
him dressed and reading. He was not to leave his room this 
day, but he saw many people. After breakfast we all came 
down and found good Stockmar there. He had been half 
distracted all night, thinking of what might have happened.* 
After speaking of a walk through Coburg and the suburbs, 
the Queen writes : — ' It is so pleasant ; we can walk about 
here everywhere in the town, and never are followed, though 
the people know us, and bow very civilly, which is a plea- 
sure I can enjoy nowhere in a town. Albert going on very 
well. Many despatches and letters ; Emperor and Empress 
of the French inquiring after dear Albert. . . . Still, every 
day, till next Monday, from 11 to 12, the Trauerglocken- 
Gelaute (the mourning peal), quite different from our toll- 
ing. It is like the bells ringing for church, and sounds very 
fine.' After dinner all the guests 'were full of inquiries. 
My heart very full, but would not give way. We (the fam- 
ily) all went down to Albert's room about a quarter-past ten, 
and jemained till 20 minutes to eleven, and Albert was in 
high spirits, talking away.' 

The next day the Prince was so far recovered, that he 
was allowed to resume his habits and to go out walking. 
One of his knees had been cut, and he had to walk slowly 
and without bending it. A visit was paid * to the Augusten- 
stif t, where Albert's and Ernest's beautiful Museum of Na- 
tural History and Mineralogy is kept, and in beautiful order. 


We remained there for an hour. They began it as children, 
and it is associated with many interesting recollections. How 
full of interest is all this to me ! Left Albert and Alice 
there, and walked back with Ernest, Alexandrine, Fritz, and 
Vicky, and took a turn in the Hofgarten. . . . Constant 
despatches. The Emperor means to protect the Pope. . . . 
Good news from Bertie from Niagara. . . . Dearest Albert 
at dinner, of course, as usual. Much conversation with Dr. 
Freytag' [the celebrated German novelist and historian] 
* after dinner.' 

Dr. Gustav Freytag was an intimate and friend of Baron 
Stockmar. The Prince admired his works greatly, and some 
months afterwards called the attention of the late Earl Stan- 
hope to his Wilder aus der Deutschen VergangenJieit (* Pic- 
tures from Old Germany ') in the following letter : — 

* Buckingham Palace, 2nd July, 1861. 

' My dear Lord Stanhope, — I take the liberty to send you 
a recent German publication, which I think will interest you. 
Mr. Freytag is the author of the popular German novel 
Sollen und Hahen^ known in this countrv as Debit and 
Credit ; of the tragedy The Fabians^ which attracted as 
much attention as the above novel ; and many other works. 
In this work he has (inspired perhaps by Lord Macaulay's 
introductory chapter to his history) tried to give pictures of 
the social, political, and military life of Germany from the 
sixteenth to the eighteenth century ; and the care with which 
he reproduces interesting and forgotten documents of the 
time is most meritorious, as he makes the people ofttimes 
speak instead of giving us his own words ; and in this ex- 
actly lies the originality and attraction of the book. 

' Ever yours truly, 

* Albert.' 

The next morning (4th October) the Queen drove with 
the Princess Alice ' to good Stockmar's house, not far from 
the Palace, in the Weber-Strasse. He met us at the door, 
and took me up to his wife's room. Saw Madame de Stock- 
mar for the first time. She is very clever, and was zuvor- 
kommend [affable] and pleasant, and much pleased to see us. 
She is, like Stockmar, rather plain in her style of dress, no- 
thing on her head, and no grey hair. He showed me his pic- 
tures, and took me up to his own sitting-room, where is the 
picture I gave him.' 


The Prince, who continued to recover rapidly, was able to 
take part the same day in an excursion to the Rosenau, and 
afterwards to join in a walk to the summit of the Burgsberg, 
which overlooks the Bosenau and also commands a view of a 
great expanse of surrounding country. * We picked many 
beautiful wild flowers. From here we descended to the pretty 
ruins of the Lauterburg. . . . and thence through orchards 
with trees purple with plums, to the picturesque little village of 
Oberwolf sbach. . . Home by six ; a delightful day. Dear lit- 
tle Wilhelm as usual with me before dinner — a darling child ! ' 

Next morning a visit was paid to the Prince's tutor, Herr 
Florschfltz, * in his pretty house, in the Palace grounds, 
which Albert and Ernest had built for him, and which is full 
of portraits of them, pictures by them, and prints of our- 
selves and our children.' The rest of the day was spent in 
receiving the Duke and Duchess of Meiningen, who ar- 
rived with their daughter on a visit, and in walks and drives 
to various places of interest in the town and suburbs. 

* Saturday y October 6. — A dull and threatening morning, 
which soon turned to rain. The dear little boy is so intelli- 
gent and pretty, so good and affectionate. So much to do 
every day. . . . The day cleared, and we made a charming 
expedition. We all started at twenty minutes past twelve, I 
and Alexandrine, with our daughters, Ernest in front, Albert, 
Fritz, and the suites following. Sir Charles Phipps and Gen- 
eral Grey had gone to Gotha and Reinhardsbrunn. 

* We drove by the Schweizerei, through Oeslau, to Monch- 
rothen, a village with an old monastery, most picturesquely 
situated. We got out at the entrance of the Park, where 
two of Ernest's JUgers met us. We went on to the Haslich, 
which quite caused me an emotion, reminding me, as it did, 
of our beloved Highlands, for there were Scotch firs, and we 
gathered blaeberries* and cranberries, and their little flowers, 
and the heather ' (see ante, vol. i. p. 240). 

* We walked quietly and noiselessly on, up a small path, 
into a lovely valley, where a stand was arranged, into which 
we and the ladies got, and also Albert and Ernest, Fritz, and 
Lord John Russell, with guns and rifles. The drive of wild 
boars then took place, and was most successful, no less than 

1 The bilberries or whortleberries of England and the wiinberries of North 
Wales. The blaeberry, growing * mang the Donny blooming heather,* is often 
met with in Scottish song. 

1880 AT THE ROSENAU. 177 

seven beings killed, very fine large ones too. It was very 
exciting. They are fine wild-looking beasts. Albert shot 
three (i think more), and each time gave them the mortal 
woond ; Frits one ; and Lord John Kussell and Colonel Pon- 
sonby (who was below), one.' The gentlemen ran to see 
their sport, and little Dachshunde ' [small dogs of great cour- 
age and strength of jaw] ^ were sent into the woods to bring 
out any wounded boars. The gentlemen carried spears to 
kill those which had not fallen at once. Albert was much 
pleased, no one having killed more than one before. We 
wished Grant [head-keeper at Balmoral] had been there. . . . 
According to German custom, we each received a Bruchy viz. 
a small branch of oak and of spruce, to put in our hats. Oak 
is the spicialiti of wild boars. . . . 

*Home by six. . . . Saw good Stockmar for some time, 
and found him quite himself. It is so delightful to talk to 
him. He is so kind, so wise. We talked over very many 
things, and he inquired after all his old friends, &c. . . . 
After dinner there was a very good concert of Sacred Music: 
Many of the Society were invited, including the wives of 
those belonging to the court, several people from the neigh- 
bourhood. They were all assembled in the Concertsaal, 
where we dine, and Alexandrine presented all the ladies to 
me. Mile. Laslo sings very well. She is rather like Grisi. 
Ernest's Hymn was sung by the Idedertafely accompanied by 
wind instruments. The Concert was in the handsome Kie- 
sensaal. All over by eleven.' 

After service next day (Sunday) the Queen and Prince 
received the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess of Weimar, who 
had come over from Weimar to spend the day. A farewell 
visit was paid in the afternoon to the neighbourhood of the 
Kosenau. ' We went past the Schweizerei to get a good view 
of the dear Bosenau, a short way from Oeslau. We found 
a good place, and I made a successful sketch, to my great 
satisfaction. A nice old woman in her Sunday dress coming 
past, we stopped her, and she stood with her basket on her 
back while I made a sketch of her. When finished, I showed 
it to her, and she was delighted ; she called her grandson to 

« The same day the Prince^n writing to the Duchess of Kent, thus records 
the prowess of Lord John : * We have just come back from the MOnchrothen 

Forest, where we shot wild boars, Fritz, I, and ? Lord John 1 1 Victoria, 

and all our party, were with us ; the weather glorious I * 


look at it, and then shook hands with me. They are so good, 
so simple, and unaffected, these people. Elizabeth Kom was 
her name. A funny, rather tipsy old man in Sunday dress, 
with silver buttons to his plush waistcoat, came up to the 
carriage, and was not pleased at being sent off. " Sie thun mir 
NichtSy ich thue Ihnen Nichta " — (" You don't meddle with 
me, I don't meddle with you "), was his observation, when 
the footman sent him away. We got out close to the Schwei- 
zereiy and walked up to the dear Bosenau, but did not go into 
the house.' 

Two days more, and the happy quickly-speeding hours 
of the stay at Coburg, — a stay full of sweet sad remem- 
brances — would be at an end. The weather had become cold 
and wet, and the walks and drives were curtailed. There 
was much also to be done in reading and answering the ne- 
cessary correspondence with Ministers and others. On the 
8th, Her Majesty's Journal records there were * constant 
despatches from Italy and about Italy. Matters become 
more and more complicated. The Emperor declares he shall 
protect the Pope in Rome. . . . Albert too busy to go out.' 
The next day there is the same entry about the Prince. But 
he was able to join in a walk in the afternoon. * It began to 
rain, and we turned into the old Schiesshaics (shooting-gal- 
lery), where Albert was anxious to look at all the old targets 
and bull's-eyes, as well as at all the portraits of the different 
SchiltzenJcdnige. Albert's and Ernest's beste Schilsse (best 
shots) are preserved.' After the return to the Palace, *I 
sketched the Festung from my window, and with some suc- 
cess. Had a last visit from dear Stockmar, and talked over 
many things with him. Towards the end of his stay, dear 
little William came in and played about the room, and we 
got over the leave-taking without its upsetting Stockmar too 
much.' It was the last evening, and, after numerous leave- 
takings, the Queen and Prince retired to their rooms * sor- 

Next morning at ten, says the Royal record, ' with heavy 
hearts we left dearest Coburg, where we had been very, very 
happy. . . . We looked at it from the train as long as we 
could, till the last glimpse was gone. We returned by pre- 
cisely the same way as we had come, but I felt no pleasure in 
gazing at the pretty scenery, my heart being so sad. That 
fortnight, with its joys and sorrows, and its fearful episode 


of my dearest Albert's accident, will be for ever deeply en- 
graven on my heart/ 

The long return journey to Frankfort and Mayence 
seemed doubly long, regret having taken the place of those 
pleasant anticipations, which had made the journey to Co- 
burg seem comparatively short. At Frankfort the Royal 
travellers were met by the Prince Regent of Prussia, who 
accompanied them to Mayence, where they arrived soon after 
seven. They put up at the * Rheinischer Hof ,' where, the 
Queen records, they were comfortably lodged ; but those who 
know the locality will appreciate Her Majesty's feeling on 
contrasting next morning the charming outlook from her 
windows at Coburg with what met her eyes at Mayence. 
' The hotel actually upon the railway, with a dreadful high 
wall just outside it, which completely shut out all view ! Too 
bad I ' A dull rainy morning made bad worse. * The Prince 
Regent came to breakfast with us. Dear little William run- 
ning about, but all seemed so different from the breakfasts 
at Coburg.' 

* After breakfast at ten the Duke of Nassau and Prince 
Nicholas paid us a short visit, and at eleven came the Prince 
and Princess Charles of Hesse-Darmstadt, who had come on 
purpose to meet us. She was most friendly and kind ; he 
very civil and amiable, but painfully shy.' It was arranged 
that Prince Louis should visit England later in the year, in 
order that the Princess Alice and himself should have an 
opportunity of seeing more of each other, and the Prince 
Consort undertook to arrange with the Prince Regent for his 
obtaining leave of absence from his regiment to enable him 
to make this visit. 

A few weeks previously (12th September) an unpleasant 
incident had occurred at Bonn, which at the time caused 
much angry feeling in England, and at one time threatened 
to create an estrangement between the Governments of Eng- 
land and Prussia. A dispute about a seat in a railway car- 
riage had taken place between a Captain Macdonald and 
some of the railway authorities. Captain Macdonald had 
been ejected from his place, and committed to prison under 
circumstances which created great indignation among the 
English residents at Bonn.' It had already become the 

> Captain Macdonald complained of the violence used, and also of the way- 
he was treated in prison. But the chief cause of offence was the tone and lan- 
guage in which the conduct of English travellers generally was spoken of by 

180 AT COBLEKZ. 1860 

theme of a warm diplomatic correspondence. Her Majesty's 
Journal of this day alludes to it thus : — * Saw Lord John on 
the subject of a vexatious circumstance which took place 
about three weeks ago, viz. a dispute on the railway at Bonn, 
and the ejection and imprisonment (unfairly, it seems) of a 
Captain Macdonald, and the subsequent offensive behaviour 
of the authorities. It has led to ill blood, and much corre- 
spondence, but Lord John is very reasonable about it, and 
not inclined to do anything rash. These foreign govern- 
ments are very arbitrary and violent, and our people apt to 
give offence, and to pay no regard to the laws of the coun- 
try.' We shall find the affair, which grew to serious propor- 
tions, more than once alluded to in the Prince's letters. 

* At one o'clock,' to resume Her Majesty's narrative, * we 
all left Mayence by rail, intending to take the. Fairy at Bin- 
gen, and go down the Rhine, but it was so cold and pouring 
with rain, that when we arrived there we had to give up our 
purpose. Vicky had never seen the Rhine, and she admired 
its great beauties even through the rain, which seemed des- 
tined to fall each time I came there, for in 1845 it was just 
the same.' 

At Coblenz the Royal travellers were met at the station 
by the Princess of Prussia (now Empress of Germany), and 
drove with her to the Palace — ' a large white building facing 
the town, something in the style of Versailles, the other side 
being close upon the Rhine.' The weather was * deplorably 
wet ' and the Queen was * suffering with sore throat.' Al- 
though this was ' very uncomfortable,' Her Majesty joined 
the dinner party, and m the course of the evening had much 
conversation with Baron Schleinitz the Prussian Minister, 
Count Bltlcher, M. de Bacourt, * a very clever man, formerly 
under Talleyrand, an old and very confidential friend of the 
Princess (of Prussia), and others.' 

* October 12. — A rather better morning. ... At eleven 
we walked out with the Princess, Vicky, Alice, and Fritz of 
Baden, first in the garden, and then along the Rhine, where 
the Princess has made a really lovely promenade with statues, 
figures, and flowers, and afterwards in the town, to look at 

the Staatsproourator or public prosecutor. His words were :— * The English 
residing and travelling are notorious for the rudeness, impudence, and boorish 
arrogance {die Anmasmng^ TJnverschamtheit und Lummem) of their conduct.' 
Captain Macdonald was kept in prison from the 12th to the 18th of September, 
when he was tried and fined twenty thalers and costs. 

1860 AT COBLENZ. 181 

the bridge [near the confluence of the Moselle and Rhine]. 
Could hardly stand, — ^f elt so weak and full of aches when we 
came back, and had to lie down and rest ; but before doing 
so, we went to see the fine chapel, and also the small English 
one, which the Princess has arranged for the English resi- 
dents — ^both in the Schloss. • . « Soon after luncheon we 
dressed to go out. It rained and hailed heavily just before 
we drove out, and this drive it was which increased my cold 
so much. . . . We drove up to the Stolzenf els, got out at 
the Castle, and went over all this really beautiful place. . . . 
I remembered it all so well ' (antCy vol. L p. 234), ' and was 
much pleased to see it again. Our rooms and everything 
reminded me of the poor King. The chapel is now finished, 
and the painting by Dager very beautiful. But oh ! it was 
dreadfully, bitterly cold and damp. However, the beams of 
light on the Rhine, and the view on Ehrenbreitstein lit up 
by the setting sun, were splendid. . . . Only home by ten 
minutes past six. Felt thoroughly chilled, for it was very 
damp and cold. Vicky came over to us, and remained with 
us, it being, alas ! our last day together, and the darling lit- 
tle boy was with us for nearly an hour, running about so 
dearly and merrily.' — ^111 as Her Majesty by this time was, 
she did not fail her hosts either at dinner, or in the evening. 

Next day the Royal party left Coblenz at eleven. To 
add to the Queen's suffermgs, which had now become very 
painful, * the day became very wet and cold. At Cologne our 
darling little William was brought into our carriage to bid 
good-by, as he was to wait there the return of Vicky and 
Fritz. I felt the parting deeply. . . . The Prince Regent 
talked a little in the train of his approaching visit to Warsaw 
(on the 22nd), where he is to meet the Emperors of Russia 
and Austria, — his determination to be bound to nothing, — 
his regret we had not seen the Emperor of Austria, as it 
would have made matters easier for him, — of Lord John's 
having talked to M. de Schleinitz, and of an understanding 
between the two Governments to communicate to one another 
all proposals made to them separately, &c. Lord John told 
me his conversation with M. de Schleinitz had been very long 
and interesting. The unfortunate Macdonald affair was being 
inquired into. Our people certainly ought to observe the laws 
of the countries they travel in.' 

At Aix-la-Chapelle the Prince Regent and the Princess of 
Prussia took leave. Another half -hour's journey brought the 

182 AT BRUSSELS. 1860 

Queen and Prince to the Prussian frontier, Herbesthal. * And 
here we had to part with our dear children. It was a sad 
moment ; and poor Vicky was so upset, that it upset me, 
and Alice (of course) much also. ... At Verviers Leopold, 
and Marie Brabant, and Philip joined us. ... I had to lie 
down, and only got up about a quarter of an hour before we 
reached Brussels. At the station dear Uncle received us. I 
could hardly walk when we got out, and with diflSculty got 
up stairs. . . . Dr. Baly found my throat very bad, that I 
had much fever ; so I was ordered to remain lying down in 
my room and to see no one. . . . Not since Kamsgate in 
1835 did I feel so ill as I did this day.' 

The Queen was confined to her room the next day. ' Felt 
considerably better, but must stay in my own room. It was 
provoking, as Uncle gave a very large dinner in honour of 
myself. By opening the door I could hear the fine band of 
the Guides. Later, Jane [Lady] Churchill came and read to 
me out of The Mill on the Floss. Dr. Baly found me much 

The same day the Prince sent a flying greeting to the 
much-loved daughter from whom he had so lately parted, in 
which he said : * The time we were together was very sweet 
and friendly, and the whole stay at Coburg has done my 
heart much good ; it has also gladdened me, that my old 
cradle has pleased your children so much. Uncle is. very 

He also wrote to Baron Stockmar : — 

*. . . I will tell you how we have got on. We are now 
in Brussels ; Victoria, unfortunately, not quite well, with 
earache and sore throat, accompanied by feverishness. I 
was affected in the same way the first evening in Coblenz, 
but am now quite well, all but a little sore throat. The days 
of late have been altogether too damp and cold ; at Hanau 
there was even snow upon the ground 

' The Prince Regent met us at Frankfort. He is well, 
cheerful, and in good heart. We discussed every eventual- 
ity, and he sees his way clearly, and is quite resolved not to 
let himself be circumvented at Warsaw in anything. 

* . . . The Grand Duke and Duchess of Baden were at 
Coblenz. Hohenzollem was there, too, and Schleinitz. I 
had much and thorough talk with Fritz of Baden and Hohen- 
zollem, and we quite understand each other. I got no con- 


versation with Schleinitz ; he was wholly absorbed by the 

^The Bonn story still sleeps. HohenzoUem had never 
heard of it. Schleinitz took it very easily. Palmerston, on 
the other hand, has written a Memorandum in which he rep- 
resents that unless the judge is at once cashiered and pun- 
ished, and reparation made to Captain Macdonald, he will 
break off diplomatic relations with Prussia. ... I have 
pressed for an exact and complete publication of what ac- 
tually occurred. 

* Meyer and Becker ' [former librarians of the Prince] 
'both came to Coblenz. i hope the severe weather has not 
again upset you. Uncle Leopold is very welL 

' BruBseU, 14th October, I860.' 

To return to Her Majesty's journal : — 

* October 15. — ^Had a very good night, and felt much bet- 
ter ; the throat much less painful. Our beloved Verlobunga- 
tag (betrothal-day) twenty-one years ago 1 God grant we 
may see many more anniversaries ! . . . Albert was out both 
morning and af temoon, visiting the Exhibition, and making 
purchases. He gave me such a pretty bracelet in recollec- 
tion of the day.' Although very weak, the Queen was so 
much better, that she was able to drive out during the day, 
and to dine en/atnille with King Leopold and his children. 

The next day the Queen had so far recovered, as to be 
able to resume the journey home. Leaving Brussels at half- 
past one, in company with the King and his sons, who were 
to accompany them as far as Antwerp, the Queen and Prince 
with their suite embarked immediately on reaching that city. 
Before the yacht had been under way for an hour, it grew 
quite dark, ' the sky inky black. Down came a deluge of 
rain, in the middle of which we were compelled to anchor.' 
Resuming the voyage next morning at six, the Royal travel- 
lers reached Gravesend about six in the evening, and by a 
quarter to eight were at Windsor Castle. * Found all the 
dear children well, and delighted to see us, including our 
precious little Beatrice. Already a week since we left Co- 
burg, and the dear happy days there belong to the treasured 
recollections of the past ! ' 


Letter by Qneen as to Memorial In gratitade for Princess Escape— The Yictoria-Stift at 
Coburg— The European Powers and Sardinia— Victor Emmannel meets Garibaldi— 
Meeting of Emperors of Austria and Russia and Prince Regent of Prussia at Warsaw 
— ^Attacks by The limes upon Prussia — Distress of the Prince — Visit by Prince Alfred 
to South Africa— Visit of Prince of Wales to Canada and the United States— Letter of 
President Buchanan to the Queen — Her Majesty's Reply. 

By the time the Prince reached England, all the traces of 
his alarming accident at Coburg had disappeared. But the 
thought of what might have happened was still vividly pres- 
ent to Her Majesty. Only to Baron Stockmar had she ven- 
tured at the time to express something of what she felt ; 
and even with him it was necessary to maintain the greatest 
composure, for the good old man had owned, that in think- 
ing of the danger the Prince had run, he had * nearly gone 
crazy.' To express her gratitude for the Prince's deliver- 
ance in some permanent memorial, had been Her Majesty's 
first thought. With this view she wrote the following let- 
ter three days after her return home (20th October) to Sir 
Charles Phipps, the administrator of. Her Majesty's Privy 
Purse: — 

*The Queen now comes to the subject, which she has 
mentioned to no one yet, but about which she has quite made 
up her own mind. Perhaps from the Queen's calmness at 
the time, and her anxiety that no one should think the Prince 
was seriously hurt, as well as to prevent her dear brother 
[the Duke of Coburg] from being more distressed than he 
already was. Sir C. Phipps may have thought that the Queen 
did not fully admit the awf ulness of the danger which her 
dear husband had been exposed to, or the providential es- 
cape he had from all really serious injury ; but it is when 
the Queen feels most deeply, that she always appears calm- 
est, and she could not and dared not allow herself to speak 


of what might have been, or even to admit to herself (and 
she cannot and dare not now) the entire danger, for her head 
would tarn I It is necessity and principle, that the Queen 
should act thus on all occasions of danger, and she thinks it 
is right. This, however, is only a prelude. 

^ The Queen feels bo deeply impressed with gratitude to 
our Heavenly Father, in having guided her beloved hus- 
band to do what was the only right thing, and in having 
watched over and protected him at this hour of peril, that 
she cannot rest witnout doing something to mark perma- 
nently her feelings. In times of old a church or a monument 
would probably have been erected on the spot. What the 
Queen wishes to do is to be able to benefit her fellow-crea- 
tures, and her desire would be to found, or add to some 
charity at Coburg (her dear husband's home), by adding a 
wing either to some school or hospital (of botn of which 
they are much in want), which might bear the Queen's name. 
1,000/., or even 2,000/., given either at once, or in instalments 
yearly, would not, in the Queen's opinion, be too much. She 
will not rest satisfied till she has done this. She has been 
thinking of it continually, day and night. • . .' 

Acting upon the views here expressed, Her Majesty de- 
cided upon founding some permanent dharity in the town of 
Coburg, from whi(3i a benevolent distribution should be 
made annually on the 1st of October, the anniversary of the 
Prince's escape. It was suggested by the Duke and Duchess 
of Coburg, that the charity should bear the Queen's name. 
Accordingly a trust, called the * Victoria-Stif t ' (Victoria 
Foundation), was established by investing 12,000 florins — a 
little over 1,000/., — in the names of the Burgomaster and 
General-Superintendent (chief clergyman) of Coburg, for the 
time, as trustees. The interest from this fund was directed 
to be distributed by the trustees, in accordance with certain 
prescribed regulations, on the 1st of October in each year, 
among a certain number of young men and women of exem- 
plary character belonging to the humbler ranks of life. The 
payments so made were to be applied in apprenticing the 
young men, or purchasing tools or other objects to enable 
them to pursue any industrial occupation, or, in the case of 
the young women, as a dowry on their marriage, or to assist 
in putting them in the way of earning their livelihood. An 
annual report is made to Her Majesty by the trustees of the 


fund, which, while answering the benevolent intentions of 
the founder, benefits the Prince's native town in the way he 
would himself most have desired. 

During the few weeks' absence of the Queen and Prince 
from England, events had been moving forward in Italy with 
unflagging rapidity. Although the Emperor of the French 
had withdrawn his representatives from Turin, immediately 
after the invasion by Sardinia of Umbria and the Marches, 
and had sent fresh troops to reinforce those which already 
occupied Rome and the surrounding country, it was soon 
apparent that, so long as the personal safety of the Pope and 
the immediate patrimony of St. Peter remained inviolate, he 
would take no active measures to arrest the national move- 
ment for the establishment of an united Italy. His Minis- 
ters and accredited agents in Italy were, according to his 
custom, kept very much in the dark as to his real intentions, 
and encouraged the hopes of the Royalist party by the ve- 
hemence with which they denounced the annexation to Sar- 
dinia, which now seemed to be inevitable. But the Emperor 
himself, pledged as he was to the doctrine of the indepen- 
dence of nationalities * and to the Italian cause, and well un- 
derstanding how hopeless resistance would now be to the 
impulse which that cause had received, kept his own coun- 
sels, and acted upon* the principle of a * wise passiveness,' 
watching the progress of events, without committing himself 
to any decisive action. 

Prussia considered it necessary to enter her protest against 
the principles upon which Sardinia had justified her invasion 
of the Papal provinces and the Neapolitan Kingdom, and 
also against * the invitation to the Italian people to declare 
formally by universal suffrage the deposition of their Princes,' 
implied in the convocation of the Sardinian Chambers to con- 
sider whether, if this vote were given, the King of Sardinia 
should be authorised to give it effect (ante, p. 164). This 
protest was conveyed in a Despatch (13th October) from 
Baron Schleinitz to Count Brassier de St. Simon, the Prus- 

J When the Emperor of the French, after the battle of Sadowa, tendered 
Venetia, which had been placed at his disposal by the Emperor of Austria, to 
the King of Italy, his words were (11th Au^st, 1866): *My purpose haa 
always been to restore Italy to herself, so that she should be free from the Alps 
to the Adriatic. Mistress of her own destinies she will soon be able to ex- 
press her own will by universal sutfrage. Your Majesty will recognise that in 
these circumstances the action of France has been again exercised in favour of 
humanity and the independence of nationalities.' 

1860 AliD SARDINU. 187 

sian Ambassador at Turin. But this Despatch, while ' ex- 
pressing in the most explicit and formal manner disapproba- 
tion of the principles urged by Count Cavour, and of the 
application which it had been thought proper to give them,' 
menaced no further action to prevent their being so applied, 
nor even a rupture of diplomatic relations.' 

Russia was not contented with a mere protest, but, find- 
ing that Sardinia, disregarding her remonstrances, continued 
the campaign in the Kingdom of Naples, recalled her Lega- 
tion from Turin on the 21st of October. A few days after- 
wards Spain adopted the same course. 

By that time, however, Victor Emmanuel was in a posi- 
tion to regard the frown even of Russia with comparative 
indifference. The Royalist troops had upon the 2nd of Oc- 
tober sustained a crushing defeat at the hands of Garibaldi 
upon the Voltumo. The Piedmontese Chambers had, on the 
16th, voted, by an overwhelming majority, the Bill to au- 
thorise the annexation of the Papal provinces and of the 
Neapolitan Kingdom ; and Garibaldi, recovering from the 
transitory pique occasioned by the adherence of the Sover- 
eign to Cavour and Farini, had hailed the advance of the 
Piedmontese troops upon Neapolitan soil, and proclaimed 
that on the arrival of the King he would place in his hands, 
as the constitutional Sovereign of the Kingdom of the Two 
Sicilies, the Dictatorship of the Kingdom previously con- 
ferred by the nation upon himself. 

These events were not without their influence at the Court 
of the Tuileries. This soon became apparent ; for simultane- 
ously with the announcement that Russia had broken off 
diplomatic relations with Sardinia, a semi-oflScial article ap- 
peared in the Constitutionnel, which, after justifying the 
neutral position which France had hitherto occupied, set the 

« The TimeSj of the 19th of October, 1860, unwittingly expanding a well- 
known passage in the Antigone of Sophocles, put th6 case ifor Sardinia on the 
only tenable footinj^. * Tn our eyes,' it wrote, * the only defence for the con- 
duct of the King lies in those natural laws which lie unwritten in every code 
and unnamed in every form of ijovemment. but which intolerable oppression 
calls forth from latent existence into active force. It is the unbearable tyranny 
of the two sovereigns of Southern Italy, it is the massacres of Perugia, the 
prisons of Palermo, and the dungeons of St. Elmo, which have given to the 
people of Southern Italy the right to call for a deliverer, and which have given 
to Victor Emmanuel the same excuse for assuming the crown of Naples, which 
William of Orange had for accepting that of England. Upon this principle 
and upon no other, Victor Emmanuel can vindicate his own presence in South- 
em Italy, and upon this title he will be fully justified in putting an end to the 
war by one decisive movement. 


seal of her approval upon the policy of Cavour by emphat- 
ically declaring that 'an organised and powerful Italy is 
henceforth for the interest of Europe.' 

After such an intimation, Count Cavour had little reason 
to fear any active resistance either from France or any of the 
other Continental Governments to his hitherto triumphant 
policy. Accordingly, the Piedmontese troops were hurried 
forward across the Neapolitan frontier. The Royalist forces, 
which had rallied after their severe defeat on the Voltumo, 
showing a spirit that, if earlier displayed, might have seri- 
ously delayed the solution of the Italian question, attacked 
the leading Piedmontese columns on the heights of Macerone 
on the 21st of October. They were driven back with a heavy 
loss, and compelled to retire from the line of the Yoltumo 
behind the Garigliano, leaving, however, a strong body of 
troops in possession of Capua. On the 26th Victor Emman- 
uel, who was advancing at the head of his troops, was met 
on the line of the Voltumo by Garibaldi. ' At ten paces dis- 
tant,' an eye-witness, writing in the Journal des DibatSy re- 
cords, ' the officers of the King and those of Garibaldi shouted, 
" Viva Victor Emmanuele ! " Garibaldi made a step in ad- 
vance, raised his cap, and added, in a voice which trembled 
with emotion, " King of Italy ! " Victor Emmanuel raised 
his hand to his cap, and then stretched out his hand to Gari- 
baldi, and with equal emotion replied, *' I thank you ! " ' 

Having thus effectively secured the co-operation of Gari- 
baldi and his friends, Victor Emmanuel lost no time in press- 
ing forward to complete the overthrow of the Royalist troops. 
He attacked and defeated them in their new position on the 
Garigliano on the 3rd of November. Retreating in confu- 
sion, the Neapolitans fell back upon Gaeta, the last refuge 
of Francis IL, which was immediately invested. Meanwhile 
Capua had surrendered, and the garrison, about 9,000 strong, 
had been made prisoners of war. From this moment any 
further effective resistance on the part of the King was mani- 
festly hopeless. 

The announcement of an intended meeting of the Em- 
perors of Russia and Austria with the Prince Regent of 
Prussia on the 22nd of October, to which reference has been 
made in the previous chapter, had been the fertile source of 
speculation and conjecture, as such meetings invariably are, 
in all political and official circles. It had raised wild hopes 
at the Vatican, and also among the supporters of Francis II,, 


of armed intervention in Italy to put down the movement 
for the erection of a great Italian Kingdom. But the North- 
em Sovereigns met and parted, and no steps in this direction 
were taken. Conjectures, no less unfounded, were also rife 
as to a coalition of the Northern Powers to secure a revision 
of the Treaty of Paris of 1856, to guarantee Austria from 
attack in Yenetia or Hungary, and even to effect the isola- 
tion of England from the other European Powers. That the 
interview had led to no results likely to affect the tranquillity 
of Europe, or the political situation in any material respect, 
was the conclusion at which well-informed observers soon 
arrived. This may be seen by what the Prince wrote (5th 
November) in the following letter to Baron Stockmar, in 
which he incidentally alludes to the meeting at Warsaw, of 
which he was aware that he would in due time learn all essen- 
tial particulars from the Prince Regent of Prussia : — 

^ I hoped to have been able to announce to you the arrival 
of our sons' [the Prince of Wales from America, and Prince 
Alfred from the Cape], *but a frightful east wind has been 
blowing for a week, and to all appearance they cannot make 
way homewards. This makes us rather impatient, even al- 
though we have the consolation of being ourselves on terra 
firma. The east wind, which in Coburg very likely brings 
snow, while here it oidy makes itself felt like snow, will do 
you no good either. We are well. . . . 

*Lord Dalhousie* and Lord Cawdor are dying. Lord 
Dundonald died some days ago [30th October], in his eighty- 
fifth year, having iust completed, however, the second volume 
of a very interesting book. . . . 

* I should be glad to know your views about the Vienna 
Commissions.^ Will they give satisfaction ? Will they be 

■ Lord Cawdor died on the 7th of November, and Lord Dalhousie on the 
19th of December, 1860, the latter at the early age of 48, — *a great loss for the 
country,' the Prince notes in hig Diary for the dSy. 

* On the 2l8t of October, 1860, the Emperor of Austria, entering on what 
the wise Hungarian patriot Francis Deak called at the time * the path of Con- 
stitutionalisra,' promulgated a new Constitution, or Imperial Diploma, by which 
he conferred on the Reichsrath legislative powers, and a control of the national 
finances. It declared in somewhat vague terms, that all matters of legislation 
relating to the * kingdoms and countries belonging to the Hungarian Crown 
should be managed in the sense of their former Constitutions,' and by Imperial 
letters, addressed at the same time to Baron Vay, the Emperor intimated that 
' for the future the ancient principle of the public law of Hungary, that the 
le^slative power can onlv be exercised by the Sovereign with the participation 
01 the Hungarian Diet, shaU be valid,' and announced numerous other conces- 


carried out in good faith, accepted in good faith ? Here 
people's whole attention is absorbed by Italy. Nothing else 
has any existence. Germany is " a mere nuisance." In W ar- 
saw no definite arrangements seem to have been come to 
(I have as yet had no communication from the Prince Re- 
gent, but this seems to be the result). Still I think it has 
become more and more apparent that France and Russia are 
looked upon as mutually bound to act c?6 conimun accord 
within certain limits, and to hold fast by the Stuttgart en- 

' We have the Hereditary Prince of Holstein-Augusten- 
burg [brother of Prince Christian] staying here, along with 
Ada [his wife, daughter of the Princess Hohenlohe], with 
Mama at Progmore. I like him very much. Witn great 
calmness of manner he seems to possess strong sense and 
judgment, and takes a lively interest in everything.' 

A few days after this letter was written, the Prince heard 
from the Prince Regent of Prussia, who had been prevented 
from writing sooner by the illness and death of his sister, 
the Empress-Mother of Russia, to whom he was very ten- 
derly attached. The Prince Regent reported what had 
passed at Warsaw with the same frankness as he had shown 
in regard to the previous interviews at Baden and at Toplitz. 
As might have been expected, the truth bore very little 
resemblance to the conjectures of the journals or political 
salons. The Prince communicated, without loss of time, to 
Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, a summary of his 
correspondent's communication, in a letter of which the fol- 
lowing are the material passages : — 

' The Prince Regent declares that all the newspaper sup- 
positions that Russia had asked for a revision of the Treaty 
of 1856, Austria for a guarantee of Venetia or Prussian as- 
sistance in Italy or Hungary, were mere fables, and that 

sions to the demands of the National party in Hungary. Imperial autograph 
letters (the * Commissions * mentioned by the Prince) were also addressed to 
the various Ministers of State, and it was proclaimed mat the numbers of the 
members to be sent by the local Diets to the Beichsrath should bo increased 
from eighty to one hundred. The Hungarians were not satisfied with these con- 
cessions, and persisted in their demands of (1) the restoration of their old Con- 
stitution ; (2) the coronation of the Emperor at Pesth as King of Hungary, and 
(3) the nomination by the monarch of a Palatine, who should be one of three 
persons nominated by the nation. 

* These were, that neither Bussia nor France * should take any determina- 
tion on questions of mutual interest without previous consultation with each 


these topics had not even been alladed to in conversation. 
On the other hand, they were unanimous that, if Austria 
were to be attacked in Venetia and to be victorious, and re- 
conquered Lombardy, she could not be asked to promise 
beforehand not to keep her conquest, but that the fate of 
Lombardy would in that case have to be reserved for the 
stipulations of peace. 

'Upon hints that the subjects of conference might be 
fitly settled hereafter in a Congress, the Prince Regent made 
it a condition that England must be previously informed of 
everything before decisions were taken. This appears to 
have been accepted and joined in, particularly by Austria, 
as a sine qud non condition. . . . 

' The Prince says there was no mention of a Treaty, nor 
even of ^^ ponctuationSy*^ nor of a revival of the Holy Alli- 
ance. The Sovereigns were unanimous in their conviction 
of the danger arising out of the ambiguous policy of the 
Emperor Napoleon, and of the necessity of demanding guar- 
antees from him in order to preserve the peace of Europe, to 
uphold the shaken foundations of public law, and to arrest 
tho progress of a general revolution. Their main difference 
consisted in the belief of Russia, that the given guarantees 
were sufficient, and that by showing confidence in the Em- 
peror, they would gain him for the Conservative side. The 
Prince recognised uie tendency, even if not expressed, in all 
this, to isolate England ; on account of which he repeatedly 
protested even against merely verbal agreements without 
her knowledge. He was pleased to observe, that the Em- 
peror of Austria recognised in the strongest manner the im- 
portance of close friendship with England, as the safest ally 
m case of Napoleonic attacks upon Germany. 

* The Prince does not deny that the late Italian policy of 
England was viewed with very great regret. . . . He seems 
very unhappy about Lord John Russell's last published 
Despatch, which he calls a tough morsel to digest, in which 
he sees a disruption of the Law of Nations as hitherto recog- 
nised, and of the holy ties which bound people and sov- 
ereigns, and a declaration on the part of England, that, 
wheresoever there exists any dissatisfaction among a people, 
they have the privilege to expel their sovereign, with the 
assured certainty of England's sympathy. The Prince sees 
great difficulty in the way of future agreement with England, 
if that is to be the basis of her policy, and regrets the effect 


it has had in destroying the sympathies which were arising 
for her on the Continent. 

* The Emperor of Austria renewed the declaration of his 
intention not to act offensively in Italy. Prince Gortscha- 
koffs aim is a close union with France, to which system he 
wishes to attach Austria and Prussia, and thus to oppose 

The Despatch of Lord John Russell, to which reference 
is here made, was one addressed on the 27th of October to 
Sir James Hudson, the English Minister at Turin. Its im- 
mediate motive seems to have been the condemnation pro- 
nounced by France, Russia, and Prussia, upon the invasion 
by Victor Emmanuel of the territories of the Pope and of 
the King of Naples, with neither of whom he had a legiti- 
mate cause of quarrel, while with the latter he was actually 
at peace. Even those who shared Lord John Russell's en- 
thusiasm for the Italian cause felt that it was more prudent 
to accept quietly the success which had attended it, than to 
provoke too much attention to the infringement of the rules 
of international law bv which that success was in a great 
measure effected. A simple recognition of the change which 
had taken place in Italy was all that was required from Eng- 
land. Any vindication of the means by which it had been 
brought about was quite uncalled-for ; and a vindication 
upon the grounds on which it was rested by Lord John Rus- 
sell's Despatch, however valuable to the Italians, was scarce- 
ly prudent from the pen of an English Minister, involving as 
it did the assertion of principles which might prove extreme- 
ly inconvenient and even perplexing to himself or his succes- 
sors in upholding English rights and English interests under 
certain possible contingencies. It was said with great force 
at the time, that ' any Emperor or President of a Republic 
who entertained an inconvenient sympathy for Canada, for 
Ireland, for India, or for the Channel Islands, will remember 
that Yattel and Lord John Russell approve of foreign inter- 
vention against oppressive and unpopular governments.' 
The remedy in the case of Italy, like the circumstances, was 
wholly exceptional, and nothing was to be gained by an at- 
tempt, like that made in this Despatch, to reduce to a legal 
basis what was in effect the violent breach of every legal right. 

Such was, at least, the Prince's opinion, as it was that of 
many of the ablest statesmen of all shades of politics. In 


writing (14th November) to his daughter at Berlin on the 
subject, he says : ' Even though one accepts the results of the 
strange Italian story, yet the best course certainly is to say 
nothing of the way it has been brought about. . . . The 
Despatch has not been well received here, and has missed its 
object of propitiating the press, who were up in arms at the 
warning to Sardinia not to seize Venice.' 1 recommend to 
your attentive perusal the two articles in the Saturday 
Heview (10th November) upon the Despatch, and upon the 
hostile attitude of The Times towards Prussia ! Thev are ad- 
mirably written, and deserve to be translated into German.' 
The incessant attacks by The Times on Prussia and 
everything Prussian at this time, and for many months after- 
wards, were a source of serious disquietude to the Prince. In 
the article in the Saturday Heview, recommended by him 
to his daughter, it was said : * The only reason The T^mes 
ever gives for its dislike of Prussia, is that the Prussian and 
English Courts are connected by personal ties, and that 
British independence demands that everything proceeding 
from the Court should be watched with the most jealous 
suspicion.' The Prince was too secure in the consciousness 
of the ffroundlessness of such suspicions, too indiifferent to 
the insmuations against himself by which they were fre- 
quently pointed, to give them a moment's thought, but he 
dreaded the effect in Germany of articles calculated to wound 
every feeling of national dignity and self-respect. He well 
knew the weight which was attached there to the utterances 
of the leading journal, and how they were accepted as speak- 
ing the mind of the British nation. These articles, fraught 
as they were with danger to a good understanding between 
the countries, caused him positive pain. To quote the lan- 
guage of a Memorandum written by the Queen in January, 
1862, ' they made him very angry, and did him harm. He 
would say, " Wleder ein gam infamer Artikel gegen Preus" 
sen ; er wird ungeheuren Schaden thun,^'* ("Another quite 
disgraceful article against Prussia ; it will do immense mis- 

• The Prince refers to what Lord John Kussell had said in a Despatch to Sir 
J. Hudson on the Slst of August, deprecating anjr attack by Sardinia on Vene- 
tia. ' The only chance,' he wrote, * which Sardinia could have in such a contest 
would be the hope of bringing France into the field, and kindling a general war 
in Europe. But let not Count Cavour indulge in so pernicious a delusion. The 
Great Powers of Europe are bent on maintaining neace, and Great Britain has 
interests in the Adriatic which Her Majesty^s CrOvernmetU must waich with 
careful attention,'' 

VOL. V. — 9 


chief.") " Das thut furchthar viel Schaden I " (" That will 
do a frightful deal of mischief.") He would not hear of my 
Baying, it did not signify, and he was right. " Du sagst im- 
mer^ es macht nichts, aher ich versichere Dir^ aUe Leute lesen 
die Times.^'* ("You always say, it is of no consequence, but 
I assure you, everybody reads The Times ") and forms their 
opinion upon it. And yet,' continues Her Majesty, remem- 
bering, no doubt, the misrepresentations and innuendoes by 
which the Prince had frequently been assailed, * this very 
T'imes had the most beautiful articles upon him when he 
died.' Yes, it was the old sad story — 

That what we have, we prize not to the worth 
"Whiles we enjoy it ; but, being lacked and lost, 
Why, then we rack the value, then we find 
The virtue that possession would not show ns, 
Whiles it was ours.— • 

How serious was the view taken of the subject by the 
P*rince may be seen by the following passage in one of his 
letters to his daughter in Berlin (24th October) : — , 

' What abominable articles The Times has against Prussia ! 
That of yesterday upon Warsaw and Schleinitz is positively 
too wicked. It is the Bonn story which continues to operate, 
and a total estrangement between the two countries may 
ensue, if a newspaper war be kept up for some time between 
the two nations. Hohenzollem or Schleinitz should at least 
take cognizance of this. Feelings, and not arguments, con- 
stitute the basis for actions. We have fresh evidence of this 
in what has happened in Italy, where the King of Sardinia 
may . behave ever so unjustly (in theory), but practically 
people applaud him ! An embitterment of feeling between 
England and Prussia would be a great misfortune, and yet 
they are content in Berlin to make no move in the Bonn 

Unfortunately the Government of Prussia was in no hurry 
to close up an affair, which continued for many months to 
keep up a feeling of irritation between that country and 
England. It was not settled till the following May ; but a 
bitterness had in the meantime been engendered, which did 
not die out until long afterwards. 

With the beginning of November the Queen and Prince 


bad begun to look for tbe return of tbe Prince of Wales and 
of Prince Arthur from then* respective expeditions to Canada 
and to tbe Cape. Day followed day witbout tidings of tbeir 
arrival, and anxiety bad almost grown to uneasiness before 
either of tbem reached tbe English shores. On the 9th of 
November the Prince makes the following entry in his 
Diary : — ' Bertie's birthday. Unfortunately be is still ab- 
sent, neither do we bear anything of him. On the other 
band, Alfred arrived at Portsmouth in the Euryalus this 
morning early. He was with us by six o'clock, — ^very well.' 

We have seen the importance attached by the Prince 
(ante^ p. 82) to the visit of the Princes to our two great 
Colonial possessions. He bad taken tbe greatest pains to 
organise them both so as to ensure tbeir being carried out 
successfully, and tbe intelligence which from time to time 
reached Her Majesty and himself showed that bis efforts had 
not been in vain. Prince Alfred reached Simon's Bay on the 
24th of July in the EuryaluSy in which be served as a mid- 
shipman. Only while actually away from the ship was he 
treated in any other character, and the harbour-master, on 
boarding the EuryaluSy was not a little surprised to find the 
Prince dressed as an ordinary midshipman, and performing 
that officer's duty at the gangway as the port boat came 
alongside. On the 25th the Pnnce landed, and proceeded to 
Cape Town. * Never,' said the local record of the day, * since 
the Cape became a British Colony, were the streets so gaily 
decorated,' and never had the population turned out in such 
numbers, or shown so much enthusiasm, as in welcoming the 
Queen's son. 

The Prince remained at Cape Town until the 2nd of 
August, when he re-embarked along with the Governor, Sir 
George Grey, who, it had been arranged, was to accompany 
him on his tour through the Colony. Algoa Bay was reached 
on the 5tb, and on tbe 6th the Prince landed at Port Eliza- 
beth, where he was received with all princely honours. All 
the other important ports and places in the Cape Colony, in 
Kaffraria, Natal, and the Orange Free State, were visited, 
and everywhere the young Prince was welcomed with en- 
thusiasm. From time to time reports of his progress, most 
gratifying in their tenor, reached the Queen and Prince. 
But none could have been more acceptable than the few 
hearty words of Sir George Grey to a private friend, in a let- 
ter from King William's Town on the 13th of August, of 


which the Prince Consort has preserved a copy among his 
papers. ' Nothing,' he wrote, * can be more gratifying than 
everything connected with Prince Alfred's journeys here. 
He IS a noble young fellow, full of life and fun. He is re- 
ceived everywnere with transports of delight. He rides as 
far and fast as I can myself, delights in every style of life, 
wins the hearts of all the native chiefs, gladdens the Euro- 
peans by the interest he takes in their prosperity, and by the 
good influence he exercises over the natives, as also by turn- 
ing out in dress and even minute articles of equipment a 
thorough South African sportsman.' 

On the 6th of September Prince Alfred embarked at Port 
Natal to return to Cape Town. He found on board the 
Euryalus Sandilli, the celebrated Chief of the Gaikas, who, 
with ten of his councillors, had been persuaded to pay a visit 
to Cape Town. They were very glad. Major, now Sir John, 
Cowell wrote to the Prince Consort (6th of September) to see 
the Prince again, *for some had misgivings as to the real 
intentions of our Government until this evening. . . . San- 
diUi's tribe begged him with tears as he passed not to trust 
himself in our hands, for they knew that he would be exe- 
cuted, and the fact of the Rev. Tya Toga accompanying him 
only increased this belief in his fate, for they said that we 
always employ clergymen on such occasions.' The last of 
these misgivings were dispelled after the young Prince came 
on board. ' Peace and happiness,' adds Major Cowell, * now 
reigns in their " kraal," as the men call the space enclosed on 
the main deck for the KaflSrs. They have been very happy 
on board, and speak in the highest terms of the treatment 
which they have received from every one on board, from 
Captain Tarleton' [the Captain of the Euryalua] *to the 
croomen who attend upon them.' 

This kindness and what they saw on board the Miryalus 
were not lost upon Sandilli and his friends. They were im- 
pressed, as Cetewayo, the Zulu Chief — whom, like them, it 
had cost as much trouble to subdue — was in more recent 
days impressed by the evidence of the power of England 
manifested in one of her great ships of war. But, as Sir 
George Grey observed, in a speech at the opening of the 
Public Library in Cape Town by Prince Alfred a few days 
afterwards, * in their eyes the most admirable of all the many 
things they saw, was the sight of a number of hardy bare- 
footed lads assisting at daybreak in washing the decks, fore- 

1860 SANDILLI. I97 

most among whom in activity and energy was the son of the 
Queen of England.' They put their thoughts into words 
in the following remarkable letter to Captain Tarleton : — 

* Sandilli and his councillors give thanks. By the invitation of the great 
Chief, the son of the Queen of the English people, are we this day on board 
this mighty vessel. 

* The invitation was accepted with fear. With dread we came on board, 
and in trouble have we witnessed the dangers of the great waters, but through 
your skill have we passed through this tribulation. 

* We have seen what our ancestors heard not of. Now have we grown 
old and learned wisdom. The might of England has been fully illustrated to 
us, and now we behold our madness in taking up arms to resist the authority 
of our mighty and gracious Sovereign. Up to this time have we not ceased 
to be amazed at the wonderful things we have witnessed, and which are be- 
yond our comprehension. But one thing we understand, the reason of Eng- 
land's greatness. When the son of her great Queen becomes subject to a 
subject, that he may learn wisdom, when the sons of England^s chiefs and 
nobles leave the homes and wealth of their fathers, and with their young 
Prince endure hardships and sufferings in order that they may be wise, and 
become a defence to their country, when we behold these things, we see why 
the English are a great and mighty nation. 

* What we have now learnt shall be transmitted to our wondering coun- 
trymen and handed down to our children, who will be wiser than their 
fathers, and your mighty Queen shall be their sovereign and ours in all time 

On the 17th of September Prince Alfred laid the first 
stone, or rather tilted into the sea the first waggon-load of 
the stones which were to form the breakwater in Table Bay. 
*The ceremony,' Major Cowell wrote to the Prince, *was 
most interesting, and every one in the Colony who could be 
present was there.' 

The festivities which signalised this visit to our South 
African possessions were worthily closed by the speeches of 
Sir George Grey and of the Attorney- General for Cape 
Colony, at the opening of the Public Library on the 18th. 
How the visit was appreciated, and the good results which 
it was calculated to produce, were points skilfully touched 
upon in the following sentences of the Attorney-General's 
speech ; — 

* The Prince Consort, in the course of an interesting speech delivered 
lately at Trinity House {arUe^ note, p. 83), referring to the vast and still 
growing greatness of the Colonial empire of England, spoke of the remark- 
able coincidence, suggestive of many thoughts, and characteristic of the pres- 
ent age, that whilst the Prince of Wales would be in Canada, opening the 
bridge over the St. Lawrence, Prince Alfred would be at the Cape, commen- 
cing the breakwater in Table Bay. In welcoming Prince Alfred to the Cape, 

198 SIR GEORGE GREY. 1860 

where we are still in many respects in the day of small things, we could not, of 
course, aspire to emulate the splendour of the reception which the Prince of 
Wales will have received in the great colony of Canada, still less the yet greater 
splendour of the reception which was awaiting him in the country which ad- 
joins Canada, where a kindred nation, sprung from English blood, do not 
after all forget their origin. But what the Cape people could do, they have 
striven to do with heart and soul, and if they have in any degree succeeded 
in testifying their love and loyalty towards Her Majesty the Queen, their 
sense of the honour that was done to them by the visit of her son, and their 
respectful affection for his Royal Highness himself — a feeling which his sim- 
ple dignity and his constant courtesy have strongly and universally excited — 
if, I say, they have in any degree succeeded in these things, then they have 
fulfilled their whole desire and have had their high reward. Let his Royal 
Highness be assured that he carries away with him the heartiest good wishes 
of all ranks, races, creeds, and colours in South Africa ; that the people here, 
confident that in after life he will tread no path but that of honour, will' watch 
with interest his future career, and that they willever reckon it as one of the 
many services rendered to them by their Governor, Sir George Grey, that, 
through his instrumentality, the auspicious visit of Prince Alfred was ar- 
ranged — a visit which has, as it were, aunihilated ocean spaces, and brought 
us in feeling so close to the old mother country, that we seem to see her cliffs 

TTbe gratitude here expressed of the Colonists to Sir 
George Grey was no less warmly felt by the Queen and 
Prince. It found expression in the following letter of Her 
Majesty (4th of December, 1860) :— 

* Though Sir George Grey will receive the official expres- 
sion of the Queen's high sense of the manner in which Prince 
Alfred has been received at the Cape, she is anxious to 
express personally both the Prince Consort's and her own 
thanks for the very great kindness Sir George Grey showed 
our child during his most interesting tour in that fine Colony ; 
and she trusts that the effect produced on the nation and 
people in general will be as lasting and beneficial, as it must 
be on Prince Alfred to have witnessed the manner in which 
Sir George Grey devotes his whole time and energy to pro- 
mote the happiness and welfare of his fellow-creatures.' ., 

On the 15th of November the anxiety of the Queen and 
Prince was set at rest, by a telegram from Plymouth, an- 
nouncing the arrival of the Prince of Wales that morning at 
Plymouth, on board H.M.S. Hero, The same evening he 
arrived at Windsor Castle. The tale he had to tell of the 
way he had been received on the great American continent 
was one well calculated to rejoice the hearts of those whom 
he had been trusted to represent. 


We have already spoken (ante, p. 130) of the welcome 
given to him at St. John's in Newfoundland. Warm as it 
was, it was outdone by the reception that awaited him as he 
advanced. Of what it was at Halifax (7th Augast) the 
Duke of Newcastle, writing the same day to Her Majesty, 
gave the following description : — 


* The procession occupied nearly an hour and a half, and, making every 
allowance for the fact that the latest impressions are generally the strongest, 
the Duke of Newcastle feels fully justified in assuring your Majesty that this 
last demonstration has been the grandest and most gratifying of all that have 
yet taken place. 

* The numbers of people were so great, that it is difficult to conceive from 
whence they had come. Every window, every housetop, every available place 
was filled. Hundreds of well-dressed women, not satisfied with such safe 
points of view, lined the streets, and braved the clouds of dust and pressure 
of the multitude. Enthusiasm rose to such a height as to make its expres- 
sion by voice and gesture insufficient for the wishes and feelings of the crowd. 
Many hundreds of bouquets were thrown at the carriage, which was half 
filled, though not one in fifty reached its aim. The cheers for the Queen and 
Prince were absolutely deafening, and when at last the Prince stepped into 
the boat to re-embark into the Sti/Xy the excitement of the many thousands 
rose to a fever height, which seemed as if it could not be calmed. Numbers 
of steamers crowded with tiers of people looked as if they must sink with 
their cargo, whilst innumerable boats dotted the whole surface of the sea. 
At length the Prince got on board, the Stipn got under way, whilst the still 
ringing cheers from the shores could be heard in the intervals of salutes from 
all points fired by the Volunteer Artillerymen, and thus ended the first part 
of this most remarkable and, as it will assuredly prove, ever memorable 

The Duke goes on to apologise for his inability to do 
more than ^ give slight outlines of events and the merest in- 
dications of the spirit and meaning of them,' and trusts Her 
Majesty ' may gather a truer impression of all that her North 
American subjects have done and felt, from the fuller ac- 
counts of reporters, Colonial, English, and Americans, who 
attend these scenes. He may. venture, however, to affirm 
that good has already been sown broadcast by the Prince's 
visit, and he humbly prays that a rich harvest may arise 
from, it to the honour and glory of your Majesty and your 
family, and the advantage of the mighty Empire committed 
to your rule.' 

Every further step in the triumphal progress of the Prince 
of Wales through Canada confirmed this impression, not only 
in the mind of the Duke and of the many able men who 
formed the Prince's suite, but of all the leading men in the 
country. It was marred by no unpleasant incident, except 


an attempt at Kingston and Toronto of the Orangemen to 
secure a semblance of countenance to their opinions by get- 
ting the Prince of Wales to pass under arches decorated 
with their symbols and party mottoes. This attempt, thanks 
to the tact and firmness of the Duke of Newcastle, entirely 
failed of success, and indeed it only served to elicit in other 
quarters a more enthusiastic recognition of the young Prince, 
who so effectively illustrated the freedom from party bias in 
which he had been trained. In writing to the Queen from 
Dwight, in the State of Illinois, on the 23rd of September, the 
Duke thus summed up the results of the Canadian visit : — 

*Now the Canadian visit is concluded, he may pronounce it eminently sue 
cessful, and may venture to offer Her Majesty his humble, but very hearty 
congratulations. He does not doubt that future years will clearly demon- 
strate the good that has been done. The attachment to the Crown of Eng- 
land has been greatly cemented, and other nations will have learned how use- 
less it will be in case of war to tamper with the allegiance of the Noi*th 
American provinces, or to invade their shores. There is much in the popu- 
lation of all classes to admire, and for a good government to work upon, and 
the very knowledge that the acts of all will henceforth be more watched in 
England, because more attention has been drawn to the country, will do great 

* The Duke of Newcastle is rejoiced to think that this is not the only 
good that has sprung out of this visit. It has done much good to the Prince 
of Wales himself, and the development of mind and habit of thought is very 
perceptible. The Duke of Newcastle will be much disappointed if your Ma- 
jesty and the Prince Consort are not pleased with the change that has been 
brought about by this practical school, in which so many of the future duties 
of life have been forced upon the Prince's daily attention. He has certainly 
left a very favourable impression behind him.' 

While the enthusiasm went on augmenting in Canada, 
the United States, which from the first had looked forward 
to the coming of the Prince of Wales among them with the 
utmost eagerness, were preparing to give him a welcome 
quite up to the level of that which he had received in the 
Dominion State. A pleasant record of the prevailing feeling 
was sent to the Prince Consort by M. Van de Weyer, in a 
letter to his father-in-law, Mr. Bates, from Mr. Davis, an 
American gentleman well known for the shrewdness and 
humour of the books which he published under the name of 
Major Downing. Writing from New York on the 29th of 
September, Mr. Davis says : — 

* During my absence from town, arrangements were entered upon here to 
give the Prince a hearty welcome ; and I found my name as chairman of one 
of the working Committees, which duty I have readily accepted. . . . We 


intend to do the thing rightly, and in all respects most agreeably to his Royal 
Highness, not only because he belongs to a most excellent family, but because 
he seems to be himself highly meritorious and of right promise. . . . The 
greatest difficulty we at present encounter is the want of a house big enough 
for a portion of our good citizens who desire to pay their respects to him. 
The structure we have selected is capable of containing six thousand, but, 
lookmg to wide crinolines and comfort, we do not intend admitting over three 
thousand for ball and supper. 

' I have never witnessed a more unanimous desire to make the Princess 
visit to us entirely agreeable to himself, and if we do not succeed it will not 
be our fault. ... He is decidedly a popular character with us, and may con- 
sider himself a lucky lad if he escapes a nomination for President before he 
reaches his homeward-bound fleet. The funny part of the whole affair is to 
note the decided unwillingness of our people to be skahhed off by another title 
than **His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales," a real up and doion and out 
and out Prince,^ of the right stuff too, coupled with a hope that he will re- 
main so for many many years ; for there is not a living being more sincerely 
beloved by our people than his Royal mother, who, they think, cannot do 
wrong, even if she tried to do so. ... I hope in course of time the whole 
" blessed family " of ** the good Queen *' may visit hei*s and our dominions, 
as I am quite sure the more intimately we know each other, the better friends 
we shall all become.* 

Chicago was the first important town in the States visited 
by the Prince. It is thus the Duke of Newcastle, in writing 
to the Queen, described his reception there : — 

* Enormous crowds were assembled in this city, which, though little more 
than a village thirty years ago, now contains about 160,000 inhabitants, but 
the utmost order prevailed, and indeed nothing could be more remarkable than 
the mixture of interest and good-humoured curiosity with respect and desire 
to conform to the expressed wish to avoid outward demonstrations. 

* This is very much owing to a remarkable man, John Wentworth, who is 
now Mayor, and has a complete hold over the population, but much credit 
must also be given to the people themselves. The reception of the Prince in 
Chicago is invaluable, as it is by this time known all over the States, and will 
very much regulate the proceedings in other cities.* 

From Cincinnati the Duke sends the same report of the 
warmth and good taste of the enormous crowds that turned 
out to meet the Prince. At Saint Louis they amounted to 
from 70,000 to 80,000 :— 

* Nothing could exceed the civility or kind demeanour of the people. None 
of the cheering and noisy enthusiasm of the loyal Canadians, but great curi- 
osity to see the Prince, much excitement and interest, and great courtesy 
combined with order and self-respect, which were very remarkable. The same 

^ The Prince, it will be remembered, travelled as Baron Renfrew in the 
United States. 


may be said of this great city. The friendly spirit of the pe<^le is the same, 
and the couitesy of the educated classes and of the civic authorities is most 

Everywhere throughout the States the same spirit was 

On the 3rd of October the young Prince reached Wash- 
ington, on a visit to the President. The most interesting 
incident of his staj at the seat of Government was an excur- 
sion on the 5th, m company with the President, to Mount 
Vernon, the home and the burial-place of Washington, It is 
thus the reporter of The Times speaks of the event : — 

* Before this humble tomb the Prince, the President, and all the party 
stood uncovered. It is easy moralising on this visit, for there is something 
grandly suggestive of historical retribution in the reverential awe of the 
Prince of Wales, the great-grandson of George III., standing bareheaded at 
the foot of the coffin of Washington. For a few moments the party stood 
mute and motionless, and the Prince then proceeded to plant a chestnut by 
the side of the tomb. It seemed, when the Royal youth closed in the earth 
around the little germ, that he was burying the last faint trace of discord 
between us and our great brethren in the West.* 

In New York the eager delight with which the young 
Prince was everywhere hailed may be said to have reached 
its highest point. 'His entry there,' The Times reporter 
wrote, was * an ovation such as has seldom been offered to 
any monarch in ancient or modern times. It was not a 
reception. It was the grand impressive welcome of a mighty 
people. It was such a mingling of fervent, intense enthusi- 
asm, of perfect good order, of warmth and yet kind respect, 
that I am fairly at a loss how to convey in words any ade- 
quate idea of this most memorable event.' Nor was cultured 
Boston, the last of the American cities visited by the Prince, 
behind the great commercial metropolis of the States in the 
warmth and splendour of its reception. To the last every- 
thing had gone well beyond all that could have been antici- 
pated ; and great indeed must have been the satisfaction of 
the Duke of Newcastle, as he reported the results of this 
most successful expedition in the following letter to the 
Queen from New York on the 14th of October : — 

* The Duke of Newcastle presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and 
cannot sAy with what pleasure he writes this last letter to your Majesty from 
the continent of America, with everything that is agreeable to communicate, 
and nothing now at all likely to detract from the most wonderful and gi'atify- 
ing success of the visit to the United States. 


' Tour Majesty will remember that the Duke of Newcastle always ex- 
pected a warm reception for the Prince of Wales, and never believed in the 
fears of insult and even mischief in this city which were entertained by many, 
but he certainly never ventured to hope for anything approaching the scene 
which occurred here three days ago-— such a scene as probably was never wit- 
nessed before — ^the enthusiasm of much more than half a million of people, 
worked up almost to madness, and yet self-restrained within bounds of the 
most perfect courtesy, by the passage through their streets of a foreign 
Prince, not coming to celebrate a new-bom alliance, or to share in the glories 
of a joint campaign, but solely as a private visitor, and as exhibiting in- 
directly only the friendly feelings of the country to which he belongs. 

' Two causes have produced this remarkable result — ^the one is, the rcnlly 
warm affection for England, which has been growing in the hearts of the 
great mass of the natives of the United States, and which only required the 
genial influence of such an event as this visit to force into a vigorous expan- 
sion ; and the second is the very remarkable love for your Majesty personally 
which pervades all classes in this country, and which has acted like a spell 
upon them when they found your Majesty's son actually amongst thcm.^ 

* There can be no doubt that the most important results will ensue from 
this happy event, and such as the ablest diplomatist could not have brought 
about in a quarter of a century. The Duke of Newcastle does not doubt that 
the feelings of amity between the two countiies will, in spite of the alien 
element which is so strong in this land, bo such for some time to come, as to 
have an important bearing upon those events which it is too probable will 
soon arise in Europe. 

.* The Duke of Newcastle feels that your Majesty will read so full a report 
of what has occurred here and at Washington in The Times^ that it is useless 
for him to attempt a description, which would require much more time than 
the heavy pressure of business in interviews and correspondence enables him 
to devote to it ; but your Majesty may be assured that in each place there 
has been little room for adverse criticism. Thousands continue to follow the 
Prince wherever he goes, and to-day, in returning from church, the " Broad- 
way " was densely crowded on both sides for more than a mile. 

* The President's hospitality was in thoroughly good taste and most agi-ec- 
ablc to all concerned. There is no doubt that pleasant impressions have 
been left on both sides. The old gentleman was quite touched at parting, 
and promised to write to your Majesty.' 

The language of Mr. Charles Sumner, in a letter from 
Boston (23rd October) to Mr. Evelyn Denison, then Speaker 
of the House of Commons, of which a copy has been pre- 
served by the Prince, is no less decided. 

8 In a letter to the writer from a distinguished American (General Meredith 
Read), dated 22nd June, 1878, it is said : — * A feeling of affectionate respect has 
always been entertained towards the Queen in America. This foimd expression 
last year when the President visited New England on the anniversary of one 
of our revolutionary battles, and Mr. Evarts, our Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs, proposed the toast of the Queen ; immediately the 40,000 people present 
sprang to their feet, and cheered enthusiastically.' This sentiment was again 
exemplified a little later at Norfolk, Virginia, where the Queen's name was also 
received with thunders of applause. Similar naanifestations took place at Phil- 
adelphia at the opening of the Centennial Exhibition. 


* You will have heard/ he wrote, * something of the uprising of the people 
to welcome the Prince.* But I doubt if any description can give you an ade- 
quate idea of its extent and earnestness. At every station on the railway 
there was an immense crowd, headed by the local authorities, while our na- 
tional flags were blended together. I remarked to Dr. Acland that it ** seemed 
as if a young heir long absent was returning to take possession." " It is 
more than that," said he, affected almost to tears. For the Duke of New- 
castle, who had so grave a responsibility in the whole visit, it is a great 
triumph. I took the liberty of remarking to him that he was carrying home 
an unwritten treaty of amity and alliance between two great nations.' 

In the following letter President Buchanan fulfilled his 
intention of writing to the Queen : — 

* To JTer Majesty Queen Victoria. 

*When I had the honour of addressing your Majesty in 
June last' {ante^ p. 75), *I confidently predicted a cordial 
welcome for the Prince of Wales throughout this country, 
should he pay us a visit on his return from Canada to Eng- 
land. What was then prophecy has now become history. He 
has been everywhere received with enthusiasm ; and this is 
attributable not only to the very high regard entertained for 
your Majesty, but also to his own noble and manly bearing. 
He has passed through a long ordeal for a person of his 
years, and his conduct throughout has been such as became 
nis age and station. Dignified, frank, and affable, he has 
conciliated, wherever he has been, the kindness and respect 
of a sensitive and discriminating people. His visit thus far 
has been all your Majesty would have desired ; and I have 
no doubt it will so continue until the end. 

* The Prince left us for Richmond this morning with the 
Duke of Newcastle and the other members of his wisely se- 
lected suite. I should gladly have prolonged his visit, had 
this been possible consistently with previous arrangements. 
In our domestic circle he won all hearts. His free and ingen- 
uous intercourse with myself evinced both a kind heart and 
a good understanding. I shall ever cherish the warmest 
wishes for his welfare. ^ 

* The visit of the Prince to the tomb of Washington, and 
the simple but solemn ceremonies at this consecrated spot, 
will become an historical event, and cannot fail to exert a 
happy influence on the kindred people of the two countries. 

• In an American paper of the day, the following passaee occurs : — * All our 
reminiscences, the history, the poetry, the romance of England for ten cen- 
turies, are concentrated in the huzzas with which we greet the Prince of 


'Miss Lane" desires to be kindly remembered to your 

* With my respectf al regards for the Prince Consort, I 
remain your Majesty's friend and obedient servant, 

'James Buchanan. 

' Washington, 6th October, I860.' 

This letter was received with great satisfaction. In re- 
turning it to the Queen, Lord Palmerston wrote of it as do- 
ing * equal honour to the good feelings and just appreciations 
of the person who wrote it, and to the Royal Prince to whom 
it relates.* Her Majesty's reply, which was drafted by the 
Prince, was submitted to both Lord Palmerston and Lord 
John Russell, and received their warm approval. It was as 
follows : — 

* Windsor Castle, 19th November, 1860. 

* My good Friend, — ^Your letter of the 6th ult. has afford- 
ed me the greatest pleasure, containing as it does such kind 
expressions with regard to my son, and assurmg me that the 
character and object of his visit to you and to the United 
States have been fully appreciated, and that his demeanour 
and the feelings evinced by him have secured to him your 
esteem and the general good will of your countrymen. 

I purposely delayed the answer to your letter until I 
should be able to couple with it the announcement of the 
Prince of Wales's safe return to his home. Contrary winds 
and stress of weather have much retarded his arrival, but we 
have been fully compensated for the anxiety which this long 
delay has naturally caused us, by finding him in such excel- 
lent health and spirits, and so delighted with all he has seen 
and experienced in his travels. He cannot sufficiently praise 
the great cordiality with which he has been everywhere 
greeted in your country, and the friendly manner in which 
you have received him ; and whilst as a mother I am most 
grateful for the kindness shown him, I feel impelled to ex- 
press at the same time, how deeplv I have been touched by 
the many demonstrations of affection towards myself person- 
ally, which his presence has called forth. 

* I fully reciprocate towards your nation the feelings thus 
made apparent, and look upon them as forming an important 
link to connect two nations of kindred origin and character, 
whose mutual esteem and friendship must always have so 

w Miss Lane was the President's niece, and lived with him. 


material an influence upon their respective development and 

* The interesting and touching scene at the grave of Gen- 
eral Washington, to which you allude, may be fitly taken 
as the type of our present feeling, and I trust of our future 

* The Prince Consort, who heartily joins in the expres- 
sions contained in this letter, wishes to be kindly remem- 
bered to you, as we both wish to be to Miss Lane. 

* Believe me always your good friend, 

* Victoria Beg.'^ 

It only now remained for the Queen to express to the 
Duke of Is ewcastle the recognition by herself and the Prince 
Consort of the admirable manner in which he had performed 
the arduous and most delicate task, which he had brought 
to a successful close. This was conveyed in the following 
letter : — 

* Windsor Castle, 19th November, 1860. 

*The Duke of Newcastle knows already how high a sense 
we have ever entertained of the services he has rendered at 
all times to the Queen, but especially on the recent very im- 
portant occasion of the Prince of Wales's visit to Canada 
and the United States, an event of the greatest importance, 
but attended with considerable difficulties, which has, how- 
ever, terminated in the most successful and gratifying man- 
ner. The Queen is anxious to mark these feelings publicly 
by offering to the Duke the Order of the Garter, which she 
trusts he will have no hesitation in accepting. The Duke 
will be an extra Knight till a vacancy occurs, but the Queen 
did not wish to wait for that event, being anxious to mark 
her approbation at once.' 

The Duke accepted the offer, to quote the words of his 
reply to the Queen, * with great gratitude, not only for the 
offer, but for the mode in which it had been made. At the 
same time,' he added, * he can say with the strictest truth 
that the words addressed to him by your Majesty on Friday 
last were an ample reward for any little service it may have 
been in his power to render to your Majesty and the Royal 
Family, and the chief value to him of the Garter will be that 
it is a public declaration to his fellow-subjects of those senti- 
ments which your Majesty was pleased to express to him in 
private.' The Duke was invested at a Chapter of the Order 
on the IGth of December. 


Blockade of GaSta— Appeal of Fronds II. to European Powers— Ineffectual— Surrender of 
Gaeta — French internal Keforma— State of Itajy — Betrothal of Princess Alice— Death 
of Lord Aberdeen — Naval Defences — Letter by Prince Consort to Duke of Somerset on 
the State of the Navy — ^Letter by Prince Consort to Crown Princess of Prussia on 
Theory of Qoveniment — Close of Chinese War — Christinas and New Year Greetings. 

Thb defeat of the Royalists on the Garigliano (3rd Novem- 
ber) was the death-blow to the Bourbon dynasty in Naples. 
It must hare led to the immediate conclusion of the war, 
but for the intervention of the French fleet, which lav off 
the coast, with instructions to prevent the blockade of Ga^ta 
by sea. But, not content with this, the French Admiral had 
kept the Sardinian fleet under Admiral Persano from enfilad- 
ing, as it otherwise would have done, the road by which the 
defeated Royalist army fell back upon Gaeta, and so cutting 
off their retreat. This alone saved them from being taken 
prisoners. Nor was this all; for while preventing the block- 
ade of Gaeta from the sea, where it was most vulnerable, it 
enabled the King to send off 14,000 of his army to Civit^ 
Vecchia, and to prolong his resistance, by being relieved of 
the difficulty of maintaming so large a force. 

The motives of the French Emperor for interposing this 
check to the conclusion of the war were probably of a mixed 
character, in which irritation that the control of the Italian 
movement had slipped from his grasp, and dissatisfaction, 
that the success of Sardinia had overthrown his favourite 
project of a great Italian Confederation to be settled by an 
European Congress, may have played a part. The motive 
avowed through his Minister, M. Thouvenel, to Lord Cowley, 
was to give the King the opportunity of making an honour- 
able capitulation and of saving his Majesty from becoming 
the prisoner of Sardinia. In any case the delay gave him an 
opportunity of finding out whether any of the Great Powers 
of the Continent were disposed to interfere to reinstate the 

208 FRANCIS 11. AT GAfTA. I860 

Bourbon dynasty, or at all events to prevent the annexation 
to Sardinia of the whole of Southern Italy. 

On this point he was not allowed to remain long in doubt. 
From his retreat in Ga6ta Francis II. addressed an appeal to 
the Great European Powers, with the purpose of * ascertain- 
ing what their mtentions were with regard to the last immi- 
nent crisis of his monarchy.' The answer of the English 
Government (26th November) was, that they did not think it 
was any part of the duty of the Powers of Europe, and that 
they could not justly be expected, to compel by force the 
obedience of subjects to sovereigns who had not succeeded 
in securing affection towards their persons, or respect for 
their authority. Neither did the other Powers, however 
much they may have sympathised with the fallen monarch, 
who both then, and afterwards, bore his reverse of fortune 
with admirable spirit, show any inclination to come to his 
rescue. Every day, therefore, that Gaeta held out only 
served to keep a foregone conclusion in needless suspense, 
causing fruitless waste of men and money, and delaying the 
restoration of the country to the tranquillity and order of 
which it stood sorely in need. 

The continuance of the French fleet at Gaeta was, more- 
over, a direct violation of the principle of non-intervention, 
to which the Emperor and his Government were pledged. 
This argument was continuously pressed upon them by the 
English Government. The Emperor could not escape its 
force; and, indeed, in his speech to the French Chambers on 
the 4th of February, 1861, he frankly admitted that * the 
presence of his ships at Gaeta obliged him to infringe every 
day that principle of neutrality which he had proclaimed, 
and gave room for erroneous mterpretations.' This was an 
admission which he knew would be unwelcome to a large 
body of his subjects ; for the sudden growth of a great 
neighbouring kingdom, gravely affecting the balance of pow- 
er in Europe, and possibly to the prejudice of France, was 
viewed with anything but satisfaction by a large and influ- 
ential section of the French people. But England had spoken 
out resolutely, and the French Emperor valued her alliance 
too much, to widen the already existing estrangement be- 
tween that country and himself by declining her appeal to 
carry out loyally the principle of non-intervention in Italian 
affairs to which he was committed. Accordingly, early in 
December the Emperor urged upon Francis II. the propriety 


of his leaving Gaeta and abandoning the struggle. The ad- 
vice was not taken. On the 19th of January, 1861, the last 
of the French ships at Gaeta was withdrawn. Immediately 
the blockade was enforced by Admiral Persano, and on the 
13th of February, the fortress capitulated, the King and 
Queen embarking at the same time on a French steamer, and 
proceeding by way of Civit^ Vecchia to Rome, where they 
took up their residence. 

For the time the Emperor of the French was chiefly con- 
cerned with the state of affairs at home, where the condition 
of the National finances imperiously prescribed economy and 
retrenchment. He had also decided on introducing various 
reforms, allowing greater publicity and freedom of debate 
to the discussions m the Senate and Legislative Body, and 
giving them a voice in the discussion of the national policy 
at home and abroad. This was effected by a decree (dated 
24:th November) which proceeded on a recital of the Em- 
peror's wish * to give to tne great bodies of the State a more 
direct participation in the general policy of his government, 
and a striking testimony of his confiaence.' The measure 
announced in the decree was an important step towards giv- 
ing, for the first time since 1852, a voice in the Chambers to 
public opinion. It was silent about the existing restrictions 
on the press ; but these were partially relaxed in their appli- 
cation, under the instructions of a circular addressed in the 
beginning of December to the Pr^fets by Count Persigny, 
who, simultaneously with the issue of the decree, had been 
appointed Minister of the Interior. A freedom, resting upon 
sufferance and which, if exercised, mi^ht at any time be 
punished by the enforcement of the existing law, was felt, 
however, to be of little value, while it was in effect an 
avowal of the necessity for a change in the law. 

The results of the commercial treaty with England had 
begun to show themselves in the increase of activity in the 
manufactures and commerce of France. The intimacy thus 
initiated between the two countries was further augmented 
by the abolition (16th of December) of the passport system 
as against all British subjects — a measure admirably calcu- 
lated to conciliate many oi the misgivings which had sprung 
up as to the sincerity of the Emperor's professions of good- 
will to England, and his ambition to make France great by 
the development of the arts of peace. 

Still in the background lurked the question of the fate of 


Venetia — the apple of discord for Europe. Garibaldi had 
retired from Naples to Caprera (9th of November), two days 
after he had entered it along with Victor Emmanuel. But 
in doing so he had issued a passionate appeal to his country- 
men to prepare for renewing the struggle for Venetia in the 
ensuing March. Nothing was further from the thoughts of 
those who were charged with the responsibility of consoli- 
dating the gains which had been already won for the cause 
of Italian unity, than an enterprise of this kind, and nothing 
could have been more embarrassing. To them the fact of 
the presence of Austria on their frontiers, armed to the teeth, 
was for the time an advantage, holding in check as it did the 
restless spirits who refused to see the importance of making 
their past victories secure, and thus giving the administra- 
tors of the new kingdom time to restore order, and organise 
an efficient administration in countries where the self-reliance 
and self-restraint of a free people had hitherto been un- 

Such was the position of affairs when the Prince (29th of 
November) wrote to Baron Stockmar the following letter: — 

* You will be glad to hear how much improved we found 
both our sons after their long voyages. The Prince of Wales 
is somewhat grown, looks well, and seems to have been not 
a little impressed by the many interesting things he has seen. 

* Alfred is also grown, although not much. . .' . Unfor- 
tunately he must go to sea again on the 15th of January, so 
as to arrive in the West Indies during the healthy season. 

* The Prince Louis of Hesse is here on a visit.* The young 
people seem to like each other. He is very simple, natural, 
frank, and thoroughly manly. . . . 

* Young Hohenzollern has gone to Lisbon to see his bride. 
He was here with Louis of Hesse the first two days. 

* The recent French reforms will be very variously con- 
strued. . . . They point, in my opinion, to a general want of 
decision and clearness of view in the mind of the Emperor, 
who, being outflanked by circumstances in many of his ideas, 
is desirous of creating new impressions, with a view of taking 

» Prince Louis arrived at "Windsor Castle on the 24th of December, along 
with Leopold, Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollem-Sigmarin^en; the latter on 
his way to Lisbon, as a suitor for the hand of Antonia, sister of the King of 
Portugal. His suit was successful : and they were married 12th September, 
1861. • 


his cue from them as to the course he shall pursue for the 
future, . . . 

* You too will have been annoyed at Lord John's Note. A 
country like this ought not to help to increase the general 
confusion of what is legal and right, but should uphold the 
moral law. The craving of individual statesmen to thrust 
themselves into the van in the general movement, and to 
make themselves conspicuous, is a constant temptation to 
mischief. . . . 

* Sir George Lewis* said to me lately, " I find that the 
Cabinet is an mstitution intended to prevent individual Min- 
isters from immortalising themselves at the expense of the 
country." This would be a valuable institution if it ever ful- 
filled its destiny. 

* Our internal questions are all completely asleep, and since 
Garibaldi quitted the stage, the great Italian drama has ceased 
to be so attractive to the world at large. . . .' 

A few days later the Prince had occasion to inform the 
same friend of an event in which he knew he would take the 
warmest interest. This was the betrothal of the Princess 
Alice to Prince Louis of Hesse. The liking which, as we 
have seen, had been established on their former meeting, 
ripened rapidly on more intimate acquaintance into a deeper 
feeling. The Queen and Prince had watched its progress 
with satisfaction, for they saw in the young Prince the qual- 
ities which satisfied them that they might entrust their daugh- 
ter to his care without misgiving. 

In Leaves from a Journal Her Majesty has told how the 
Crown Prince of Prussia, at the crisis of his wooing of the 
Princess Royal, * picked a piece of white heather (the em- 
blem of " good luck "), which he gave to her ; and how this 

' What the Queen and Prince thought of Sir George Lewis may best be 
told in the words of a letter of condolence on his death, written by the Queen 
(15th April, 1863) to his widow, Lady Theresa Lewis : — 

* To me, dear Lady Theresa, this is a heavy loss, a severe blow I My own 
darling had the very highest esteem, regard, and respect for dear Sir Come- 
wall Lewis ; we delighted in his society ; we admired his great honesty and 
fearless straightforwardness. We had the greatest confidence in him, and 
since my terribie misfortune, I clung particularly to characters like his, which 
are so rare. I felt he was a friend, and I looked to him as a support, and a wise 
and safe counsellor. He is snatched away, and his loss to me and to the coun- 
try is irreparable. How little did I think, when I talked to him the last time 
here, and he spoke so kindly of the extraordinary outburst of loyalty, and of 
my popularity, as he so kindly expressed it, that I should never see nis kind 
face again.' 


enabled him to make an allusion to his hopes and wishes, as 
they rode down Glen Girnoch.' The Queen's Diary presents 
a scarcely less interesting picture of how the Princess Alice 
was won (30th November) : — 

* After dinner, while talking to the gentlemen, I perceived 
Alice and Louis talking before the fireplace more earnestly 
than usual, and, when I passed to go to the other room, both 
came up to me, and Alice in much agitation said he had pro- 
posed to her, and he begged for my blessing. I could only 
squeeze his hand, and say " Certainly," and that we would 
see him in our room later. Got through the evening, work- 
ing as well as we could. Alice came to our room, . . . 
agitated but quiet. . . . Albert sent for Louis to his room — 
went first to him, and then called Alice and me in. . . . 
Louis has a warm, noble heart. We embraced our dear Alice 
and praised her much to him. He pressed and kissed my 
hand, and I embraced him. After talking a little we parted ; 
a most touching, and to me most sacred moment.' 

Three days afterwards (3rd December) the Prince wrote 
to Baron Stockmar : — 

* Close on the heels of my last letter comes this, to an- 
nounce to you the betrothal of Alice to the Prince Louis of 
Hesse. You, like ourselves, will have expected this event, 
but you will not the less share our joy at it, when you are 
told that the young people are sincerely attached to each 
other, and justify the hope that they will one day find their 
mutual happiness in . marriage. We like Louis better every 
day, because of his unaffectedly genial and cordial temper, 
his great modesty, and a very childlike nature, united with 
strict morality, and genuine goodness and dignity. 

* You will be grieved about poor Bunsen.* I had a very 
friendly letter from his widow, communicating the sad in- 
telligence. . . . 

* I hope you are now tolerably well ; the weather is truly 
by no means propitious, and for the last fortnight I have 
been suffering with my stomach.' 

The next day (4th of December) the Queen and Prince 

* The Chevalier Bunsen had died at Bonn, aged sixty-nine, on 25th of 
November. * A great loss for science/ is the Prince's remark in hia Diary for 
the day. 


received a visit from the Empress of the French, who had 
come to England upon a tour in search of health. 'She 
looked,' says the Queen's Diary, * thin and pale, . . . and 
she was as kind and amiable and natural as she had always 
been.' The Empress was travelling incognita, and her re- 
ception at the palace was strictly private. *What a con- 
trast,' says the same record, * to her visit in 1855 ! Then all 
state and excitement. Thousands on thousands out, and the 
brightest sunshine. Now all in private, and a dismal, foggy, 
wet December day ! ' 

Next day the Frince found himself seriously unwell, with 
violent sickness and shiverings. Towards evening he be- 
came rather better, but he was, to quote the Queen's Diary, 

* very weak.' * Alice,' Her Majesty goes on to say, * received 
quantities of kind congratulatory letters, — a very dear one 
from uncle Leopold, and a very kind one from Lord Aber- 
com, who gave poor Lord Aberdeen my message about 
Alice's marriage, when he said, more distinctly than he had 
spoken for a long time, " I have heard Prince Louis very 
highly spoken of." This touched us much.' 

The message from their old and loyal Minister and friend 
was all the more deeply prized, that the life spent long and 
honourably in his country's service was now ebbing fast 
away. On the 14th of December he died. In writing of it 
a few days afterwards to King Leopold, the Queen said, 

* The death of our dear and excellent friend Aberdeen has 
grieved U8:4nuch, though we expected it for some time. He 
is a great loss.' By no person were Lord Aberdeen's high 
qualities more appreciated than by the Prince ; and the co- 
incidence has been noted that he was himself taken from 
the world on the first anniversary of the veteran statesman's 

On the 6th the Prince had so far recovered that he was 
able to resume his usual habits ; and on that day he wrote his 
accustomed weekly letter to his daughter at Berlin. In this 
he says : — 

* In a letter (14th December, 1874) to the writer from the Hon. Douglas A. 
Gordon, he says: * ily fatlier, Lord Aberdeen, died on the 14th of December, 
1860, late at night. We sent a message, as in duty bound, early in the mom- Windsor, to inform the Queen and Prince ; and, before lialf-past nine, 
we received an answer from the Prince (written before breakfast), full of kind- 
ness and sympathy/ A remark of Lord Aberdeen's, late in life, recorded in 
one of the Pnnce Consort's letters, deserves to be laid to heart, as a memento 
and a warning. * Wisdom ? "Why, this country is not governed by wisdom, 
but by talk. Who can talk will govern.' 


* I was too miserable yesterday to be able to bold my 
pen. As, however, I have not written to you since the great 
Alician event, you would regard me as not merely unwell and 
stupid, but devoid of feeling as well, if I were to be quite 
silent. Alice and Louis are as bappy as mortals can be, and 
I need scarcely say tbis makes my beart as a father glad. 
There is so much that reminds me vividly of your bridehood, 
and yet again there is so much that is different. Alice is so 
much older than you were ; Louis, on the contrary, younger 
than Fritz. "We have made our first experiences, and proceed 
according to precedent. What ease and satisfaction for Eng- 
lish people ! 

* Louis is truly good, simple, and modest, and Alice be- 
haves admirably.' 

The attack had been a severe one, more severe than the 
Prince in this letter cared to indicate, and it was many days 
before he threw off its effects. Still, weak as he was, he al- 
lowed himself no repose from labour. 

Copious evidence of this is supplied by the Prince's pa- 
pers, which show that he was actively at work on the multi- 
farious subjects which claimed his daily attention, by the 8th, 
and before he could have recovered from the exhaustion of 
illness. Thus w-e find him writing to Lord Palmerston on 
that day upon a subject in which both were keenly interested, 
— the inferiority at that moment of the English naval force 
as compared with that of France. For some time the Prince 
had been pressing this state of things on Lord Palmerston's 
attention, and his anxiety had been quickened by authentic 
intelligence which had just reached the Government that the 
French were at that moment laying down a large number of 
iron-plated vessels, on the model of the Gloire, a vessel car- 
rying 36 guns, capable of discharging a broadside of the 
weight of 2,520 pounds. * The French,' he had written to 
Lord Palmerston (21st of October) 'are evidently making 
great preparations. Of the renewed vigour with which they 
are now again prosecuted I heard also at Brussels.' Further 
inquiries confirmed this conclusion, and copy of a Report 
(1st of December) by Lord Clarence Paget, sent to the 
Queen, revealed the fact that, just as in 1858 we had found 
to our dismay that the French equalled, if not surpassed us 
in the number and strength of line-of -battle ships, so now 
they possessed in iron-plated vessels, building and built, a 
force considerably more than double our own. 


The facts revealed by this Memorandum were sufficiently 
alarming to excite the Prince to write to Lord John Russell 
(8th of December) in more point-blank terms than were usual 
with him. ' It is a perfect disgrace to our country,' he said, 
*and particularly to our Admiralty, that we can do no more 
than hobble after the French, turning up our noses proudly 
at their experiments and improvements, and, when they are 
established as sound, getting horribly frightened, and trying 
by wasting money to catch up lost time, and all the while 
running serious risk of our security.' ' 

A few hours brought to the Prince a letter from the 
Duke of Somerset, then at the head of the Admiralty, with 
intelligence that his department was now taking active mea- 
sures to increase the number of ironclads. Its tenor may be 
gathered from the following letter which the Prince wrote 
in reply : — 

* Windsor Castle, 10th December, 1860. 

* My dear Duke, — I have received your letter of the 8th, 
and am glad to see that you are fully alive to the necessity 
of our at once entering into contracts for a further supply of 
iron-cased ships, to bring us up again to the French, who 
have unfortunately now got a year's start of us, which I am 
afraid they will keep, unless we make very great exertions 
and are more successful than we have been at present. It 
must be borne in mind, however, that numerical e^fuality 
with France is still real inferiority. If these iron ships can 
destroy stone batteries, and stand shot at bombarding dis- 
tance from our ports, we shall require a number to defend 
Malta and Gibraltar, which will be cut off from those needed 
to defend our coasts against the fleet which the French can 
concentrate in the Channel. Our foreign ports will require 
defence and support as well. 

* "We must at the same time always presume that a co- 
operation of Russia with France against us is not unlikely, 
and the Russians are beginning to build these same formi- 
dable ships ! The number we ought to possess is therefore 
very great indeed. 

' I hope you will take the resolution and give the order 

« How much anxiety and how much money would England have been saved, 
by keeping in mind the principle expressed in the foUowmg sentences of Field- 
Marshal Count Moltke ? * To leave a country defenceless is of all crimes the 
greatest a government can commit. It must not be forgotten that the results 
of many years of economy in peace, may all be lost in one year of war.* 

216 STATE OF THE NAVY. 1860 

to build one of Captain Coles's ships at once, with such modi- 
fications as maybe suggested to him. I quite- agree with 
you that it would not be prudent to restrict ourselves to ves- 
sels of this novel construction, but we should give the coun- 
try the benefit of possessing some such. We are only copy- 
ing the French, and that only after having for a long time 
declared their schemes quite impracticable. Should Captain 
Coles's plan succeed, his ships will be vastly superior in a 
great many points to those we are now building ; and the 
responsibility on the part of the Government is very great, 
in incurring periodically an enormous expense to get up a 
large force of a kind of ships just going to be superseded.' 

The allusion in the last sentence led the Duke of Somer- 
set to send to the Prince a Memorandum showing that the 
number of our wooden ships was not in excess of what was 
required to make them equal to the strength of France and 
Russia in the same class of vessels. In returning this Memo- 
randum the Prince wrote (11th of December), * The build- 
ing of wooden ships in sufficient number to keep up our pre- 
eminence in these ships was certainly most wise and neces- 
sary, but we began our exertions only after the French had 
passed us, and our relative weakness had become apparent. 
It is the same now with the iron-cased ships. The Memo- 
randum reminds us that in former years the number of 
British ships of the line and of frigates was double the num- 
ber possessed by France. This is the relative strength which 
is necessary for this country. I see that the Spaniards have 
laid down an iron-cased frigate at their port at Ferrol. All 
Powers are, therefore, beginning the new race, in which we 
cannot afford to be beaten.' 

Attention had now been fully roused to the importance 
of this element in the national defences, and the action of 
the Government in repairing our deficiencies was quickened 
by the very unsettled aspect of affairs in Europe and Amer- 
ica during the following year. 

It was the 9th of December before the Prince was able 
to go out, a significant sign how sharp the attack of illness 
had been. He refers to it again in writing to the Princess 
Royal a few days later : — 

* Windsor Castle, 11th December, 1860. 

* . . . Pardon the expression, for properly speaking there 
are no agreeable pains \Pla.gen). I am now quit of mine, 


and begin by degrees to feel something like myself again 
{wieder menachlich zu foMen), 

*• Mj attack was the real English cholera, a personage with 
whom I had not the smallest curiosity to make acquaintance, 
and I hope not to renew it. . . . 

' Louis already begins to say and to complain that the 
marriage is unnecessarily postponed, and that the interval 
ought to be abridged. Such is man I He desires to see the 
fairest moments of his life curtailed, because he knows the 
issue and longs to leap towards it at once." How wisely is 
it ordained that in general we do not know our destiny and 
end ; but for this no one would wish to live.' 

A few days afterwards the Prince received from Berlin a 
Memorandum from his daughter, which she had written upon 
the advantages of a law of Ministerial responsibility, with 
the view of removing the apprehensions entertained in high 
quarters at the Prussian Court as to the expediency of a con- 
templated measure of this kind. The Prince must have read 
this paper with no ordinary satisfaction and pride. It would 
have been remarkable as tne work of an experienced states- 
man ; and, as the fruit of the liberal political views in which 
the Prince had been at pains to train its author, it must have 
filled his mind with the happiest auguries for her fulfilment 
of the great career which lay before her. * It would have 
delighted your heart to read it,' were his words, in writing 
to Baron Stockmar. The argument of the Memorandum 
had been so complete and exhaustive, that it left the Prince 
but little to touch upon in writing about it to his daughter. 
But in his reply his delight in her work overflows into illus- 
trations and expansions of her argument which must have 
been most valuable as confirming from the highest experi- 
ence the conclusions which the young Princess had thought 
out for herself. As an exposition of the Prince's own views 
on an important topic, the following translation of this reply 
wiU be read with interest :— 

* Windsor Castle, 18th December, 1860. 

' Your letter with the Memorandum as to the law of Min- 
isterial responsibility has given me great pleasure. I send 
the Memorandum back, as you wish, but I have kept a copy 

• Had the Prince in his mind Schiller's lines ? ' MU dem Gurtel^ mU dem 
Sehleier, Reisst sich der schone Wahn entzweij* 

VOL. V. — 10 


of it for myself. It is remarkably clear and complete, and 
does you the greatest credit. I agree with every word of 
it, and feel sure it must convince every one who is open to 
conviction from sound logic, and prepared to follow what 
sound logic dictates. 

*The notion that the responsibility of his advisers im- 
pairs the monarch's dignity and importance (Wilrde) is a 
complete mistake. Here we have no law of Ministerial re- 
sponsibility, for the simple reason that we have no written 
Constitution, but this responsibility flows as a logical neces- 
sity from the dignity of the Crown and of the Sovereign. 
" The King can do no wrong," says the legal axiom, and hence 
it follows that somebody must be responsible for his mea- 
sures, if these be contrary to law or injurious to the coun- 
try's welfare. Ministers here are not responsible qud Minis- 
ters, that is, qud officials (as such they are responsible to the 
Crown) ; but they are responsible to Parliament and the peo- 
ple, or the country, as "advisers of the Crown." Any one 
of them may advise the Crown, and whoever does so is re- 
sponsible to the country for the advice he has given. 

^ The «o-called " accountability " of Ministers to Parlia- 
ment does not arise out of an abstract principle of responsi- 
bility, but out of the practical necessity which they are 
under of obtaining the consent of Parliament to legislation 
and to the voting of taxes, and, as an essential to this end, 
of securing its confidence. In practice Ministers are liable 
to account for the way and manner in which they have ad- 
ministered the laws which they, conjointly with Parliament, 
have made, and for the way they have expended the moneys 
that have been voted for definite objects. They are bound 
to furnish explanations, to justify their proceedings, to satisfy 
reasonable scruples, and the answer, " We have, as dutiful ser- 
vants, obeyed the Sovereign," will not be accepted. " Have 
you acted upon conviction, or have you not ? " is the ques- 
tion. " If you have not, then are you evil servants of the 
Crown, who counsel and do what you consider wrong or un- 
just, with a view to retain your snug places, or to win the 
favour of the Sovereign." And, this being so. Parliament as 
a matter of course withdraws its confidence from them. 

* Herein, too, lies that Ministerial power of which Sove- 
reigns are so much afraid. They can say, " We will not do 
this or that which the Sovereign wishes, because we cannot 
be responsible for it." But why should a Sovereign see any- 


thing here to be afraid of ? To him it is in truth the best 
of safeguards. A really loyal servant should do nothing for 
which he is not prepared to answer, even though his master 
desires it I This practical responsibility is of the utmost ad- 
vantage to the Sovereign. Make independence, not subser- 
vience, the essential of service, and you compel the Minister 
to keep his soul free towards the Sovereign, you ennoble 
his advice, you make him staunch and patriotic, while time- 
servers, the submissive instruments of a monarch's extreme 
wishes and commands, may lead, and often have led him, to 

* But to revert to the law of responsibility. This ought 
to be in effect a safeguard for law itself. As such it is su- 
perfluous in this country, where law reigns, and where it 
would never occur to any one that this could be otherwise. 
But upon the Continent it is of the highest importance ; as 
where the Government is an outgrowth of a relation of su- 
premacy and subordination between Sovereign and subject, 
and the sei*vant, trained in ideas natural to this relation, does 
not know which to obey — ^the law or the Sovereign — the ex- 
istence of such a law would deprive him of the excuse which, 
should he offend the law, and so be guilty of a crime, is ready 
to his hand in the phrase, " The Sovereign ordered it so, — I 
have merely obeyed ! " while it would be a protection to the 
Sovereign that his servants, if guilty of a crime, should not 
be able to saddle him with the blame of it. 

' Every transgression of the law is in law a crime. The 
Constitution of a State is the State's fundamental law, upon 
which all other laws rest. Now if the State imposes certain 
punishments upon murder, theft, perjury, it is only against 
the transgression of individual laws that these are directed. 
But why should it be in the power of any one to assume that 
the transgression of the State's fundamental law is to go un- 
punished, and the transgressors to find protection in the 
mere will of the Sovereign ? Let this be so, and all law and 
justice must come to an end. 

^ And now a word about the patriarchal relation of kings 
to their people and about personal government.^ The patri- 
archal relation is pretty much like the idyllic life of the Ar- 

"* The Princess had dealt in her Memorandum with the proposition, that 
* the patriarchal relation in which monarohs of old were supposed to stand to- 
wards their people was preferahle to the Constitutional system, which inter- 
poses the Minister between the Sovereign and his subjects.* 


cadian shepherds, a figure of speech and not much more. It 
was the fashionable phrase of an historical transition-period. 
Monarchy in the days of Attila, of Charlemagne, of the Ho- 
henstaufen, of the Austrian Emperors, of Louis XI., XII., 
Xin., XIV., XY., &c., was as little like a patriarchal rela- 
tion as anything could be. On the contrary it was sover- 
eignty based upon spoliation, war, murder, oppression, and 
massacre. That relation was sedulously developed in the 
small German States, whose rulers were little more than 
great landed pfoprietors, during a short period in the last 
century, and was cherished out of a sentimental feeling. It 
then gave way before the Voltairian philosophy during the 
reigns of Frederick II., Joseph II., Louis XVl., &c., was 
turned topsy-turvy by the French Revolution, and finally 
extinguished in the military despotism of Napoleon. In the 
great war of liberation the people and their princes stood by 
one another in struggling for the establishment of civic free- 
dom, first against the foreign oppressor, and then as citizens 
in their own country ; and the treaties of 1815, as well as the 
appeal to the people in 1813, decreed constitutional govern- 
ment in every country. The Charter was granted in France, 
and special constitutions were promised in all the States : 
even to Poland the promise of one was made, although there, 
as well as in Prussia and Austria, that promise was not kept. 
Then came the Holy Alliance and introduced reaction into 
Germany, France, Spain, and Italy, by dint of sword and 
Congress (in 1817-1823). Once more the patriarchal rela- 
tion was fostered with the sentimentalism of the Kotzebue 
school, and the betrayed peoples were required to become 
good children, because the Princes styled themselves good, 
fathers ! The July Revolution, and all that has taken place 
aince then, sufficiently demonstrate that the peoples neither 
will nor can play the part of children. 

* As for the personal government of absolute Sovereigns, 
that is a pure illusion. Nowhere does history present us 
with such cases of government by Ministers and favourites 
as in the most absolute monarchies, because nowhere can the 
Minister play so safe a game. A Court cabal is the only 
thing he has to fear, and he is well skilled in the ways by 
which this is to be strangled. History is so full of examples 
that I should be ashamed to cite them. , . . Recent in- 
stances will present themselves to your mind, where the per- 
sonal discredit into which the Sovereign has fallen makes 


the maintenance of the monarchy, not as a form of govern- 
ment, but as an effiective State machine, all but impossible. 
When, as in the case of the King of Naples, this result has 
arisen, all that people are able to say in defence, is, " He was 
surrounded by a bad set, he was badly advised, he did not 
know the state the country was in." To what purpose, then, 
is personal government, if a man in his own person knows 
nothing and learns nothing ? 

* The Sovereign should give himself no trouble about de- 
tails, but exercise a broad general supervision, and see to the 
settlement of the principles on which action is to be based. 
This he can, nay, must do, where he has responsible Minis- 
ters, who are under the necessity of obtaining his sanction to 
the system which they pursue and intend to uphold in Parlia- 
ment. This the personally ruling Sovereign cannot do, be- 
cause he is smothered in details, does not see the wood for 
the trees, and has no occasion to come to an agreement with 
his Ministers about principles and systems, which to both 
him and them can only appear to be a great burden and 
superfluous nuisance. 

* I will now make an end of my dissertation and set you 
free, but I could not make it shorter. " If I had had more 
time, I should have been shorter," said Mr. Fox, after making 
a long speech, and many are the men who have the same tale 
to tell.' '^ 

In a letter of the 22nd of November, 1863, from Lord 
Palmerston to the late Sir Charles Phipps, in reply to a com- 
munication from that gentleman on behalf of the Queen, the 
following passage occurs, which has a twofold interest from 
its concurrence in the views developed in this letter, and its 
testimony to the fact that they had been uniformly acted 
upon by the Queen, and inculcated by the Prince : — 

'As to the Qaeen,' Lord Palmerston writes, 'her steady adherence to 
and studious observance of the principles and practice of the Constitution 
have, during the whole of her reign, been appreciated and admired by men 
of all political parties. 

' One great security for the throne in this country is the maxim that 
the Sovereign can do no wrong. This does not mean that no wrong can be 
done ; but it means that, as the Sovereign accepts and acts by the advice of 
those Ministers who, for the time being, enjoy the confidence of the Crown, 

® Mr. Fox only said what had been often said before. Probably he took the 
idea from Pascal, in the sixteenth of his Provincial Letters. ' Je n^ai fait 
celled plvs Umgue qite^arce queje n^aipoB eu le loiHr de lafaireplvs covrte,* 


it is those Ministers, and not the Sovereign personally, upon whom must fall 
the blame or the criticism which any acts of the Royal Prerogative may pro- 
duce. There is scarcely any action of the power of the Crown to which 
some persons or some parties would not object ; and if the objectors could 
throw upon the person of the Sovereign the blame, which they may be led 
by their view of the matter to attach to the action of the Prerogative, the 
result would be very injurious to our monarchical institutions. A strict ob- 
servance of these fundamental principles does not, however, preclude the 
Sovereign from seeking from all quarters from whence it can be obtained the 
fullest and most accurate information regarding matters upon which the re- 
sponsible Ministers may from time to time tender advice, and upon which 
it is not only right but useful that the Sovereign should form an opinion, to 
be discussed with the Ministers, if it should differ from the tendered advice.' 

The Prince's conviction could scarcely have been stated 
more strongly and clearly than in these words. He held that 
in the power to tender advice, based upon the best and full- 
est information, and upon the special knowledge derived 
from that continuous experience which Ministers, by quitting 
office from time to time, can never command to the same de- 
gree as the Sovereign, consisted the specific function and the 
duty of a Constitutional Sovereign. But the opinion of the 
Sovereign having been once frankly expressed, and discussed 
by the Cabinet, the Cabinet's decision was thenceforth to be 
loyally accepted as conclusive. 

A few days later we find the Prince giving to his daughter 
a further lesson in the theory of government. He writes 
(26th December) :— 

*The article in the Kreuz-Zeitung which you send ex- 
presses in plain terms the view that Monarchy as an institu- 
tion has for that party a value only so long as it is based 
upon arbitrary will ; and so these people arrive at precisely 
the same confession of faith as the Red democrats, by reason 
of which a Republic is certain to prove neither more nor less 
than an arbitrary despotism.* Freedom and order, which are 
set up as political antitheses, are, on the contrary, in fact, 
synonymous, and the necessary conse(]^uences of legality, ^'^ 
If, therefore, upon the one side the bindmg power of the law 

• ^N^est^n jamais tyran qu *aveo un diademe?^ wrote Andr6 Ch^nier, him 
self a victim to demagogic tyranny. 

*o These words will recall to the student of Goethe his well-known lines : 

In der Beachrdnhmig eeifft etch erst der Meister 
Und daa Gesetz nur harm uns Freih^U geben. 

He, only he the master Is, who knows 
Upon himBelf restriction to impose, 
And law alone it is can make us ft^e. 


is viewed with jealousy as a limitation {Beachrdnkung) of 
the goyemment, and upon the other as a limitation of the 
popular will, the fiery advocates of these doctrines will have 
no true order and no true liberty. "The majesty of the 
law " is an idea which upon the Continent is not yet compre- 
hended, probably because people cannot realise to themselves 
a dead thing as the supreme power, and seek for personal 
power in government or people. And yet virtue and moral- 
ity are also dead things, which nevertheless have a preroga- 
tive and a vocation to govern living men — divine laws^ upon 
which our human laws ought to be moulded.' 

On the 15th of December the Welcome tidings reached 
England by telegram from St. Petersburg of the successful 
close of the English and French expedition to China {ante^ 
vol. iv. p. 257), by the signature at Pekin (24th of October) 
of the Treaty of Tien-tsin, and of a Convention securing 
further favourable conditions for England. A few days later 
(25th of December) the details of what had been concluded 
were received, and two days afterwards Lord Elgin's Secre- 
tary, Mr. Henry B. Loch, reached England with the Treaty 
and Convention. On the 29th he was received by the Queen 
and Prince at Windsor Castle. * What he had to tell us,' the 
Prince notes in his Diary, ' was most interesting.' " Mr. Loch, 
it will be remembered, was one of those who, by an act of 
gross treachery, had been taken prisoner by the Chinese 
General Sang-ko-lin-sin, when he had gone to the Chinese 
camp with Mr., now Sir Henry, Parkes and others, to ar- 
range, upon the invitation of the Chinese authorities, for 
Lord Elgin proceeding with an escort to Pekin. The story 
he had to tell of the sufferings of himself and Mr. Parkes 
was, indeed, of no ordinary interest. But more sad were the 
details ho brought of the fate of several of those who had 
been made prisoners at the same time. The chief of these 
were Mr. De Norman, attach^ of the Hon. Frederick Bruce, 
Mr. Bowlby, The Time^ correspondent, Captain Brabazon, 
and Lieutenant Anderson. These had all been either killed, 
or sunk under the maltreatment to which they had been sub- 
jected. The same fate had overtaken ten out of nineteen 
troopers, who had formed their escort. 

The retribution which followed upon this act of treachery 

>i It waa subsequently published as the Bsrsonal Narrative of Occurrences 
dwring Lord Elgin? 6 Second Embassy to China, By Uenry Brougham Loch. 
London, 1860. 


had been swift and decisive. The same day on which the 
arrest was made, Sang-ko-lin-sin was completely routed. Lord 
Elgin refused to negotiate unless the prisoners were returned, 
and on the 25th of September he informed Prince Kung, 
the Emperor's brother, that unless this were done within 
three days, the Convention signed at Tang-chow, and the 
ratification of the Treaty of Tien-tsin exchanged at Pekin, 
the Allied forces would advance to the assault of the capital. 
Finding these demands evaded, the army advanced, and on 
the 6th of October the Emperor's Summer Palace was taken. 
Two days afterwards, Mr. Parkes, Mr. Loch, and the other 
prisoners confined in Pekin were restored, and on the 12th 
the city was thrown open to the Allies. When, however, 
the truth as to the fate of the rest of the prisoners came to 
be known, and it was found that they had been brought to 
the Summer Palace and subjected to the severest tortures 
there. Lord Elgin resolved to bum the Palace to the ground, 
and to exact a heavy indemnity for the benefit of those who 
had suffered, and of the families of the murdered men. 

This resolution was carried into effect. The ratifications 
of the Treaty and Convention were duly exchanged, and the 
Allied forces evacuated Pekin on the 5th of November. 
Thus a costly and hazardous expedition was brought to a 
close, which might be regarded as eminently successful, 
establishing as it did improved commercial relations between 
Great Britain and China, and, what was of no little impor- 
tance to the development of our colonial possessions, placing 
the emigration of Chinese coolies on a recognised and satis- 
factory footing. 

And now again Christmas, ever a happy time in the Royal 
home, had come round, when for a few hours at least the 
cares of State were banished in the exchange of kindly cour- 
tesies and in the simple pleasures of a loving family circle. 
To her uncle at Brussels the Queen wrote on Christmas 
Day :— 

' Let me begin this letter by wishing you a very happy 
Christmas, which is a really true winter's day here, with 
twenty-two degrees of frost, and everything white with the 
frozen fog of yesterday evening on all the branches." There 
is much enjoyment in skating. 

1" Christmas eve was the coldest night, and Christmas day the coldest day, 
recorded in England for fifty years. In Staffordshire the thermometer registered 
15 degrees, ana at Pcnnicuik, near Edinburgh, 14 degrees, below zero. 


' The JBescheerung [distribution of Christmas gifts] yes- 
terday evening was a yery happy one : our dear young couple 
not the least amongst the many happy ones. 

^ Affairs in Italy are in a sadly complicated state, and one 
does not in the least see the end of it all. 

* The news received last night from China are most satis- 
factory, except as regards the oeheading of two more of the 
poor prisoners. Lord Elgin has done extremely well, and de- 
serves much praise. They are a very distinguished family. 

* Affie leaves us to-morrow on a flying visit to Vicky and 
Ernest, returning again on the 6th. On his way back he 
hopes to be allowed to pay his respects to you for a moment ; 
but he cannot sleep at Brussels, for he is very much hurried, 
having to leave us again, alas ! on the 18th of January, for 
the West Indies and iTorth America.' 

The next day the Prince wrote to his daughter at Berlin : — 

* Again have we missed you greatly at our Christmas ta- 
ble. " Wir zahlten die Haupter unserer Lieben, und sieh ! es 
f ehlte ein theures Haupt ! " " Oh ! if you, with Fritz and 
the children, were only with us ! Louis was an accession. 
He is a very dear good fellow, who pleases us better and 
better daily. In my abstraction I call him " Fritz." Your 
Fritz must not take it amiss, for it is only the personification 
of a beloved, newly-bestowed, full-grown son. . . . 

* But to return to the dear Christmas festival. Your gifts 
which were there have caused the highest delight, and those 
we have yet to expect will be looked for with impatience. 
To the latter belong WOhelm's bust, Fritz's boar's head — for 
which in the meantime I beg you will give the lucky hunts- 
man my hearty thanks. Wilhelm shall be placed in the light 
you wish when he issues (I hope unbroken) from his dusty 
box. The album, which arrived yesterday morning, is very 
precious to us, as it enables us to live altogether beside you 
— in imagination. . . . 

^ Prejudice walking to and fro in flesh and blood is my 
horror, and, alas, a phenomenon so common ; and people 
plume themselves so much upon their prejudices, as signs of 

1" i?y eSMte die Hdjupter seiner Lieben^ 
Und Heh ! ihm/ehUe kein theurea Haupt. 

His dear ones^ heads he nnmbered o^er, 

And lo ! not one was wanting there.— Sohillvb'b Song of the BtU, 


decision of character and greatness of mind, nay, of true pa- 
triotism ; and all the while they are simply the product of 
narrowness of intellect and narrowness of heart.' 

At such a time Baron Stockmar was sure not to be for- 
gotten. To him the Prince wrote (28th of December) : — 

* I now send you my best wishes for the new year, on 
paper unhappily, and cannot press you by the hand as I used 
to do so often in days gone by. May you have every reason 
to be satisfied with 1861, and find in this year a type . of 
many yet to come ! I regret you will not see Alfred, who 
has only three days to spare, and will find the Court at Gotha 
when he arrives. He started for Berlin two evenings since, 
and must have arrived there to-day by the time I am now 
writing (8 a.m.). 

* Our dear bridegroom leaves us to-day, and the tears 
shed will not be few. I like him very much ! there is in his 
character a strong undercurrent of morality and sincerity ; 
he has a good heart, an unaffected, frank nature, and a child- 
like freshness of disposition. ... 

* The Prince of Wales is to go to Cambridge for a year ; 
the academic year in this country is only five months, with 
seven months' vacation, and of the five (as there are four 
terms) more than half is lost with beginning and ending. 

* ... Of politics I have not much to tell you ; they are 
cheerless and uncompromising as ever ! European, I mean, 
for at home with ourselves, in our colonies, and in India, we 
have every reason to be satisfied. 

* Will Austria be able to hold her own ? Will she be liberal 
in good faith ? The two questions are identical. On the an- 
swer to the second depends the answer to the first, and on this 
again depends what we have to expect for Europe. Palmer- 
ston is once more insisting furiously on the sale of Venice, 
and by doing so is helping to accelerate war. , . . 

* For the last ten days it has been bitterly cold, and the 
snow is lying thick on the ground. The poor birds miss your 
kind and sympathetic hand, which used to scatter bread- 
crumbs for them in the days that are gone ! ' " 

»* The ffood old man's kindness was not reserved only for the birds. * The 
poor of CoDurg,' says Gustav Freytajg. speaking of his closing years, * knew 
well the stone threshold, on which witn heavy hearts they pulled the bell, and 
from which they were to descend again to the street with a lightened spirit. 


On the verge of a year, which was to be fraught with un- 
dreamed-of sorrows to the writer, the Queen wrote to the 
uncle, whom she loved to call her * second father ' : — 

* Windsor Castle, December 31, 1860. 

* Pray accept my warmest, heartiest wishes for the com- 
ing year ! May it not be one of war and strife, but of peace! 
and may we have the happiness of enjoying your dear com- 
pany in our family circle, towards which you are ever so 
kind and good ! ' 

And his way of doinff ffood might claim the merit| that it was not merely lib- 
eral and well appliea,l>ut exercised with a discretion which did not let the 
left hand know what was done by the right.' — DenhwitrdigkeUeny p. 66. 


Prince Gonsort^s Habits of Working— His great Personal Activity— State of Enrope at Be- 
ginning of 1861 — Bclieme for Sale of Yenetia to Sardinia— Found to be impracticable — 
Letter by Emperor of tlie French to the Queen — Her Mi^estv^s Beplv — Death and 
Funeral of King of Prussia — Indian Army Consolidation— Bur Gnarles wood — State of 
Parties in England— Death in RaUway Accident of Dr. Baly— Opening of Parliament 
— ^Prevailing Disquietude as to Italy — Great Exhibition of 1862 — ^Domestio Happinesa. 

Like most men, who have done great things in the world, 
the Prince got to his work early, and had made good progress 
with it before other people were stirring. Summer or winter 
he rose as a rule at seven, dressed and went to his sittins^- 
room, where in winter a &-e was burning, and a green Ger- 
man lamp ready lit. He read and answered letters, never 
allowing his vast correspondence to fall into arrear, or pre- 
pared for Her Majesty's consideration drafts of answers to 
her Ministers on any matters of importance. Not feeling sure 
of the idiomatic accuracy of his English, he would constantly 
bring his English letters to the Queen to read through, say- 
ing, ^ Lese recht aufmerksam^ und sage wenn irgend ein 
Fehler da ist I ' (* Read carefully, and tell me if there be any 
faults in these I ') Or, in the case of drafts on political 
affairs, he would say, * Ich hah* Dir hier ein Draft gemaxih% 
lese ea raalt Ich dachte es ware reckt so? (' Here is a draft 
I have made for you. Head it. I should think this would 
do ! ') He kept up this habit to the close of his life, and his 
last Memorandum of this description — a paper of the greatest 
importance, to which we shall hereafter have occasion par- 
ticularly to advert ' — ^he brought to the Queen on the 1st of 
December, 1861, at 8 a.m., having risen to write it, ill and 
suffering as he was, saying as he gave it, * Ich bin so schwach^ 
ich habe kaum die Feder halten Iconnen ' (' I am so weak, I 
have scarcely been able to hold the pen '). 

From eight o'clock till breakfast-time was either spent in 

1 See this Memorandum, postea^ p. 849. 


the same way, or in the perusal of fresh relays of despatches 
and official papers, which had been previously opjened and 
read by the Queen, and placed by her ready for his perusal 
beside his table in her sitting-room. 

Every morning the leading newspapers were placed on a 
table in the breakfast-room near the Pnnce. He never failed 
to examine them — sometimes, to quote a Memorandum of the 
Queen's, of January 1862, ^reading aloud good or important 
articles. A good article gave him sincere pleasure.' How 
much a mischievous one pained him has already been told 
{ante, p. 193). * Often,' says the same Memorandum, ' when 
breakfast was over, he would get up, and, spreading a news- 
paper over one of the tables, bend over it, and refuse to listen 
to any questions, saying, ^^Store mieh nichty ich lese das 
fertig " (" Don't disturb me, I am busy reading ").' And his 
papers are full of evidence, that no article m any of the 
leading journals of real value for its facts or arguments es- 
caped his notice. 

* Formerly,' again to quote Her Majesty's Memorandum, 
^ when he did not go out shooting, he generally walked out 
with me before ten, or sometimes even earlier ; but for the 
last three or four years, we seldom went out before a quarter- 
past ten. He generally saw Mr. Rulandt [his private libra- 
rian] (or, in foiiner years. Dr. Becker), sometimes Colonel 
Biddulph or Major £lphinstone, or would write something, 
or run down (for he was always quick and energetic as he 
went up or down the stairs and along the passage, and I 
could hear his footstep as he went along) to see Greneral 
Grey or Sir Charles Phipps. Sometimes, if a Minister were 
in the house, and were going away early, he would send for 
him for a moment to his room, and then would come to my 
room again. Not for a good many years did he go out with 
me on the days he shot ; that was only quite in the earliest 
years, when he had not so much to do. 

' In the shooting season he generally went out three or 
four times a week, and later on hunted once a week, but he 
had almost given up hunting since 1858. He was generally 
home by two or a little before. He never went out, or came 
home, without coming through my room, or into my dress- 
ing-room, with a smile on his face, saying, "Sehr achonf*^ 
(" Very fine ! ") or " Ich bin achrecMich nass " or " schmutzig ' 
(" I am frightfully wet " or " dirty "), and I treasured up 
everything 1 heard, kept every letter or despatch to show 


him, and was always vexed and nervous if I had any foolish 
draft or despatch to put before him, as I knew it would dis- 
tress or irritate him, and affect his delicate stomach. He 
always walked very fast, when out shooting, and got very 
quickly through with it. He would say, " I don't understand 
people making a business of shooting, and going out for the 
whole day. I like it as an amusement for a few hours." ' 

Even during these few hours of recreation the brain could 
have had little rest from its preoccupations. The day was 
too short for the claims upon the Prince's attention, and the 
frequent attacks of illness, even although slight, showed that 
his body was growing weaker, while every day increased the 
strain upon his mind. In every direction his counsel and his 
help were sought. In the Royal Household, in his family 
circle, among his numerous kinsfolk at home and abroad, his 
judgment and guidance were being constantly appealed to. 
Every enterprise of national importance claimed his atten- 
tion ; and in all things that concerned the welfare of the 
State, at home or abroad, his accurate and varied knowl- 
edge and great political sagacity, made him looked to as 
an authority by all our leading statesmen. Let those who 
worked with and for him do their best — and he could not 
have been served more ably or more devotedly — ^they could 
not prevent a pressure which constantly compelled him to 
do in one day what would have been more than ample 
work for two. But all this fatigue of body and brain did 
not deprive him of his natural cheerfulness. * At breakfast 
and luncheon,' says the Memorandum alreadv quoted, ' and 
also at our family dinners, he sat at the top oi the table, and 
kept us all enlivened by his interesting conversation, by his 
charming anecdotes, and droll stories without end of his 
childhood, of people at Coburg, of our good people in Scot- 
land, which he would repeat with a wonderful power of 
mimicry, and at which he would himself laugh most heartily. 
Then he would at other. times entertain us with his talk 
about the most interesting and important topics of the pres- 
ent and of former days, on which it was ever a pleasure to 
hear him speak.' 

At the beginning of 1861 the Prince regarded the posi- 
tion of affairs on the Continent of Europe with no small dis- 
quietude. With the exception of the struggle going on at 
Gaeta there was no actual war ; but the elements of discord 
existed in profusion. Plots, fomented in Paris and in Italy, 


were actively on foot for insurrections in Poland, in Hunga- 
ry, in Dalmatia, in the Danubian Provinces ; and in the later 
days of December 1860, unusual alarm was created by the 
discovery that large quantities of arms and ammunition had 
been loaded in Genoa from the arsenal and sent to the Dan- 
ube with a view to a rising there.* So long as Austria re- 
tained her hold of Yenetia and was unable to come to a sat- 
isfactory arrangement with her Hungarian subjects, so long 
was she liable to the inroads of revolution in her provinces 
on the Adriatic, as well as in Hungary itself. The Turkish 
Sultan had relaxed as usual into ruinous extravagance, and 
the vices of administration at the Porte and throughout 
European Turkey continued to keep alive the ever imminent 
danger of a conflict of races fomented by the aggressive am- 
bition of Russia. France, while professing only pacific in- 
tentions, continued to augment her army and navy to for- 
midable proportions, and throughout the army, — ^impatient 
of idleness, as great armies must always be, — an early cam- 
paign on the Rhine was openly talked of, and would proba- 
bly become a fact, should anything occur to place Prussia in 
a position unfavourable for resistance. 

At home, in our Colonies and in India, we had, as the 
Prince had said {antCy p. 226), every reason to be satisfied. 
The demand for Reform had died away for the time, and 
the public mind was agitated by no other exciting question. 
A bad harvest, the consequence of the wet and ungenial sea- 
son of 1860, pressed somewhat heavily upon both landlords 
and farmers ; but occasioned little inconvenience otherwise, 
as the supplies of grain from abroad were abundant and 
cheap, and the people were well employed at good wages. 
Some uneasiness was felt, which in time grew into alarm, at 
the threatenings which had begun to make themselves heard 
of a rupture between the Northern and Southern States of 
America. If these ended in war, as seemed but too probable, 
the staple industry of Lancashire and Cheshire could not fail 
to suflEer seriously in the failure of those supplies of cotton 
for which they were chiefly dependent on the Southern States 
of the Union. But at the beginning of the year this contin- 
gency was too remote to cause any wide-spread uneasiness ; 
and, the war in China being over, our forces were relieved 

9 The discovery was made in time to enable the authorities at Constantinople 
to prevent the greater portion of the arms from reaching their destination. 


of any immediate strain, while no English interest seemed 
likely to be affected in such a way as to involve us in any 
European conflict, should such conflict anywhere arise. 

The most immediate and pressing danger seemed, as be- 
fore, to be in Venetia. A solution of the problem by the 
sale of the country to Sardinia, Austria compensating herself 
for the loss of territory by applying the price in the acquisi- 
tion from the Porte of Bosnia and the Herzegovina, was 
broached in an anonymous pamphlet called ^Vente de la 
V^nkie,^ published in Paris towards the end of 1860. It 
was believed to have been inspired by the Emperor of the 
French, but it advocated views which he was prevented by 
the engagements of Villafranca from openly propounding. 
There wafited, however, for the project one essential element 
of success — 2k disposition on the part of Austria to entertain 
the proposal. So far from this being the case, no sooner was 
the scheme ventilated in the press, than the Austrian Minis- 
ters, without waiting to see whether it was favoured by the 
representatives of other Governments, were at pains to let it 
be known, that neither they nor any other possible Austrian 
Minister would dare to face the storm of national indignation 
which they would provoke by entering upon a transaction of 
such a nature. 

It will have been seen, however, from what was said by 
the Prince {ante, p. 226), that Lord Palmerston was warmly 
in favour of the proposal. Indeed, it was one which in its 
main features he had advocated so far back as 1848. Lord 
John Russell shared his views. But in the face of Austria's 
avowed determination not to sell Venetia for money, it would 
obviously have been inexpedient for England to press the 
suggestion of a sale upon her, as* these Ministers were at 
first not indisposed to do. This was the opinion expressed 
by the Queen, when the subject was brought by Lord John 
Russell under her notice. Writing to him on the 10th of 
December, 1860, Her Majesty said : * Placing upon record a 
train of argument to prove that England thinks it right 
Austria should sell or cede Venice, would be most unfair 
towards Austria, and could only serve as the groundwork to 
justify Sardinia hereafter in making the attack to accomplish 
that which England recommended.' There was every reason 
to anticipate that advantage would be taken of such an ex- 
pression of opinion on the part of England in other quarters 
besides Sardinia. Complete silence was therefore felt by the 


Cabinet to be the safest course, and the question of Yenetia 
passed for the time out of the region of diplomatic discus- 

The first day of the new^ year brought from the Emperor 
of the French the letter to the Queen, of which the follow- 
ing is a translation : — 

* Paris, 80th December, 1860. 

* Madam and very dear Sister, — I cannot let this year pass 
away without approaching your Majesty with the expression 
of my wishes for the happiness of yourself, of the Prince, 
and of your family. I hope the year now beginning will be 
a happy one for our two countries, and that it will see the 
ties which bind us once more closely knit. Europe is much 
agitated, but so long as a good understanding exists between 
!migland and France the mischief may be localised. I con- 

fratulate your Majesty on the success which our two armies 
aye obtamed in China. May our standards always be uni- 
ted, for heaven seems to protect them 1 

'I have greatly envied the Empress her happiness in 
being able to pay you a visit, and to see your charming 
family again. It has been to her a great pleasure. 

' I seize eagerly this opportunity of expressing to your 

> The Emperor of the French soon came to the concluBion thftt in the present 
temper of Austria, and of some of the other Powers, it would be futile to press 
the project ftuther. In an interview with Lord Cowley early in January 1861, 
he said it could not bo expected that under present circumstances Austria 
should abandon Venctia, or consent to sell it. To the suggestion that her 
finances could not support a constant military occupation of a province which 
returned no revenues, he rejoined, that whatever Austria's difficulties might 
be, he was confident that noUiingcould or would be done, so long as everybody 
held to his extreme opinions. * What would be more natural,' he said,*' than 
to arrange a transaction of this nature ? Let Italy purchase Venetia of Austria, 
and let Austria purchase Bosnia and the Herzegovina of the Porte. Austria 
wants money and the Porte wants money. Let Austria keep the half of what 
she obtains for Venetia, and give the other half to the Porte. But you prob- 
ably will not consent to this arrangement, and I know that Russia will not, for 
I mentioned the idea to Kisseleir, who told me plainly that his Govemiuent 
would not consent.' 

This idea, in a modified form, was again brought up many months after- 
wards by Lord John Bussell. But Lord Palmerston seems to nave been satis- 
fied that it was impracticable. On the 13th of October, 1861, he wrote to Lord 
John Russell : ' The arrangement you suggest by which Turkey would sell 
Herzegovina to Italy, and Italy would give it to Austria in exchange for Vene- 
tia, would be a very good one, but it would be hard to accomplish. Turkey 
would not easily be' persuaded to sell Herzegovina, and Austria would hot be 
more disposed to take that province in exchange for Venetia, to which she 
foolishly attaches great military importance. I suspect that Austria will not 
give up Venetia till compelled to do so for nothing by defeat in war.'— (Ash- 
ley's lAfe of Lord J^kneretoTtj vol. ii. p. 217). 


Majesty anew the sentiments of high esteem, and of sincere 
friendship, with which I am your Majesty's good brother, 

* Napoleon.' 

Her Majesty, in her reply, which we also give in a trans- 
lation, did not confine herself to the courtesies of compli- 
ment, but took the opportunity to indicate her opinion, that 
if the blessing of heaven on the united efforts of England 
and France, to which the Emperor alludes, were to be hoped 
for, it must be so only upon the condition of neither giv- 
ing countenance to wars of aggression, nor fomenting the 
conflicts of races. The Emperor might be trusted to read 
between the lines, at what contingencies Her Majesty point- 
ed : — 

* Osborne, 3rd January, 1861. 

' Sire and dear Brother, — The kind wishes expressed by 
your Majesty, on the occasion of the New Year, are much 
prized by me, and I beg you to accept my sincere thanks for 
them, as well as the expression of my own best wishes for 
the happiness of your Majesty, of the Empress, and your 
dear child. The Prince joins with me in these good wishes. 

* It is not without reason that your Majesty views with 
some disquietude the agitated state of Europe, but I share 
with yourself the firm hope, that the mischief may be greatly 
diminished, so long as a thorough understanding exists be- 
tween France and England, and I will add, so long as this 
understanding has for its object the preservation of peace 
for the world, and for every nation its rights and its posses- 
sions, and the toning down of the animosities, which threaten 
to produce the gravest of all calamities, civil wars and the 
conflict of races. The blessing of heaven will not fail to attend 
the accomplishment of a task so great and so holy. 

* I rejoice with your Majesty at the glorious success which 
our allied armies have just achieved in China, and at the 
excellent Peace which this success has effected. It will, I 
hope, be fertile in good for our two countries, as well as for 
the strange people, whom we have forced to enter into rela- 
tions with the rest of the world. 

* It gave me great pleasure to see the Empress, and to 
learn since that her tour in this country had done her so much 

* Accept the assurance of complete friendship, with which 
I am, Sire and Brother, your Majesty's good sister, 

* ViCTOBiA HegJ* 


Before leaving Windsor, on the 2nd of January, for a ten- 
days' visit to Osborne, intelligence reached the Queen, by 
telegram, of the death, at Sans Souci, that morning, of the 
King of Prussia. The thought of his long illness, full of 
pain as it had been, and saddened for those to whom he was 
dear by the decay of his brilliant and highly cultivated pow- 
ers of mind, lightened the regret which was naturally felt by 
those who had known him. Politically, the raising of his 
successor from the position of Regent, with comparatively 
limited powers, to the independence of the throne, was gen- 
erally felt to be a gain. His known integrity and manliness 
of character revived in the Constitutional party the hope of 
seeing the Constitution fairly carried out. Kmg Frederick 
William IV., notwithstanding all his theoretical sympathies 
with popular freedom, and despite his political acumen, could 
never bring himself to recognise the fact, that personal 
government was an anachronism, and was at all events incon- 
sistent with that co-operation of the people through their 
representatives in the affairs of government, which it had 
been the object of the existing Prussian Constitution to se- 
cure. Germany, moreover, wanted a leader, in whom the 
nation could place confidence, should the necessity for united 
action arise, as arise it might, no one could say how soon ; 
and in the Prince now raised to the throne the country recog- 
nised many of the qualities on which they could place reli- 
ance to grapple with such an emergency, and to compensate 
them for the many disappointed hopes of the former reign. 
In these anticipations the Prince Consort shared ; and his 
warm personal regard for the Prince Regent, no less than 
the intimate family tie by which he was bound to him, led 
him to observe the incidents of the new reign with the closest 

A letter from his daughter, now the Crown Princess, who 
had been suddenly summoned on New Year's eve to the death- 
bed of the King, brought vividly before the Queen and 
Prince the last sad hours of the amiable and gifted man, 
whose latter days had been shrouded in eclipse. It was the 
first time the Princess had looked on death, and the impres- 
sion which it made on her deeply sensitive and, at the same 
time, reflective nature, was naturally profound. She had seen 
the last distressful struggles of the unconscious frame. But 
she had also seen the sweet and happy calm, the tranquil 
sleep, of death ; and had felt that there was nothing dreadful 

236 HIS FUNERAL. 1861 

or appalling in what bad heretofore been contemplated with 
shuddering and alarm.* In his reply, the Prince, while seek- 
ing to strengthen this assurance, reminds his daughter, that 
in one of the most impressive experiences of life she was older 
than himself. He writes : ' The more frequently you look 
upon the body, the stronger will be your conviction that yon- 
der casing {Hulle) is not the man^ yea, that it is scarcely 
conceivable how it can have been. In seeing and observing 
the approach of death, as you have been called upon to do, 
you have become older in experience than myself. I have 
never seen any one die.' 

The funeral of the King of Prussia, in the Friedenskirche 
at Potsdam, was fixed for the 7th of January. Lord de Tab- 
ley, Colonel (now Lieut. -General Sir Henry) Ponsonby, and 
Colonel Teesdale, were sent by the Queen to represent Her 
Majesty on the occasion. Through snow and bitter frost 
they made their way, with some difficulty, to Potsdam ; 
where, on their arrival, the barometer registered seventeen 
degrees below freezing-point. They arrived at eight o'clock 
on the morning of the funeral, and found,. even at that early 
hour, the streets alive with people taking up their places to 
see the procession. ' Numbers of soldiers,' says Colonel Pon- 
sonby, writing the same day to Sir Charles Phipps, 'were 
marching about in all directions. What the cavalry must 
have suffered, that marched down at two in the morning 
from Berlin, I cannot imagine.' The ceremony, which did 
not take place till one, was very imposing. The pall was 
borne by eight generals. Immediately behind the coffin 
came the royal standard, borne by General Wrangel, and 
followed by the King leading the Queen Dowager. Her 
visible emotion was shared by every member of the Royal 
family, and by the throng or Kings and Princes, who had 
come to pay the last honours to one whose political faults 
were at that moment buried in the recollection of his kind 
heart and distinguished gifts. 

It was decided by the Queen, in concert with Lord Palm- 
erston, to confer upon the new King of Prussia the Order of 
the Garter so soon as a suitable envoy could be secured for 

* * I have read dearVicky's moat touching description of the poor Kinp^ ot 
Prussia's death. She writes with such deep feeling and truth of the impression 
a death-bed leaves on the mind and heart. I pity the Queen most sincerely : 
she has indeed lost everything in this world, having no children, poor thing.' 
— {Letter \lUh January y 1861] of the Princess of HoMrUohe to the Queen,) 


conveying the insignia^ and presiding at the ceremony for 
the Installation of the King at Berlin. 

Despite the extreme cold, which continued to prevail 
throughout England, and Europe generally, the Prince, dur- 
ing his stay at Osborne, made careful visits of inspection to 
the fortifications, which were in progress at Portsmouth, 
Gosport, and the neighbourhood, and which, he mentions in 
his Diary, he found to be making satisfactory progress. 
These were works in which he took the keenest interest, and 
he made himself as thoroughly master of the details of their 
structure and progress, as though he had been personally re- 
sponsible for their completion and efficiency. 

At this time, also, the scheme for the Organisation of the 
Indian Army upon its new basis was brought to maturity. 
It had engaged the anxious consideration of Sir Charles 
Wood, the Secretary of State for India, and of the Indian 
Council, ever since the amalgamation of the forces had been 
resolved upon, and provided for by the Act of the previous 
Session {antej p. 97). On the 8th of January, Sir Charles 
Wood wrote to the Prince, to inform him that the complete 
scheme had, that morning, been passed through the Indian 
Council, and as it had been substantially concurred in by the 
Secretary of State for War and by the Commander-in-Chief, 
it might now be considered to be ready for Her Majesty's 
sanction. Attaching so much importance to this measure, as 
we have seen they did, the intelligence was most welcome to 
Her Majesty and the Prince. The next day the Prince wrote 
to Sir Charles Wood : ' The Queen wishes me to express to 
you, how much she appreciates the patience, judgment, and 
good temper, with which you have brought to its conclusion, 
under so many difficulties, a settlement of that important 
Indian Army question, which is so entirely satisfactory to 
her, and in accordance with the dignity and prerogative of 
the Crown, as well as conducive to the safety of the Em- 

On the 12th the Court returned to Windsor Castle, when 
the family circle was again broken up, for a time, by the 
departure of Prince Alfred, on the 15th, to join his ship at 
Plymouth, and of the Prince of Wales, on th^ 18th, for his 
first term at Cambridge. The Castle, as usual at this season, 
was enlivened by the presence of many visitors, and by the 
occasional performance of plays in St. George's Hall. Of 
these Mr. Charles Reade's Masks and Faxies and Mr. Buck- 


stone's My Wife^s Mother on the 17th, Lord Lytton's Hiche' 
lieu (which the Prince notes as * most interesting and well 
played by Mr. Phelps') on the 24th, and 2'he Contested 
Election of Mr. Tom Taylor, with Matthews, Buckstone, 
and Compton, seem from the entries in the Prince's Diary to 
have given him great pleasure. 

Among the visitors was Lord Palmerston, with whom 
arrangements were then made for the dowry and annuity, to 
be asked for from Parliament, upon the man*iage of the 
Princess Alice, and also for the purchase of an estate for the 
Prince of Wales, out of the accumulations of his income 
during his minority. Newstead Abbey was then in the mar- 
ket, and seemed in every way an eligible investment. But 
another purchaser having struck in before the arrangements 
were matured, the opportunity passed away of connecting 
Lord Byron's patrimonial seat with associations which would 
have added fresh interest to those already attached to it. 

One of the visitors, who followed Lord Palmerston, was 
Mr. Disraeli, from whom the Prince gathered the general 
views of the Conservative Opposition as to their policy in 
the approaching Session. Their strength was considerable, 
composed, as they were, of a compact body of three hundred 
members ; but they had no wish for the return of their lead- 
ers to office, and, indeed, were anxious to strengthen the 
hands of the Government in a bold national policy. A move- 
ment for a reduction of the expenses of our armaments, which 
had been initiated by Mr. Cobden and his friends, and had 
taken the shape of a letter to Lord Palmerston, signed by 
about sixty members of Parliament, calling for such a reduc- 
tion, had shown the existence of a considerable division in 
the ranks of the usual Ministerial supporters. Many of the 
latter had, however, declined to sanction this appeal, believ- 
ing, to use the expression of one of their number, General 
de Lacy Evans, * that it was neither safe nor expedient to 
disarm the country.' But the working majority of the Gov- 
ernment was not so large as to make the defection, on ques- 
tions of finance, of so large a section of their party other- 
wise than embarrassing. The Conservative party, Mr. Dis- 
raeli said, were in no way inclined to take advantage of this 
state of things. On the contrary, they were prepared to 
support the Government, all they required from them, in re- 
turn, being that they should state explicitly the principles of 
their policy, and not enter into a line of what he termed 


* democratic finance.' These remarks were made without 
reserve, and in communicating their tenor to Lord Palmer- 
ston (24th January), the Prince added : — ' Mr. Disraeli said, 
no Minister since Mr. Pitt had been so powerful as you might 
be. The Conservative party was ready not only to give gen- 
eral support to a steady and patriotic policy, but even to help 
the Minister out of scrapes, if he got into any.' This time- 
honoured rule of an honourable Opposition was strictly ob- 
served in the Session which ensued ; and Lord Palmerston's 
biographer states, that an attempt by the Radicals to enlist 
the Conservatives in a joint effort to turn out the Govern- 
ment proved wholly unsuccessful. — {Zii/e of Lord Palmer- 
8ton, vol. ii. p. 205.) 

On the 24th, the Prince sent Baron Stockmar the follow- 
ing budget of domestic and political news : — 

* I reproach myself for writing to you so seldom now-a- 
days ; but the work increases daily, and I am often fairly 
puzzled how to get through it. 

* Alfred is gone again, and the Prince of Wales estab- 
lished at Maddingley Hall near Cambridge, and occupied 
with his studies. 

' The Princess, now Crown Princess, has in the late try- 
ing time at Berlin again behaved quite admirably, and re- 
ceives on all sides the most entire recognition. Your son is 
a great stay and assistance to her, a true priest of the sacred 

*In Italy strange things are taking place. It is still, 
however, the idol of the two " Old Italian Masters," * who 
are nevertheless alarmed at the spread of the revolutionary 
conspiracy throughout Eastern Europe. Cavour has allowed 
the arms for the Danube to be packed and shipped in the 
Arsenal at Genoa. This we learn after he had assured us 
solemnly that he knew nothing of it. . . . 

' Our household are all well. We have made great use of 
the frost for skating, which is always a very healthy exercise. 
I trust you are keeping pretty well.' 

A few days after this letter was written, the Queen and 
Prince sustamed a serious loss in the death of the Queen's 

» A sobriquet some time before given by the late Lady William Bussell to 
Lord Palmerstou and Lord John Russell. 

240 DEATH OF DR. SALT. 1861 

physician, Dr. Baly. A telegram reached them on the even- 
mg of the SQth, announcing that he had been killed that 
afternoon in an accident on the London and South-Westem 
Railway between Wimbledon and Maiden. The accident 
had been caused by the breaking away of the engine from 
the tender, which turned over, dragging several carriages 
with it, down an embankment. It appeared that Dr. Baly, 
who had dropped asleep, jumped up on the first shock of the 
accident, and fell througn the floor of the carriage, which 
had given way. He was found under the carriage terribly 
mangled. Two other passengers were seriously injured, and 
several slightly bruised. Writing next day to Baron Stock- 
mar, the Prince says : — 

* We had the great misfortune yesterday to lose Dr. Baly, 
who was killed in an accident on the railway between Lon- 
don and Wimbledon. He was the only one greatly hurt in 
the train. For us this is a serious loss, as he had gained our 
entire confidence, and was an excellent man, and Clark has 
quite given up practice.' * 

The Prince again refers to the subject in writing to Baron 
Stockmar a few days afterwards (9th February). *Dr. Baly,' 
he writes, * is a great, great loss for us, and the manner of 
his death was horrible. He was so mangled, that his ser- 
vants were unable to swear to the identity of his body, when 
it was shown to them, until they had their attention called 
to his clothes.' In the same letter the Prince mentions, that 
Dr. Jenner, .' who was Baly's best friend,' has been recom- 
mended as his successor by Sir James Clark. 

On the 4th of February the Court came to London for 
the sitting of Parliament. Next day the Queen opened Par- 
liament in person. The severe weather of the last two months 
had passed away. The day was fine, and, although the pub- 
lic mind was free from excitement on any political question, 
the crowds that witnessed the progress of Her Majesty to 
and from tjie House of Lords were unusually great as well 
as enthusiastic. The Royal Speech suggested few topics for 
discussion. It expressed a trust that * the moderation of the 

•The Prince's entry in his Diary was: — ^ Sehr traurigl Wir aind aehr 
erschrochen, Er ist ein ungeheuer Verlvst fur uns.^ (* Very sad ! We are 
greatly alarmed. He is an incalculable loss for us.') The loss to the Prince at 
this period of a physician, who had begun to know his constitution and habits, 
and had his entire confidence, was indeed serious. 


Powers of Europe would prevent any interruption of the 
general peace.' Sjrria, it said, might soon be expected to be 
restored to tranquUlity. The successful termination of oper- 
ations in China was adverted to. Deep concern was expressed 
at the differences which had arisen among the States of the 
American Union ; and the opportunity was taken to accen- 
tuate the reference by an allusion to the warmth of the 
reception which they had recently given to the Prince of 
Wales. At the same time the loyalty and attachment shown 
by the Queen's Canadian and other North American subjects 
were warmly recognised. Measures were promised for the 
improvement of the laws relating to crime, bankruptcy, the 
transfer of land, and the system of rating : but the Speech 
was wholly silent in regard to the question of Parliamentary 
Reform, which for some years had formed a prominent topic 
in the Parliamentary programme. 

In the House of Lords the debate on the Address was 
confined almost entirely to matters of foreign policy. Lord 
Derby, who had just recovered from a severe illness, spoke 
with all his wonted fire, and dissected in unsparing terms 
Lord John Russell's Despatch of the 20th of October 1860 
{ante, p. 192) to Sir James Hudson. But neither in the 
House of Lords, nor in the House of Commons, where the 
same Despatch was subjected to severe criticism by Mr. Dis- 
raeli, was any amendment to the Address moved, nor any 
indication given of the intention of the Opposition to act 
otherwise than in the spirit spoken of to the Prince by Mr. 
Disraeli. Great uneasiness was shown by the leaders of the 
Opposition, which the Government were not in a position to 
remove, as to the probable action of France in Italy. This 
uneasiness was fomented by the very unsettled state of the 
Southern part of the peninsula, which, while it gave counte- 
nance to the disbelief, then very generally entertained, in the 
ultimate consolidation of the Kingdom in the hands of Vic- 
tor Emmanuel, was felt to furnish at the same time an open- 
ing for further French interference, of a kind to which the 
action taken by the Emperor in the Roman States and at 
GaSta seemed to show that he was strongly predisposed. 

An unfortunate reference to the cession of Savoy and 
Nice as an act of right, of which he had forced the acceptance 
upon Europe, in the Address of the Emperor of the French 
the day before on opening the legislative Session of the 
French Chambers, had quickened this distrust. His announce- 

VOL. V. — 11 

242 GREAT EXHIBITION OF 1862. 1861 

ment of a ^firm determination not to enter on any conflict, 
where the cause of France was not based upon right and jus- 
tice,' failed of its effect with those who, while they could 
see neither right nor justice in what had happened as to these 
provinces, feared that a similar plea might on some future 
occasion be set up for rounding off a frontier elsewhere. In 
other respects the Address was calculated to reassure Europe, 
for it pledged the Emperor to the principle of non-interven- 
tion in the strongest terms, as that ' which leaves each coun- 
try master of its destinies, localises questions, and prevents 
them from degenerating into European conflicts.' The re- 
cent withdrawal of the French fleet from GaSt% was referred 
to as dictated by a determination to adhere to this principle, 
which was admitted to have been infringed every day that 
it had been kept there. The Emperor was also at pains to 
state, that he was resolved to steer a middle course, avoiding 
the extreme opinions, which were prevalent among his sub- 
jects — * the one, that France should take part with all kinds 
of revolutions ; the other, that she should put herself at the 
head of a general reactionary movement.' Of his adoptmg 
the latter course there was little fear. But the activity of 
French agents in fomenting disturbances in many parts of 
Europe, although acting, very probably, without sanction 
from the Tuileries, kept suspicion everywhere alive and on 
the alert. 

To the Prince's numerous avocations had by this time 
been added an active part in the preliminary arrangements 
for the contemplated Great Exhibition of 1862. • Frequent 
meetings were now being held upon the subject, at " which 
he presided, and an extensive correspondence was being car- 
ried on under his direction. An arrangement had been com- 
pleted for placing at the disposal of the trustees for the new 
Exhibition, part of the property at South Kensington of the 
Commissioners of the Exhibition of 1851, and tenders had 
been obtained for the building, a large portion of which was 
originally intended to be of a permanent character, and to 
be used for periodical Exhibitions in future years. The trus- 
tees were driven by considerations of expense to revise their 
plans, and to bring them within the scope of their probable 
resources. This having been done, the work of organising 
the details of the Exhibition was entered upon, and added 
very largely to the labours of the Prince during the spring 
and summer. 


On the 9th of February the Prince wrote to Baron Stock- 
mar : — 

' I was sure that in our joy and sorrow you would take a 
cordial part, and your welcome letter is a fresh proof of this. 
. . . That all the good accounts of our young couple in Ber- 
lin would give you pleasure, I felt sure. ... 1 spare no pains 
to encourage and stimulate them in the path they have 
chosen. . . . 

' In Parliament Palmerston is entirely master this year. 
The Tories do not want office ; the country does not want a 
Reform Bill, and it does want defences. The Radicals 
would give the one, but deprive it of the other. 

* . . . Mr. Sidney Herbert has been transferred as Lord 
Herbert to the Upper House, because his failing health is no 
longer equal to the fatigue of the Lower House. I am afraid 
death has him in his grasp. ^ He is suffering both from dis- 
ease of the heart and threatened diabetes ! 

* To-day, twenty-one years ago, was a Sunday, and we 
were engaged in preparations for great events. I went with 
you through the Anson business, and, on your advice, gave 
up my objections to him (antef vol. i. p. 57). 

* To-morrow our marriage {JEJhemajoreum) will be twen- 
ty-one years old 1 How many a storm has swept over it, and 
still it continues green and fresh, and throws out vigorous 
roots, from which I can, with gratitude to God, acknowledge 
that much good will yet be engendered for the world ! It is 
now with these twenty-one years, as with the fourscore years 
of the Bible, "if they have been delicious, yet have they 
been labour and trouble." * 

' Farewell ! I hope the milder weather of the last fort- 
night will have done good to your wife and to yourself, and 
that you allow yourself the enjoyment of the au*, without 
which the vital powers must always remain greatly depressed.' 

The next day — the twenty-first anniversary of the Royal 

"f This proved to be the case, and this amiable and accomplished man died 
on the 2na of August of this year at the age of fifty. 

8 The allusion here is to the 10th verse of the 90th Psalm in Luther's ver- 
sion^ which gives a reading different from our own : ' Uhser Leben wahret sie- 
bemig Jdhre^ und wenn es hoch kommt^ so sind es achtzig Jahre^ und wenn ea 
kogtUchgewesen id, soist es Muhe und Arbeit gewesen,"* In our version there are 
no words corresponding to * und wenn es kOstlich gewesen ist,' the words be- 
ing, ' The days of our years are threescore years and ten ; and if by reason of 
strength they be fourscore years, yet is their strength labour and sorrow.* 


marriage — ^was a Sunday. * It was kept quietly {still ge- 
/eiert),^ says the Prince's Diary, the event being only marked 
by some sacred music performed before the Royal circle by 
the Queen's band in the evening. On that day the Prince 
wrote to the Duchess of Kent, at Frogmore : — 

* Buckingham Palace, lOth February, 1861. 

* I cannot let this day go by without writing to you, even 
if I had not to thank you for your kind wishes and the 
charming photographs. Twenty-one years make a good long 
while, and to-day our marriage " comes of age, according to 
law." We have faithfully kept our pledge for better and for 
worse, and have only to thank God, that He has vouchsafed 
so much happiness to us. May He have us in His keeping 
for the days to come I You have, I trust, found good and 
loving children in us, and we have experienced nothing but 
love and kindness from you. 

* In the hope that your pains and aches will now leave 
you soon, I remain as ever, your affectionate son, 

* Albert.' 

To this letter a fitting pendant will be found in the fol- 
lowing passage from one written by the Queen to King Leo- 
pold two days later : — 

* On Sunday we celebrated with feelings of deep grati- 
tude and love the twenty-first anniversary of our blessed 
marriage, a day which has brought to us, and, I may say, to 
the world at large, such incalculable blessings ! V ery few 
can say with me, that their husband at the end of twenty- 
one years is not only full of the friendship, kindness, and 
affection which a truly happy marriage brings with it, but 
of the same tender love as in the very first days of our mar- 
riage ! We missed dear Mama and three of our children, 
but had six dear ones round us, and assembled in the even- 
ing those of our household still remaining, who were with 
us then.' 

Let the reader turn back to the story of the Royal Mar- 
riage day, as told in the fourth chapter of this book, to the 
earnest * God help me ! ' with which the Prince closed his 
letter written to the Dowager Duchess of Gotha, to entreat 
her blessing on the vows which he was to pledge at the 


altar within the next three hours ; to the Queen's prayer, 
that it might be her lot to make him happy and contented, 
with whom her fate was thenceforth to be mextricably bound. 
Having read these passages, let him again turn to the letters 
we have just cited, and say, if in the records of * marriages of 
true minds,' any fairer or more touching record is to be 
found than these. 


Prince C!oiisort*8 Gonstitntion impaired— Signs of this— Meeting of First Italian Parlia- 
ment — French Occupation of Borne — Memorandum by Prince Consort on Kecent De- 
bates in the French Uhambers — The Hunrarian Question — His Opinions upon it in Let- 
ter to the King of Prussia — Letter from King of Prussia— Death of Sir George Gouper 
—French Occupation of Syria— Due d^Aomale^s Pamphlet — State of Europe— Letter 
by Prince Consort to King of Prussia. 

The Prince's Diary at this time contains further evidence 
that his constitution had begun to show how much too great 
the strain upon it had been. On the 14th of February he 
notes that he is suffering greatly from toothache. Next day 
his pains had grown much worse ; but he nevertheless went 
to preside at an important meeting of the Fine Arts Com- 
mission, which had found its labours nearly brought to a 
standstill by disinclination on the part of the Government to 
supply the necessary funds for carrying out its recommenda- 
tions in regard to the decoration of the Houses of Parliament. 
The next day the Prince was worse, and obliged to shut 
himself up. His indisposition had now taken the form of 
inflammation of the nerves of the upper part of the cheek. 
* My sufferings,' his Diary records on the 17th, * are fright- 
ful, and the swelling will not come to a proper head.' For 
several days the pain continued without abatement. Incision 
of the gum gave no relief, and it only yielded at last to 
enforced rest and tonics. It was not, however, till the 
22nd, that the Prince was able to go out. 

In writing the following letter to Baron Stockmarthe 
Prince did not tell the full story of the torture he had 
undergone. Had he done so, it could not have failed to 
alarm the old physician, as indicating a serious disturbance 
of the nervous system, and general lowering of the vital 
powers : — 

* Buckingham Palace, 21st February, 1861. 

* Since I last wrote, I have been suffering greatly with 
toothache, and with a gum-boil, which would not come to a 


head. Sleepless nights and pain have pulled me down very- 
much. This has been going on for nine days, and a second 
operation, which Mr. Saunders has just performed, does not 
give me any assurance that he has reached the seat of the 
mischief. De la patience et de fapoteldoqice were his two 
remedies, the same which years ago my French teacher pre- 
scribed for me. The second of these varies, and has every 
possible form and name ; the first is, and ever has been, the 
only one about which we poor mortals can make no mistake. 

* The Ministry have agreed to ask for Alice 30,000/. as a 
dower, and 6,000/. as an annuity. This is three-fourths of 
what was granted to the eldest sister, and will therefore, no 
doubt (because it embodies a principle), be carried ; she will 
not, however, be able to cut a great figure upon it. We 
proposed that the Bill should, once for all, settle the same 
sums upon the other sisters in the event of a marriage. 
Gladstone, however, sees the greatest difficulties, which are 
probably imaginary. 

* Gaeta has fallen, and The Times^ following the example 
of some of our diplomatists, loses not a moment in hailing 
Victor Emmanuel as the King of Italy. So eager are they 
in their haste, that they outstrip his own decision. 

* Of the prospect of Austria we are unable to form any 
correct estimate. Garibaldi seems not to wish to make the 
attack this spring. 

* We have taken Dr. Jenner in Dr. Baly's place ; Clark 
will write to you about him. The name is classical. 

*What an excellent book is Schwartz's Geschichte der 
netien Theologie! I can well imagine that it has many ene- 
mies. A book has appeared here called Essays and Heviews 
(a volume of theology by seven contributors), which is 
making so great a sensation, that all the Archbishops 'and 
Bishops of the Church have signed and issued a public con- 
demnation of its doctrines. I send you the book. People 
are already beginning to cry, " Refute and don't condemn ! " 
We want for our faith not what is safe, but what is true.' 

HI or well, every day brought to the Prince an amount 
of work in which there can be no doubt that he took plea- 
sure, even although the pressure of it must have warned him 
at times that he was using up his energies too rapidly. The 
unquiet state of Europe, and the necessity for watching all 
that was passing, openly and in secret, in furtherance of the 


various conflicting interests and policies of agitators and of 
statesmen, were in themselves suflicient to have fully occu- 

Eied his mind, irrespectively of the innumerable claims upon 
is attention from matters of purely home and domestic 

A few days after the fall of Ga^ta, the first Parliament of 
the new Italian kingdom met in Turin, in a large wooden 
hall erected for the occasion. The proceedings were opened 
by King Victor Emmanuel by an Address, in which the po- 
litical position of the new kingdom was tersely and manfully 
explained. The recall of the French Minister was dealt with, 
and in terms which showed that it was not ominous of any 
serious results. ^ If this fact,' said the King, ' is a cause of 
grief to us, it does not change the sentiments of our grati- 
tude nor our confidence in the Emperor's affection to the 
Italian cause.' The Protest of Prussia was not adverted to 
with equal frankness, but the fact was stated, that an am- 
bassador had been sent to the new King of Prussia, * in token 
of respect for him personally, and of sympathy with the noble 
German nation, which I hope will become more and more 
convinced that Italy, being constituted in her natural unity, 
cannot offend the rights or interests of other nations.' 

In these words the King touched the chord which had 
been more than once struck by Count Cavour in his commu- 
nications with the representatives of Prussia. To Count Bra- 
sier de Saint-Simon, the Prussian Minister at Turin, he had 
said in answer to the Prussian Protest : ^ In any case, I con- 
sole myself with the thought, that in acting as I have done, 
I set an example which, probably at no very distant period, 
Prussia will be very glad to imitate.' This was the tone 
which General de La Marmora, the Ambassador to Berlin, 
was instructed to maintain. His language there was : ^ That 
the two Governments had one common interest ; that they 
each derived their strength from the national idea which they 
represented ; that Italy, once consolidated, must of necessity 
be Prussia's natural ally, and useful to her in conquering 
the hegemony of Germany.' This language was, however, 
coldly received at the Court of Berlin, the new Sovereign 
being on moral, no less than political grounds, indisposed to 
establish an empire upon the spoliation of his brother Sov- 
ereigns. The good will of Prussia was, however, clearly in- 
dicated by a resolution of its Chamber of Deputies, that it 
was not in their opinion * the interest either of Prussia or of 


Germany to oppose the progress of the Consolidation of 

Borne continued to be the chief difficulty in Count Ca- 
vour's path. If, on the one hand, he hung back from the 
endeavour to make it the capital of Italy, he strengthened 
the hands of Garibaldi and the republicans. If, on the other 
hand, he joined with them, he had to confront the power of 
France, and the hostility of Catholic Europe. But, as he said 
himself, in a letter to Frince Napoleon, quoted by Mazade, 
^ when there are only two roads open, one must choose the 
least dangerous, whatever precipices one may have to en- 
counter by the way.' He therefore lost no time in making 
it known that he had chosen the first alternative, although 
he held to the opinion that Rome, and only Rome, should be 
the capital of Italy. In a speech at Turin on the 18th of 
February, his colleague and successor, Baron Ricasoli, ex- 
pressed this resolution in the strongest terms. ^Opportu- 
nity,' he said, * will open our way to Venice. In the mean- 
time, we think of Rome. This is for the Italians not mere- 
ly a right, but an inexorable necessity. We do not wish to 
go to Rome by insurrectionary movements — unreasonable 
rash, mad attempts — which may endanger our former acqui- 
sitions, and spoil the national enterprise. We will go to 
Rome hand in hand with France.' 

The first act of the Jtalian Parliament was to declare Vic- 
tor Emmanuel King of Italy (17th March) by an all but 
unanimous vote, there being only two dissentients. Against 
this decision the Papal Government formally protested, as 
being based upon the usurpation of the sacred and inalien- 
able patrimony of the Apostolic See. The protest fell dead, 
as others had done of a similar character, which preceded it, 
none of the other Powers of Europe being disposed to sup- 
port it by force of arms, although they all, including France, 
hung back from a formal recognition of the new Italian 
kingdom. England alone pursued a different course. When, 
on the 19th of March, the Marquis d'Azeglio announced to 
Lord John Russell that Victor Emmanuel had assumed the 
title of King of Italy assigned to him by the Italian Parlia- 
ment, he was informed in reply, that England, * acting on 
the principle of respecting the independence of the nations 
of Europe,' recognised the new kingdom. 

It was not till the following June that the Emperor of the 
French followed the example of England. His perplexing 


position with regard to the Roman question was probably the 
cause of this delay. The occupation of Rome by his troops 
was, politically and financially, a source of the greatest em- 
barrassment to him. Early in 1861, a statement appeared in 
the Constitutionnely that since 1859 the cost of this occupa- 
tion to France had been 128,125,000 francs. In 1861, owmg 
to the large reinforcements of French troops sent to the as- 
sistance of the Pope in the previous year, which had raised 
their numbers to 19,000, the cost for the year was over 9,500,- 
000 francs. This, in the then embarrassed state of the French 
finances, was in itself a serious burden. But still more se- 
rious was the attitude of antagonism to the whole principles 
of his policy, in which the Emperor was placed by having to 
uphold against the will of the Italian nation that temporal 
supremacy, of which he had again and again avowed his dis- 
approval. * You may depend upon it,' were Lord Cowley's 
words in writing (1st March) to Lord John Russell, * and I 
cannot repeat it too often, that, spite of appearances the 
other way, what the Emperor has most at heart is the evacua- 
tion of Rome. Laugh at me, if you will, for saying so, but 
such is my profound conviction.' * 

But the discussions on the Address which took place in 
both the French Chambers, immediately upon their meeting 
under the new regulations, which permitted a greater lati- 
tude in the expression of opinion tj^n had hitherto been 
allowed, were sufficient to show, not merely that the Emper- 
or's Italian policy was disapproved by a formidable party, 
who thought the position of France weakened by the estab- 
lishment of a great and powerful State in the Mediterranean, 
but that a very wide feeling existed throughout the country 
in favour of the Pope's temporal power. Very vehement 
speeches were made in support of these views by the Marquis 
de la Rochejaquelein and M. Heckem, whicn drew from 
Prince Napoleon and the Emperor's secretary, M. Pi6tri, 
rejoinders by no means calculated to allay the apprehensions 

1 With this view, the Emperor devised all kinds of plans, amongwhich was 
one, proposed by him at this time, for transferring Sardinia to the Papal Gov- 
ernment, in exchange for Rome. Only in despair of other solutions or his dif- 
ficulty could one so palpably impracticable as this have entered a brain so fer- 
tile and so astute. It was not till September 1864, that the first step towards a 
solution of the difficulty was reached by a Convention between France and the 
Government of Italy, by which the former agreed to evacuate Rome in two 
years, the King of Italy, on the other hand, pledging himself to abstain from 
encroachments on the Papal territory, and to protect it from external violence. 


of future European disturbance, which had prevailed since 
the close of the Italian war. These speeches were so remark- 
able, that the Prince made them the subject of the following 
private Memorandum, which appears among his papers : — 

* Setting aside, on the one hand, all sentiment about Italian 
liberty and unity, and on the other all feeling about inter- 
national law and treaties, and the general principles of right 
and wrong, the statesman will have to ask himself what will 
be the probable result of the events occurring in Italy on the 
balance of power in Europe, and on the particular interests 
of his own country. Will united Italy be a counterpoise to 
France, and an element securing the stability of the peace in 
Europe, or will she be an associate and helpmate in the rest- 
less aggression of France upon the territorial and legal con- 
dition of Europe, and a cause of disturbance and war ? 

*A perusal of the debates in the French Legislative 
Assembly, and of the speech of the King of Sardinia, throws 
important light on this question. 

* The words of Prince Napoleon, in different parts of his 
long oration, are :— 

* " The policy of France is bound to respect treaties, but 
as for those odious treaties of 1815, which have placed the 
foot of Europe on the throat of France, we must, whenever 
we can, denounce them and tear them in pieces. To have 
done this is the glory of the second Empire. 

*"If there be any position which can strengthen us 
against England, it is to make ourselves the centre of all the 
secondary Navies. When I say this, I am only citing one of 
the axioms of the traditional policy of France. . . . For if 
you think that all the secondary navies ought to be grouped 
around that of France, it is evident, that if the Italians have 
a navy, this will be a gain for France. Do not be deceived 
on this head. English statesmen know it well. 

*"The unity of Italy is above all in the interests of 
France, because it is the only way one can hope, without a 
war, by an universal propaganda, to modify to our advantage 
the treaties of 1815. I defy you to find any other, especially 
now, when every possibility of disagreement with Italy about 
frontiers *has been removed. Italy's natural ally is France ; 
and I do not speak to you of the gratitude of her people, but 
of their interests." ' 

2 * With nations and governments resentments for former antagonisms, or 


'M. Pi^triy the Emperor's most confidential servant and 
agent, says : — 

*"Wno would deny to France that moral ascendancy 
which places her at the head of nations, and which has 
created for her in Italy a sympathy which may one day be 
represented by 300,000 men following her banners on the 
field of battle, when she should be provoked into com- 
pleting the triumphs of civilisation ? " 

^The King of Sardinia says in his speech from the 
throne : — 

*" France and Italy, whose origin, customs, and tradi- 
tions are the same, contracted on the fields of Magenta and 
Solferino a bond of union which can never be severed." ' 

With such views prevalent at head-quarters in France, the 
conflict between Austria and her Hungarian subjects became 
a source of the greatest anxiety to the rest of Europe. If 
this should result in the insurrection, which there was reason 
to believe had been long preparing, war in the Turkish prov- 
inces, and also in Venetia, was certain to ensue. The Rep- 
resentative Constitution, promulgated by the Government of 
Vienna in October, 1859, for all its dominions, had failed to 
satisfy the Hungarians. They would have nothing but their 
own Constitution, to which they held that Austria was 
pledged as the fundamental condition on which the Emper- 
or's right to govern their country rested. On the 27th of 
February, various Imperial ordinances were promulgated for 
the further regulation of the Constitution of the Empire, in 
which this view was ignored, and by which the benefits of 
the new Constitution were presented to Hungary as a boon, 
in lieu of the fundamental laws to which she was so warmly 
attached, and to the abrogation of which she had never 
assented. To forego these, and to accept the new Constitu- 
tion, would have reduced her from an independent kingdom 
to an Austrian province. She declined, therefore, to take 
any part in the new arrangements, and firmly declared, 
through Baron Deak and others of her ablest leaders, that 
she could be conciliated in only one way. The Emperor 
must be crowned after swearing to the Hungarian Constitu- 
tion, and the Hungarian people must be secured in their 

gratitude for former benefits, invariably give way to considerations of present 
and prospective interests.' — Lord Palmer «ton to Lord John Buasdl^ 4th Novem- 
ber, 1859 (Ashley's L\fe of Bilmerston^ vol. ii. p. 188). 


right to a separate administration of the kingdom for the 
purposes of war and of finance.' 

At present, however, the Austrian Government showed 
no disposition to give way upon these points. Happily 
neither Sardinia nor France were in a position just then, 
whether as regarded money or men, to embark in war ; and, 
without their direct aid, the revolutionary party could not 
hope to move with effect either in Hungary or on the Dan- 
ube. But if no adjustment of the dispute between Austria 
and Hungary took place, there was every reason to appre- 
hend that the year 1862 would not pass over without a war, 
of which it was difficult to foresee the limits, but from 
which, if it extended to the Turkish territory, England could 
scarcely stand aloof.^ 

It will be seen from the Prince's letters, that he continued 
to feel very uneasy about the prospects of peace in Europe, 
and this uneasiness was obviously much augmented by the 
language of the Prince Napoleon and M. Pi^tri, according 
as it did with the information as to contemplated insurrec- 
tionary movements, which reached the Government from its 
confidential agents throughout Europe. 

Meanwhile, it had been arranged to send Lord Breadalbane 
to Berlin with the insignia for the investiture of the King 
of Prussia as a Knight of the Garter. He carried with him 
a letter to the King from the Prince, from which we extract 
the following passages : — 

* Buckingham Palace, 24th February, 1861. 

*My dear Cousin, — I cannot let Lord Breadalbane start 
for Berlin, without charging him with a few lines from my- 
self, to give you greeting as a member of a new fraternity. 
It is one tie the more of brotherhood and friendship, which 
is to bind us together in the future. 

■ He wa8 compelled to do so in the end, but not till after much had been 
done to irritate and provoke a fatal rupture with the Hungarians. In his ad- 
dress to the Diet (14th December, 1865)vthe Emperor, speaking as King of 
Hungary, acknowledj^ed the continuity of Hungarian rights, and the validity of 
the Prt^^atic Sanction, on which the Hungarians had, throughout the strug- 
gle, relied, as defining the relations of the nation to its elected dynasty. 

* When a project was being whispered about, as at this time it was, for the 
creation of a new eastern kingdom, with King Leopold as the head of it reign- 
ing at Constantinople, Belgium becoming at the same time incorporated with 
France, it will be seen that responsible statesmen had only too much reason to 
keep a sharp eye on what was goin^ on. Talk about such things by those who 
have great armies and navies at their back is never to be slighted. 


* I hope our deputation may find you well, and easy in 
mind. The winter has been very severe, and has told heavily 
upon many. I have myself been suffering for ten days 
with violent pains in the teeth, which happily left me two 
days since. What is going on in public affairs causes a 
great strain upon one's mind, and you will have your full 
share of toil and anxiety from the same cause. We must, 
however, trust in God, and in the conviction that we desire 
only what is good and right, for keeping alive in us that 
courage and cheerfulness, without which success in anything 
is impossible. 

* In Austria, the complication does not diminish. I re- 
main of my former opinion, that it is in Hungary the solu- 
tion of the difficulty is to be sought, and infinitely compli- 
cated that difficulty is. It seems as though the whole nation 
were bent on the restoration of the Constitution of 1848. If 
this be so, of which at this distance it is difficult to judge, 
nothing will be left to the Emperor but either to comply or 
to conquer the country over again, which, menaced as he is 
in Venetia, would be no easy task. As respects Venetia, it 
is clearly his interest for the moment to keep quiet. This is 
not saying much : still, advantage should be taken of the 
lull in affairs, to come to an understanding with Hungary 
and the other provinces. Without an extended popular rep- 
resentation, this will not be possible, for an enormous deal of 
money will still be wanted from the poor people, and this 
will not be got without the concession of an effective control 
to an elective Chamber. 

* In Turin the Kingdom of Italy is now constituted. . . . 
The Roman question seems to keep the upper place over all 
others there. Have secret negotiations been going on with 
Rome? It is maintained by some that the Cardinals are 
likely to turn out no less venal than were the Neapolitan 
ministers and generals. Qui vivray verra. . . . 

* Here Parliament has up to this time been very quiet. 
Later on we shall have difficulties to deal with, as I fear 
there will be a considerable deficit.* Now we have once 
more to set to work might and main to build armour-plated 
ships, just as we have completed our fleet of screw steam- 
ers. » » m 

» This proved not to be the case. In Mr. Gladstone's financial statement 
for the year (15th April), the expenditure for the coming year was estimated at 
69,900,000^., and the revenue at 71,823,000^., showing a surplus of 1,^23,000?. 


The ceremony of the investiture of the King of Prussia 
took place on the 6th of March, in the White Saloon of the 
Palace at Berlin. The King marked his appreciation of the 
honour by causing it to be carried out with great state and 
splendour. Writing on the 10th of March, m reply to the 
letter just quoted, he said : 

*A thousand hearty thanks for the welcome lines with 
which you greeted me as a new brother of the Order through 
Lord Breadalbane, whom I was delighted to see on this fes- 
tive and to me most gratifying errand. I cannot sufficiently 
express to you how happy the Queen has made me by the 
grant of the ancient and noble Order, to possess which is a 
real distinction. To you also I must express mj thanks, as 
I cannot help thinking you have not been without some 
share in prompting Her Majesty's determination. We have 
given the ceremonial as much state and solemnity as we 
could, and this was no more than the Queen's gracious act 
demanded. We flatter ourselves with the hope, that those 
who formed your mission have been thoroughly satisfied.' 
I share vour hope, that this event may prove a new bond of 
friendship between us and our respective countries.' 

The Queen and Prince had gone down on the 26th of 
February to Osborne for ten days. The Duchess of Kent, 
who had been staying with them at Buckingham Palace, re- 
turned the same day to Frogmore. She had for some time 
been in feeble health, but seemed to have gained strength 
during her visit to town. Her secretary, and the comptrol- 
ler of her household for many years, Sir George Couper, was 
dangerously ill, and he died two days afterwards. Next day 
the Prince wrote to the Duchess, who, he had every reason 
to fear, would be seriously affected by his death : — 

* I must send you a word of sympathy for the death of 
good Sir George [Couper]. That his end would come soon I 
expected ; but still it came sooner than I anticipated. His 
weakness must have been very great ! He was a loyal, faith- 
ful servant to you, and a most estimable man in every rela- 
tion of life, and will be a great loss to you. . I was not aware 
that he was so old as seventy-two. I feel deeply for his wife 

• Lord Breadalbane received from the King the Order of the Black Eagle. 


and children, and beg you to omit no opportunity of express- 
ing this to them. 

* We are quite well. My cough gives way before the sea 
air ; on the other hand I fear you are not so well. I trust 
this loss may not take hold of you too strongly. 

* Ever your affectionate son, 

* Albert. 

* Osborne, Ist March, 1861.* 

Three days afterwards he wrote to Baron Stockmar : — 

* You will probably have heard by this time of the death 
of good Sir George Couper, and you will have been very 
sorry, for you had a great regard for him as he had for you, 
" the worthy Baron," as he always called you, and you could 
appreciate his excellent qualities. He went out like a candle, 
was conscious of his approaching death, and only two min- 
utes before it struck him was conversing calmly and cheer- 
fully with his family. Lady Couper is greatly broken down, 
as we hear, and though poor Mama's health has not been in- 
jured by the shock, she feels the loss deeply, and will feel it 
still more as time goes on. She has had much to suffer of 
late, her right arm being greatly swollen and very painful. 
She can use neither hand nor arm, which puts a stop to her 
writing, working, and playing on the piano, and she cannot 
read much, or bear being read to long at a time. 

* She is to come to us in town when we return there on 
Friday. She will not go back to Clarence House ; and with 
our children about her she will have more to amuse her. 

* Here we have much to endure from rain, storm, and 
wind ; still with all this it is pleasantly warm, only very ex- 
hausting. I plant and thin plantations. 

* What is most noteworthy in politics is the debates in the 
French Senate. The speeches of MM. de la Rochejaquelein 
and Heckem on the one side, and of M. Pietri and Prince 
Napoleon on the other, are very remarkable. 

* Our Parliament is tolerably quiet ; in Berlin, on the 
other hand, the debates have been very keen. What is to 
become of the Viennese the gods alone know. 

* We are at this moment puzzled how to get the French 
out of Syria. ... If they go on our demand, their annoy- 
ance will be very great, for the navy and the nation have not 
yet forgiven their having been sent away from Gaeta by us. 

* Osborne, 4th March, 1861.' 


The apprehensions which England had felt from the first 
about the French occupation of Syria, although this now 
rested upon a Convention of all the European Powers, had 
never wholly died out. Such was the evil result of suspicion 
once awakened about the ulterior aims of French policy. 
Nor was this apprehension unnatural. For knowing, as our 
Government did, that intrigue was busily at work to create 
insurrection in the outlying Turkish European provinces, it 
seemed far from improbable that France, in the lulfilment of 
the civilising mission spoken of by M. Pi^tri, might at any 
moment plead the necessity for a permanent protectorate of 
the Christians in Syria as the justification for keeping the 
hold upon the country which she had obtained, after the six 
months had expired to which the presence of her troops in 
the country was limited by the terms of the Convention. 
The French Government, on the other hand, urged, not with- 
out a show of reason, that a premature withdrawal of their 
forces would probably result m a renewal of the bloody con- 
flicts of races rivals m religion and politics, which had pro- 
voked European intervention.^ But the English interests at 
stake were too serious for the Government to let the matter 
remain open, and it kept up a pressure for the withdrawal of 
the French troops, which grew more urgent the more obsti- 
nately the French appeared to be bent on continuing their 
occupation. These efforts were ultimately crowned with 
success, but not until some months after this period, nor 
without much dissatisfaction on the part of that not unim- 
portant section of French politicians, who made it a reproach 
to the Emperor, that he was too prone to propitiate England 
by concessions to her policy.® 

» Under the Convention, the 5th of March was the period for their -with- 
drawal, but this was extended by a further Convention to the 5th of June, to 
give time for devising some plan for the fature administration of the Lebanon. 
This was arrived at a^er much discussion, and embodied in a series of Articles, 
dated 9th June, 1861, entered into between the Porte and the five European 

« No one attached more importance to this question than Lord Palmerston. 
' I am heartily glad,' he wrote to Sir Henry Bulwer, our Ambassador at Con- 
stantinople (26th June, 1861), * we have got the French out of Syria, and a hard 
job it was to do so. The arrangement made for the future government of the 
Lebanon will, I daresay, work sufficiently there to prevent the French from 
having any pretext for returning thither.* — (Ashley's Life of Ittlmerston, vol. 
ii. p. 212.) in the same letter he urges the new Sultan to abandon the ways of 


The very strong language of the Prince Napoleon, as we 
have seen, produced a deep impression on the Prince Con- 
sort. It occasioned so much displeasure at Vienna, and gen- 
erally throughout the Continent, that the Emperor of the 
French was for a time disposed to have it formally disavowed 
by his Government, and he only abandoned this intention 
upon the representation of his Foreign Minister, M. Thouve- 
nel, that such a disavowal would give too much importance 
to the speaker, while it might form an inconvenient precedent 
in the future.' But after all Prince Napoleon had only put 
into bolder language ideas to which his cousin had never 
concealed his own bias. No one knew this better than the 
Prince Consort, who had heard them from the Emperor's 
own lips, and he was thus thrown back upon conclusions 
long since formed, and in some measure expressed, that the 
only sure way to prevent these ideas from being acted upon, 
was for the Sovereigns of Europe to be at one with their 
subjects, and to remove every serious grievance which stood 
in the way of this harmonious understanding. Only of Eng- 
land and Belgium, among the States of Europe, could it be 
said, that this harmony existed. The Emperor of Austria 
was trying to establish it, but he had hitherto failed for 
reasons which have been already indicated. The Russian 
Emperor had made a great stride in the same direction by 

question, whether vices so inveterate as those of the ruling powers of Constan- 
tinople are susceptible of cure. - 

• The langiiage used by Prince Napoleon with regard to the Bourbon and 
Orleans families led to the publication soon aiterwards of a pamphlet called 
Lettre 8ur VHistoire de France, adressee au Prince NapoUon, by the Due 
d'Aumale, which produced a ^eat sensation in Paris, where it was not sup- 
pressed until it haa obtained a Targe circulation. The brochure was damajring 
to the Napoleonic partj . not less from the facts which it recalled, than from 
the singular ability witn which they were applied. It was known to have 
caused nie Emperor the greatest uneasiness. In a letter from a well-informed 
authority, among the Prince's papers, it is said that at a meeting of his Council, 
which had been called to consider what course should be taken in regard to it, 
the Emperor stopped the Ministers when they spoke of it as a tissue of false- 
hoods and exaggeration: * No, gentlemen,' he said, with great firmness, ^it is 
not so. Nobody knows the truth so well as I do, and there is but one calumny 
in the letter, and that is the accusation against me — ^that while my mother was 
asldng protection of Louis-Philippe, I was conspiring against him with some of 
the chiefs of the Republican party. In fact, I was ill m bed, with a bad sore 
throat. Louis-Philippe's reception of my mother was that of a father receiving 
his child. He folded his arms round her, and promised to do all he could for 
her and hers ; and when she returned to my bedside, her face was still wet with 
the tears which she had shed.' The Emperor, through his secretary, M. 
Mocquard. published, a few days afterwards, an explicit denial of the Duo 
d'Aumale's accusation. 

1861 STATE OP EUROPE. 269 

the recent publication (3rd March, 1861) of a decree eman- 
cipating the serfs throughout his Empire. The action of 
Prussia was still undecided. The new King was being 

Eressed on the one hand by the Liberal party in the Cham- 
ers to give to the country the full benefits of the Constitu- 
tion granted by his brother ; whilst, on the other, the party 
of Reaction, which had hitherto been predominant, were 
using their utmost endeavours to win the King over to their 

It is obvious, the Prince Consort would have regarded 
their success with the gravest concern, as a calamity to be 
deprecated in the general interests of Europe, no less than of 
Germany herself. Under this feeling, apparently, he laid 
bare his mind to the King of Prussia in a letter dated the 
12th of March :— 

* The study,' he said, * of the debates in the French Corps 
L^gislatif had forced upon him the conviction that we have 
reached a new turning-point in French politics.' Things 
could no longer go on as they had been doing. Financial 
embarrassments had become so great and so pressing, that 
the Emperor could not long delay coming to a reckoning 
with his people." Neither could he continue in the ambigu- 
ous position m which he now stood, of leading the party of 
reaction in France, as having overthrown the revolution there 
and set up order in its place, while at the same time he had in 
Italy cast in his lot with the revolutionary party there. The 
Emperor felt all the difficulty and perplexity of the situation ; 
not so Prince Napoleon, by whom the principles of 1789 had 
been put forward as the basis of French greatness and of 
Napoleonism. The problem, as it seemed to the Prince Con- 
sort, admitted of no other solution, and consequently the 
way would be paved for revolutions in Hungary, Poland, 
Turkey, and Spain. 

The Prince then went on to consider what made the dan- 
ger for Europe, and how it was to be averted ? The danger 
lay in the necessity under which the Emperor lay of divert- 

i» In fact, before the end of this year the Prince's anticipation was verified. 
M. Achille f'ould was called in to apply his ^eat financial skill to extricate the 
Empire from the difficulties of a long-continued excess of expenditure over 
revenue, and embodied his views in a Keport, which was read to the Council 
of Ministers on the 12th of November. In compliance with one of its sug- 
jgestions^ the Emperor relinauished the power or opening supplementary or 
©xtraordmary credits, which nad been the fertile source of wasteful extrava- 


ing attention from the state of things at home by the hope 
of military saccesses and the acquisition of territory, but still 
more in the weakness of individual European States. He 
then continued : — 

* Where then can Europe find a safeguard? In great 
armies, which are not animated by national spirit ? Certain- 
ly not ; but simply and solely in the thorough accord of 
princes with their people, in their mutual confidence, and in 
their being possessed by one common resolve. Unfortu- 
nately, this is extremely difficult for the Austrian Empire, as 
matters stand ; nevertheless, praiseworthy efforts are making 
to bring the Government and its form into harmony with the 
wants and wishes of the people. In Russia, the time is un- 
luckily a critical one ; still, the Emperor is doing great things 
in the emancipation of the serfs, which will give him a hold 
on the feelings of the Russian people, probably strong enough 
to overcome and control those of the Polish nation. But it 
is in Germany that the true point and power of resistance 
should be found. Yet how stand matters there ? Has satis- 
faction been given to the justifiable demands of the people, 
and to the most sacred promises of the Princes of 1848 ? I 
speak not of the democratic absurdities of that period. Or 
is Germany still, as of old, divided and broken up in its out- 
ward organisation, and are the individual States, despite 

' their ostensibly conceded and often too democratic Constitu- 
tions, in reality merely States in which the police power and 
authority are paramount [JPolizei-Staatenjy and in which 
right and justice are mixed up with police government and 
administration, instead of standing independently and firmly 
as the safeguard of the Sovereign as well as of the subject, 
so as to make it possible for every man to feel himself inde- 
pendent of the arbitrary will of his ruler ? 

* It is not for me to answer the question, for I cannot say 
" no " to it. 

* My hope, like that of most German patriots, rests upon 
Prussia — crests upon you ! 

* It rests upon Prussia, which has only to manipulate its 
Constitution skilfully, in order to find within itself all the 
means of satisfying the requirements of the time — of serving 
as a model for the other countries of Germany — and of in- 
gratiating the sympathies of those countries in such a way, 
that they must desire the closest connection with the Prussian 


gystem. It rests upon you, as you have succeeded to the 
throne without being entangled or fettered by the miserable 
policy of reaction, to which, indeed, you were often yourself 
a victim, and because your known loyalty of character makes 
you regarded by the Germans as the type of their oldest say- 
mg"jE'm Worty ein Mannl^^ ["What he «ay5, he e«/"]. 
Confidence in you, as I felt myself compelled to write to you 
on a former occasion, is in effect the core and kernel of Euro- 
pean safety. For the moment this is the political summum 
bonum of humanity ; cherish it as the most precious jewel 
which God ever gave to any single human being. Whatever 
special difficulties may exist, whatever differences of opinion 
as to questions of detail, never for a moment let this funda- 
mental thought slip from your grasp, and remember that 
confidence, like affection, depends on its being reciprocal. 
Let no one succeed in shaking your confidence m your own 
people, and in the German nation I There are so many who 
make it their business to inspire princes with fear of their 
people. From this fear it is that the chief faults of govern- 
ments, as well as the most infamous cruelties of history, have 
sprung. In what but fear have the ecclesiastical or political 
persecutions of all ages had their origin ? 

'Nations are prone to place their confidence in indi- 
viduals ; for, being many-headed, they feel it as a necessity 
that they shall be represented by some living person, in 
whom they can see themselves incarnate. Indeed, they are 
too prone, for they are often led astray by democratic leaders 
just as they are by monarchs. But if they find themselves 
deceived, then their suspiciousness knows no bounds, for they 
feel their own weakness, and how easjr it is for the individual 
to deceive them. And once suspicion gets hold of them, 
confidence returns no more. Of this, a glance at Austria, at 
the Italian sovereigns, at the history of Louis XVI., furnishes 
woeful proofs. 

* But with the national feeling once fairly roused through 
reliance on a Prince who is prepared to take the lead, the 
German people will suffice for itself, and needs to fear nei- 
ther Italians, French, Hungarians, nor Poles ; nay, it will 
even become a Power, which its neighbours {The limes in- 
cluded) will regard with respect. 

* You will not ask, " Why do you write me all this ? " for 
you know my friendship for you, and my German feelings, 
and we have already, throughout so many periods of diffi- 


culty, exchanged our thoughts so openly and frankly, that 
you must know I could not now be silent. At the same 
time, whilst gratifying my own inclination, I must take care 
not to weary you ; so I conclude with the renewal of my best 
wishes for your welfare, and remain always your true friend 
and cousin, 

* Albert.' 


nioess and Death of the Dnehefls of Kent— Letter by the Qneen to King Leopold— General 
Segret— Addresaes of Condolence from both llooaes of Parliament— Lettera to the 
Qneen from her Siater^Faneral of the Ducheaa of Kent— Prince'a Laboura increaaed 
by her Death— Lettera by him to the King of Praaaia and to Baron Btockmar. 

The death of Sir George Couper was soon followed by that 
of the mistress whom he had lon^ and loyally served. The 
Duchess of Kent had, in the begmning of March, undergone 
a surgical operation in the arm for the relief of an abscess, 
produced by a distressing affection which had for some time 
been undermining her strength. After their return from 
Osborne the Queen and Prince had visited her at Frogmore 
on the 12th, and found her suffering much pain, but showing 
no symptoms to create alarm. Up to the morning of the 
15th the reports of her medical men were all favourable. 

On that day the Queen and Prince went to inspect the 
new gardens of the Royal Horticultural Society at South 
Kensington, then approaching completion, from which the 
Queen returned alone, leaving the Prince to transact business 
with the Committee of the Society. While there he was 
suddenly summoned to Buckingham Palace by Sir James 
Clark, who had come up from Frogmore with the intelligence 
that the Duchess of Kent had been seized with a shivering 
fit, which he regarded as a very serious symptom. The 
Queen, who had only a short time before received a letter 
from Lady Augusta Bruce, the Duchess's lady-in-waiting, 
reporting that the Duchess had passed a good night, and 
seemed altogether better, describes herself in her Diary as 
* resting quite happy in her armchair,' having finished her 
work for the day, when, soon after six o'clock, the Prince 
came in with the tidings which Sir James Clark had brought, 
and said they ought to go to Frogmore. Without loss of 
time the Queen, with the Prince, and also the Princess Alice, 


of loving affection, of tender consideration to spare my feel- 
ings. Albert took me upstairs. Dear, good Alice was full 
of intense feeling, tenderness, and distress for me, and she, 
and all of them, loved " Grandmama " so dearly. I lay down 
on the sofa. TTie constant crying was a comfort and relief. 
But oh ! the sickness of heart, the agony, the thought of the 
daily, hourly blank was and is unbearable ! Never a day, 
that I did not get letters from or about her several times in 
the day ! One foolishly fancies she must suffer from being 
deprived of all she loved, when she is above all, surely pray- 
ing for us, and looking down on us with tender love and 
affection. . . . 

* Albert said it was better to go at once into her dear sit- 
ting-room, where we so constantly saw her. We did so, but 
oh, the agony of it ! All, all unchanged, — chairs, cushions, 
everything, — all on the tables, her very work-basket with 
her work, the little canary bird, which she was so fond of — 
singing ! In these two dear rooms, where we had so con- 
stantly seen her, where everything spoke of life, we remained 
a little while, to weep and pray, I kneeling down at her 
chair. t)f ten and often did she receive me there this winter, 
leaning back, and complaining much of pain, and my visits 
cheered her. 

* I returned upstairs (my dearest Albert having so much 
to do) and went over to dear Augusta Bruce's room. Here 
the first meeting was a most bitter, yet a most sweet one, for 
she loved her as I do ! Such devotion and such love from 
one, not her own child, were most touching ; she has been 
the comfort of her last days. She spoke of her love for me, 
I, of not feeling I ever half showed all I felt ; but she never 
felt this ! Oh, if only I could have been near her these last 
weeks ! How I grudge every hour I did not spend with her ! 
But it would have tired her. What a blessing we went on 
Tuesday. . . . The remembrance of her parting blessing, 
and her dear sweet smile will ever remain engraven on my 

Again, during the morning, the Queen saw the beloved 
form once again. *She lay on the same sofa, looking so 
beautiful, so peaceful, so noble, with a smile on her dear 
face, I thought she must speak. It was heartrending, yet 
comforting, after the long, sad struggle. The face had that 
wonderful paleness, which is unlike anything else. ... I 
stroked the beloved cheek, which was still quite warm, but 


oh, what a burst of woe ! ' The pang was renewed, when the 
Prince of Wales and the Princess Helena arrived from Lon- 
don, and were taken by the Queen to see the * beautiful, 
peaceful remains, like a marble statue,' of the grandmother 
to whom they were most tenderly attached. 

The kindred had to be thought of, who were at a distance, 
and to whom the heavy news could be communicated by no 
hand but the Queen's, — the Princess Hohenlohe, Her Majes- 
ty's sister, the Princess Royal (Princess Frederick William 
of Prussia), and King Leopold. * What they will all feel,' 
are the words of the Royal Diary, * and my poor Uncle, the 
last of his generation ! ' To him, who haa been the stay of 
the Duchess of Kent in the hour of her bereavement, and 
who had discharged the duties of a father to her orphaned 
child, the Queen turned with the natural yearnings of all but 
filial affection. It was thus she wrote to him : — 

* Frogmore, 16th March, 1861. 

* On this, the most dreadful day of my life, does your poor 
broken-hearted child write one line of love and devotion. She 
is gone, — that precious, dearly beloved tender mother, whom 
I never parted from but for a few months,— without whom I 
cannot imagine life — has been taken from us ! It is too 
dreadful — but she is at peace, — her fearful sufferings at an 
end ! Her death was quite painless ; the breathing was 
heartrending to witness. I held her dear hand in mine to 
the very last, which I am truly thankful for ! But the 
watching that precious life going out was fearful ! Alas I 
She never knew me ; but she was spared the pang of parting I 

* How this will grieve and distress you ! I trust to see 
you soon, you, who are now so doubly precious to us. Good 
Alice was with us all through, and deeply afflicted. Bertie 
and Lenchen are now here — all much grieved, and they have 
seen her sleeping peacefully and for ever. 

* Dearest Albert is dreadfully overcome, and well he may 
be, for she adored him. I feel so truly verwaist (orphaned). 

* God bless and protect you ! 

* The devotion of dearest Mama's ladies and maids is not 
to be described ! Their love and their devotion are too 

If anything could soothe the feelings of her child at such 
an hour, it would have been to see how . loved and how 


mourned the Duchess of Kent was by every member of her 
household from the highest to the lowest. Some of them 
had been in her service for more than thirty years, and there 
was not one but felt that in her a dear friend had been lost. 
When, as evening drew on, the hour came for the Queen and 
Prince to leave the house, endeared to them by so many as- 
sociations, and go to Windsor Castle, they left it through a 
crowd of familiar faces bathed in tears, every one of whom 
had some special link of association with her, whom they 
were to see no more. * It was,' as the record already quoted 
notes, ' a fearful moment. All lit up, as when we had ar- 
rived the night before. I clung to the dear room, to the 
house, to all, — and the arriving at Windsor Castle was 

The Duchess had left a will, giving all her property to the 
Queen, and appointing the Prince Consort her sole executor. 
This drew upon him at once a heavy burden in examining 
her papers and correspondence, and making the necessary 
arrangement of her affairs, — a burden made more heavy by 
the recent death of Sir George Couper, who was alone con- 
versant with them. The Queen, in her Diary of this sad day, 
seems to be unable to speak enough of the Prince's gentle 
and considerate tenderness. * He was so tender and kind, so 
pained to have to ask me distressing questions, but spared me 
so much. Everything done so quietly and feelingly.' All 
through the trying days and weeks that followed, he never 
failed in that watchful, unselfish, sympathetic care, which 
gives to a husband's love a depth and earnestness beyond the 
most passionate devotion of a- lover. 

On hearing by telegram of her grandmother's death, the 
Princess Royal at once set out from Berlin for England, and 
reached Windsor Castle, to the great joy of her parents, on 
the evening of the 18th. Not till that day was the Prince 
able to find leisure to write the following letter to Baron 
Stockmar, who, of all living men, was the best able to appre- 
ciate the grief which the Duchess's death had brought upon 
the Royal household, and of all his friends the one who would 
share it most fully. The Baron had been with the Duchess 
in her darkest hour of trouble. It was from his lips she 
learned that the illness of her husband was fatal. He was 
beside her when he died. No one knew better the difficul- 
ties, the jealousies, the misrepresentations, which it had been 
her lot to encounter. No one knew better how loyal she had 


been to the great trust, whicli the opening to her daughter 
of the succession to the English crown had devolved upon 
her. * Nature/ he says in his Autobiography {DenJcwilrdig- 
keiten, p. 113), * had endowed her with warm feelings, and 
she was by sheer natural instinct truthful, affectionate and 
friendly, unselfish, sympathetic, and even magnanimous.' 
Such a tribute from a man so penetrating and so austere in 
his judgment was praise indeed. 

* Accustomed as I have been for so many years to share 
mj joys and sorrows with you, my thoughts have been much 
with you. You were so truly devoted to the poor departed, 
and know too what the loss of her is to us I V ictoria's grief 
is terrible ; when she has somewhat regained her composure 
she will write to you, and this will do her good. 

* Clark sends you his report to-day on the event, to which 
I have nothing to add, but my conviction that from the 
moment her malady assumed a deadly form Mama did not 
suffer. Unfortunately she was unable to recognise us when 
we hurried to her on Friday evening at eight. . . . 

' Death has saved her many a pang by which we can now 
see she would have been afflicted ; and we must thank God 
for His gracious kindness. That she had not to take leave 
of us, and of this earth, is also a blessing. 

' My telegram will, I fear, have caused you great distress. 
Let me hope you have now your son beside you, as we ex- 
pect our daughter to-day. I trust you will make him send 
me a line to say how you are. 

* Yesterday we had tidings of Alfred's safe arrival at 
Barbadoes after some heavy gales. The other children will 
all be united round us. Louise celebrates her birthday to- 
day (!), and will even receive the presents which her Grand- 
mama had been at special pains to select for her. 

* Windsor Castle, 18th March, 1861.' 

The death of the Duchess of Kent excited deep and gen- 
eral sympathy throughout the country. Men's minds ran 
back to the days when by the death of her husband, in the 
vigour of his manhood, she had been suddenly left, under 
circumstances of peculiar difficulty, with the responsibility 
thrown upon her of training up the probable future Sover- 
eign of England, then a child of only eight months old. 


They remembered she had fulfilled that duty in so exemplary 
a way, that when (15th November, 1830), introducing the 
Bill by which she was appointed Regent in the event of the 
accession of the Princess Victoria to the throne before com- 
ing of a^e, Lord Lyndhurst, speaking for the Government, 
had said it was impossible they should recommend any other 
individual for that office. ' The manner,' he added, * in 
which her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent has hitherto 
discharged her duty in the education of her illustrious off- 
spring — and I speak on the subject, not from vague report, 
but from accurate information — ogives us the best ground to 
hope most favourably of her Royal Highness's future con- 
duct. Looking at the past it is evident that we cannot find 
a better guardian for the time to come.' They knew that 
the high hopes thus expressed had not been belied ; and 
gratitude was mingled with respect and regret in the feeling 
with which the announcement of her death was received. 

Both Houses of Parliament lost no time in voting ad- 
dresses of condolence to the Queen. In the House of Lords 
the Address was moved by Lord Granville in a graceful 
speech, in which, after calling attention to the words of Lord 
Lyndhurst, he spoke of the benign influence wrought upon 
the character and happiness of the Sovereign by the wise 
training of her early years. The Address was seconded in 
the warmest terms by Lord Derby. Nor was Lord Palmer- 
ston less eloquent and sympathetic in moving the Address in 
the House of Commons. ' To the care and attention of the 
late Duchess of Kent,' he said, * we owe, in a great degree, 
that full development which we so much admire, of those 
eminent qualities, by which our Sovereign is distinguished ; 
while, on the other hand, the affectionate care of the Sover- 
eign has enabled her to repay, by her kindness and attention, 
those advantages which the mother was able to confer in the 
earliest years of her daughter's existence.' Mr. Disraeli 
touched a deeper chord in seconding the Address. 

*The ties,' he said, 'which united her Majesty to her 
lamented parent were not only of an intimate, but a peculiar 
character. In the history of our reigning House none were 
ever placed as the widowed Princess and her royal child. 
Never before devolved on a delicate sex a more august or a 
more awful responsibility. How these great duties were 
encountered — how fulfilled — may be read in the conscience 
of a grateful and a loyal people. Therefore the name of the 


Duchess of Kent will remain in our history from its interest- 
ing and benignant connection with an illustrious reign. For 
the great grief which has fallen on the Queen there is only- 
one source of human consolation — the recollection of un- 
broken devotedness to the being whom we have loved, and 
whom we have lost. That tranquillising and sustaining 
memory is the inheritance of our Sovereign. It is generally 
supposed that the anguish of affection is scarcely compatible 
with the pomp of power, but that is not so in the present in- 
stance. She who reigns over us has elected, amid all the 
splendour of empire, to establish her life on the principle of 
domestic love. It is this, it is the remembrance and con- 
sciousness of this, which now sincerely saddens the public 
spirit, and permits a nation to bear its heart-felt sympathy 
to the foot of a bereaved throne, and to whisper solace to a 
royal heart.' 

A brief entry in the Prince's Diary (19th March) shows 
how gratified he was by the prevailing sympathy for the loss 
of one, whom he loved with all the devotion of a son. To 
reply to the countless letters of condolence was no ordinary 
task. They were chiefly from those who knew the Duchess 
well, and to whom formal replies would have been out of 
place. Thus he wrote (19th March) to Sir Robert Gardiner, 
an old and valued friend : — 

' Many thanks for jour expression of sympathy on the 
present mournful occasion. You knew the Duchess so long, 
that you can fully appreciate our loss, and you have known 
the Queen so long that you can fully appreciate her grief. 
Her health has not suffered, thank God ! and the dear Duch- 
ess IS in a happier state in a better world. This ought to 
console us, but there is comfort in pain also. It acts as a 
link between the departed and those remaining behind, as 
love was the link which united them before.' 

The Queen's sister was unable to obey the dictates of her 
heart, and to come at once to England ; but she hastened to 
write such words of consolation, as her own bereavements 
and deeply religious nature had taught her, for a gi-ief in 
which she bore an equal part : — 

* Yesterday,'. she wrote from Baden (19th March), *I re- 
ceived your dear melancholy letter written on that dreadful 

272 L£TT£B BT THE QUEEN. 1861 

day, whicli has been the last of our beloved Mama's life. 
I cannot believe it yet, although I was more uneasy about 
her than you, dearest. Lady Augusta's letters were not cal- 
culated to make me feel reassured about the dear invalid. 
But, dearest sister, let not your grief overcome you. The be- 
loved departed spirit would say so to you, if she could. Her 
lot must be a blessed one now ; such a heart as hers must 
feel peace ; and the love she has ever shown to others will 
be repaid a thousandfold by her merciful God. I find the 
only comfort in such deep afflictions is in thinking of those 
dear ones free from the pain we suffer, and in loving those 
that are left to us with all our heart, and doing good to 
others in their name and intentions, forgetting as much as 
possible our own bereavement. . . . 

' If I could but once have looked on dear Mama's face 
again I I am sure it looks peaceful and happy even now. 
My heart is full of gratitude for all her love — alas ! lost 
to me in this life for ever ! but to live again hereafter with 
her, never to be separated. God bless and comfort you (and 

Letters came also to the Queen, full of sympathy and en- 
couragement, from King Leopold. To these Her Majesty 

replied : — 

* Buckingham Palace, 20th March, 1861. 

*Your two dear sad letters of the 17th and 18th have 
reached me, and I offer my warmest thanks for them. I 
knew what you would feel, and do feel ! It is dreadful, 
dreadful to think we shall never see that dear kind loving 
face again ; never hear that dear voice again ! 

* My grief is unbounded, and I find, like you, nothing but 
quiet, and even solitude can do good. ... Ill I am not. I 
can sleep since Tuesday, and since yesterday I can eat ; but 
the bursts of grief, and yearning, [Sehnsucht und WehinutK\y 
are fearful, and at times unbearable. . . . 

^ She looked so peaceful and beautiful, so noble, so calm, 
it seemed as if she must speak to me again. . . . Her peace 
and rest are great ; our loss is her gain. But the blank of 
every day and every hour is what will never be replaced. A 
mother one can only possess once, and what is there like a 
tender mother's love ! And who ever was so tender, so lov- 
ing, so kind, so forgiving, so simple, so loveable ? 

* The universal regret and sympathy of the nation, the 


universal respect for her memory, the numberless expressions 
of affectionate remembrance from people who had known 
her, are most i^oothing and gratifying. The love and grief 
of those who served her are most touching. Dear Lady 
Augusta Bruce has been like her child, and feels just as LP 
she had lost a second mother. . . . 

* Poor Mr. Brown ' [of Windsor, the Duchess of Kent's 
physician], * whom I saw for the first time to-day, as he has 
been ill ever since, was most devoted and attentive, and cer- 
tainly managed her wonderfully well. But he says, even if 
the shivering fit had not come on, she could not have lived 
above a few weeks, and that her life at last would have been 
one of such very great suffering, that we could not wish it 
to have been prolonged. He tells me that he thinks poor 
Aunt Julia's death did her decided harm' {antCy p. 148), 

* and that he dated the rapid progression of her malady from 
that time. 

' It is a great trial and a great sorrow to me not to have 
Feodore (Princess Hohenlohe) with me now ; we should be 
such a comfort to one another. 

' Albert's devotion, tenderness, and consideration for me 
are beyond all words. He feels her loss so deeply. He has 
had, and has, a fearful deal to do. All devolves on him ; he 
is sole executor. Everything is in perfect order. Poor Sir 
George being gone, too, makes it doubly sad. Ck)d bless 
and preserve you, and do come soon to us.' 

The funeral of the Duchess took place on the 25th, in 
St. George's Chapel, Windsor, where the body was deposited, 
until a mausoleum at Frogmore could be completed. The 
Prince Consort acted as <5hief mourner, supported by the 
Prince of Wales and Prince Leiningen. The pall-bearers 
were Lady Augusta Bruce, Lady Fanny Howard, Lady Cou- 
per. Lady Susan Melville, Lady C. Harcourt, and Lady Cust, 
who had all been at some time ladies in waiting to the Duch- 
ess. The scene was deeply effecting. So widely was the 
Duchess beloved, there was scarcely, as was remarked at the 
time, a dry eye to be seen. The Dean of Windsor was so 
affected that he almost broke down in reading the service. 

* No one,' he said to the Queen, * could speak of the Duchess 
without tears in their eyes ; she was so kind to every one.' 
The Prince Consort was deeply moved, and came back, the 
Queen noted, * pale, with red eyes, which showed how much 


he had been affected.' * That evening,' the Queen writes in 
her Diarv, ' we dined alone, and remained quietly writing 
and reading. I showed Albert, who read them aloud, the 
letters from dearest Mama to her friend Pauline Wagner, 
giving an account of my poor father's illness and death, 
which are very touching and distressing. That illness lasted 
a fortnight. We stayed up till half-past eleven reading 
them, and so ended this sad, sad day.' 

Next day Her Majesty wrote to King Leopold : — 

' I and our daughters did not go yesterday ; it would have 
been far too much for me, and Albert, when he returned, 
with tearful eyes, told me it was well I did not go, so affect- 
ing had been the sight, so universal the sympathy. I and 
my girls prayed at home together, and dwelt on her happi- 
ness and peace. But oh, dearest uncle, the loss, the truth of 
it, which I cannot, do not realise, even when I go (as I do 
daily) to Frogmore. The blank becomes daily worse. The 
constant intercourse of forty-one years cannot cease without 
leaving fearful wounds, which time may heal, but never en- 
tirely. To think that, in future, family events will occur 
without her participation, her loving sympathy, is too dread- 

' I have appointed Lady Augusta Bruce — whom dearest 
Mama had quite taken into her house since [her mother] the 
Dowager Lady Elgin's death, and who was like Mama's 
daughter, and mourns her with true filial affection and sor- 
row — my resident Bedchamber-woman, to live with me, 
which will be a great comfort to me.' 

In the volume of the Princess Hohenlohe's letters, from 
which extracts have more than once been taken, are preserved 
several letters to the Queen at this time, which may fitly be 
quoted to complete the picture of the gracious qualities of 
the Duchess of Kent, and of the way she was mourned : — 

'Baden, 80th March, 1861. 

* . . . Two most precious sad letters are before me, that 
of the 25th, and of the 28th just received. They give me 
details, and tell me what no one else can tell me, and express 
my own feelings. Dearest sister, in that name is every- 
thing ; she we have lost loved us both alike, although I was 


often jealous of you, and told dear Mama that she loved you 
more. Then, with one of her sad smiles, she would say, 
^^FeodorCj versUndige dich nicht, ich liebe each heide gleich " 
("Feodore, do not misjudge me, I love you both alike"), and 
so she did. How she always welcomed me on arriving, and 
was sad at our parting ! The last parting is before me now. 
Much as I long to go and see you, dearest sister, at the idea 
of not finding her my heart sinks within me. 

* You say that looking through her things, touching what 
belonged to her, opening her drawers, &c., is to you as if 
doing something very wrong. Oh ! how I and Hermann felt 
that after dear Ernest's [her husband's] death ! I could 
hardly bring myself to do it, because I knew how particular 
he was that nobody should get at his things ; and then — oh ! 
it- is too dreadful ! I know that but too well. It must be 
got over, though, once ; but at first is quite impossible. All 
you tell me of that last farewell you took at Frogmore, and 
of the 25th, has made me weep so. Alas ! not new to me 
those scenes, that are ever present afterwards to the mind. . . . 

* I am so thankful for your sisterly love and kindness, done 
in the name of her who was our mother.' 

Again, a few days later (5th April), the Princess Hohen- 
lohe writes : — 

*• . . I can" see our beloved, departed Mama so vividly 
before me at every moment, that I think she must be living 
still, and that I must see her again. Every look, every smile 
and gesture is graven in my memory. All pictures and 
photographs rather do harm to that impression I have of her 
dear self. Only the photograph with Affie [Prince Alfred] 
you sent me, I could look at for ever. I feel, dearest sister, 
what it must have cost you to take those precious things 
from their places in the rooms at Frogmore, and thank you 
accordingly. . . . 

*I have read the sermon, and like it much. It is most 
touching to hear and read everywhere the same expressions 
of admiration and love, and " Anerkennung ^^ [recognition], 
about our beloved, adored mother. "TAr Andenken hleibt 
im Segen " [" her memory is ever blessed "]. 

*I hope and trust Osborne will do you good, dearest. 
Nature is becoming so beautiful now. It makes one even 
more " wehmilthig " [wistfully sad] to see spring coming, as 


if there were no sadness in the world ; but it is such a beau- 
tiful picture, too, of the resurrection of what was dead a 
short time ago ; ' there is no death, but everything is life 
with Gk)d. He is Life Himself, and those that are with Him 
shall live for ever in His glory.' 

The Queen's letters to her sister showed too plainly that 
she had not yet succeeded in mastering her sorrow. How 
beautiful in the following letter is the subtle appeal to Her 
Majesty to follow the example of the Duchess, who for her 
sake had kept a firm hand over her own sorrow, in the dark 
hours when she was left widowed and forlorn at Sidmouth 
in January, 1820 : — 

' The task of sorting and reading dear Mama's papers is 
sad ; but at this moment it is the only occupation you can 
take an interest in. I know all that so well from last year. 
Indeed, I well remember that dreadful time at Sidmouth. 
I recollect praying on my knees, that God would not let 
your dear Father die. I loved him dearly. He always was 
so kind to me. Our beloved Mama was deeply afflicted, but 
very resigned, and careful not to give way too much to her 
grief. . . . 

' Poor Mama ! she has had bitter trials. But she was 
rewarded in after years, seeing you happy in every way, and 
living near her ; and if she could speak to you now, she 
would tell you not to mourn too much, now that she is happy. 
Dear, dear Mama I One look from her would be such a 
comfort ; but there is the pain of never in this world seeing 
that beloved face more, hearing her voice no more. . . .' 

In another letter (15th May) the following passage oc- 
curs : — 

' It was one of dearest Mama's charming characteristics 
to have kept so much youthful feeling about her — ^her mind 
was young to the last. How we shall always miss those warm 
feelings of tender love, and sympathy, and kindness.' 

On the 22nd of May the Princess writes to the Queen : — 

1 * There is nothing like Nature,' the Princess Hohenlohe says in a ftiture 
letter, ^to soothe an aching heart, for the beauties of Nature are the revelation 
of a loving and Almighty God.' 


* . . . These lines will, I hope, reach you on your birth- 
day. Let me wish you many happy returns, and all the 
blessings our Heavenly Father can give. I know that at 
this moment life appears sad and almost a burden, with this 
grief weighing on your heart and mind ; but when you 
think of our dearest mother's love, who, if she could, would 
have taken everything heavy from you, you will try to bear 
up under this heavy affliction for her sake ; she would say 
so to you, if she could. Her prayers will be, that peace and 
resignation, and comfort be given to you, her beloved child, 
while she herself is happy and free from all pain and trouble.' 

On the Queen's birthday, her sister's thoughts were more 
than ever with her ; and on that day (24th May) she wrote : — 

* My thoughts are much with you to-day ; I must write 
a few words. Could I but see how you are, how you go 
through this day, with all its different recollections and feel- 
ings. May you never have so sad a birthday in all your 
life, but many, many happy years to enjoy the blessings God 
has given you 1 

* The memory of our dear beloved mother will ever re- 
main fresh in our hearts, live on with us, as if that blessed 
spirit were still among us ; it will grow into a soft melan- 
choly feeling of someming most precious we have lost and 
miss for ever, and make us long to be with her at rest. We 
know that the love she bore us cannot die, but lives on with 
and for us, even more perfect than here, but we cannot see 
it, and there is the pam, the anguish of losing her in this 
world. Time alone can take away some of the acuteness of 
this dreadful Heimweh [home sickness].' 

The death of the Duchess of Kent added in many ways 
to the labours of the Prince Consort. Besides the shock of 
losing one so dear, and the strain of subduing his own emo- 
tions, that he might better sustain and comfort the Queen in 
this the first very great sorrow of her life, he was compelled 
to take upon himself for the time even more than his wonted 
labours, in lightening for Her Majesty the daily and hourly 
duties of communication with her Ministers. Then all the 
painful and harassing labour, which devolved on him as 
the Duchess's executor, of examining the papers and corre- 
spondence accumulated during a long and busy life, and of 


arranging the claims of kinsfolk, of old retainers and others, 
was no slight aggravation of his fatigues. He bore them 
without a murmur, and, in this time of great family distress, 
gave fresh proofs of the patient, cheerful, considerate spirit, 
— thinking for all, and feeling for all, — ^which toil, and trial, 
and disappointment seemed only to ripen into fuller beauty. 
The presence of their eldest daughter with them at this 
time was a source of great comfort to the Queen and Prince. 
She remained with them till the 2nd of April, on which day 
she returned to Berlin, taking with her the following letter 
to the King of Prussia : — 

* Windsor Castle, Ist of April, 1861. 

* My dear Cousin, — Our dear Vicky will leave us again 
to-morrow morning early, and I hope she will be safely re- 
stored to her family. Her stay here has been a great com- 
fort and delight to us in our sorrow and bereavement, and 
we are truly grateful for it. 

* Your last friendly letter crossed mine. Since then it 
has become very plain to both of us, that we each form our 
conclusions as to the present state of affairs from different 
points of view : you, from what is close to you, surrounded 
by conflicting demands, vexations, apprehensions, &c, &c, ; 
I, from a more distant point, where, being emancipated by 
distance from local distractions, I am in a position to take 
note of general laws, but laws at the same time govern even 
those details. Looking from this point of view, and after 
weighing all the unpleasant special circumstances, so far as 
known to me, I can only say to you, " Do not let yourself be 
vexed by the worries and perils of the moment, but keep a 
good heart and good humour, for you have an excellent po- 
sition, so long as you do not let yourself be separated from 
your people. 

* How different is the position of Prussia from what it 
was in 1848, whilst the neighbouring countries are essentially 
much weaker than they then were ! This Prussia owes, this 
you owe, to the Constitution, which, by its principle of rep- 
resentation, brings sovereign and people into legitimate and 
immediate contact, and makes discussion and explanation 
possible. The latter years of the late King unquestionably 
made it possible for a party to inspire the people with the 
apprehension of their being again deprived by their rulers 
of the jewel so hardly won, and to this much of the vacilla- 


tion which you see is due. But your character has served 
your subjects as a guarantee that they have nothing to fear ; 
and although the settlement and final arrangement of many 
points has been retarded by stress of circumstances, and will 
have to be postponed, yet it is only natural that their solu- 
tion should be asked for and expected from you. 

'Here Easter has caused a lull in the political world. 
All our ministers are dispersed, we ourselves purpose going 
the day after to-morrow to the Isle of Wight for some weeks, 
as Victoria cannot well appear in the bustle of town and of 
the season. 

* Vicky will have a world of things to tell you about us. 
I remain with the heartiest greetings for my dear cousin, 
always your true cousin and friend, 

* Albebt.' 

In the midst of all the Prince's labours, Baron Stockmar 
was not forgotten, and on the 6th of April he wrote to him 
as follows : — 

' I write from Osborne, to which we retired three days 
since. Our leave-taking of Windsor and Frogmore was a 
very painful one, still the Queen's mind will find more rest 
here. She is greatly upset, and feels her whole childhood 
rush back once more upon her memory with the most vivid 
force ; and with those recollections comes back the thought 
of many a sad hour. . . . Her grief is extreme, and she feels 
acutely the loss of one whom she cherished and tended with 
affectionate and dutiful devotion. For the last two years 
her constant care and occupation have been to keep watch 
over her mother's comfort, and the influence of this upon her 
own character has been most salutary. In body she is well, 
though terribly nervous, and the children are a disturbance 
to her. She remains almost entirely alone. . . . You may 
conceive it was and is no easy task for me to comfort and 
support her and to keep others at a distance, and yet at the 
same time not to throw away the opportunity, which a time 
like the present affords, of bmding the family together in a 
closer bond of unity. 

* By business I am well-nigh overwhelmed, as I do my 
utmost to save Victoria all trouble, while at the same time I 
am Mama's sole executor. As Sir G. Couper died just four- 
teen days before Mama, and was not able to hand over her 


complicated affairs to any one, I am wholly without advice 
or assistance, and have to puzzle out everything bit by bit, 
and to hunt up whatever is necessary for their comprehen- 
sion. To add to which. Lady Phipps had a nervous seizure 
the day after Mama's death, and Sir Charles has not been 
able to leave her side since, and is detained in London pow- 
erless to help me. 

^ Mama has remembered all her relations. . . . The Queen 
takes upon herself the pensioning of her servants, and the 
continuance of the allowances to the Princess Hohenlohe and 
her sons Victor and Edward Leiningen. She has taken Lady 
Augusta Bruce (permanently) into her own household, who 
is not only very acceptable for her own sake, but may be of 
the greatest use to her as a kind of female secretary. She is 
a most excellent person, and was a great stay to dear Mama, 
besides being always cheerful in her temper and having a 
kind heart. 

' The Princess Royal has arrived safely in Berlin, and the 
Prince of Wales goes back to Cambridge on Monday. He 
is to take military duty at the camp of the Curragh of Kil- 
dare in Ireland during the summer vacation. 

' Now, farewell I I hope the approaching spring weather 
may not prove too exhausting for you.' 


MiflrepresentatbiiB of the Prinee 1>7 7%0 7itne»—Mr. Gladstone's Speech introdaclnff the 
Budget — Discrepancy between his Views on the necessity for Expenditure on Na^onid 
Defences and those of the Cabinet— The Duchies of Schleswlg and Holstein— Letter 
by Prince Consort on unprovoked War— The Macdonald Affair— Irritating Discussions 
upon it in Parliament and in Prussian Chambers — Prince's Opinions on the Subject — 
Announcement of intended Marriage of Princess Alice— Books read by Prince Con- 

While the Queen and Prince were living in retirement at 
Osborne, an article appeared in The Times (12th April), 
which caused the Princp great annoyance, by insinuating, 
not for the first time, that the Italian policy of the Govern- 
ment was thwarted by the influence of the Court. It was 
written with an air oi knowledge, obviously meant to give 
its innuendo an almost official weight : — 

* What we must all desire/ it said, * is, that Lord Palmerston and Lord 
John Russell should be able to conTince Foreign Powers that in no quarter 
is there any antipathy to the Italian cause. As long as these statesmen are 
unable to conceal from the diplomatists with whom they deal, that they 
maintain their policy only through the support given them by the strong feel- 
ing of the peoj^^ it will be impossible for England to have her just weight 
in European affairs. The country has a right to expect that neither Vienna 
nor Berlin shall have reason to cherish expectaiiona in disaccord with tJie wam- 
ings of the Crowri's responsible Ministers.^ 

The implied insinuation that the Court was impeding the 
action of Lord Palmerston and the Foreign Secretary was 
too obvious to be mistaken. Indeed, it was soon ascertained 
that the article was written with the express intention of 
conveying this imputation, but without any warrant of au- 
thority, it need scarcely be said, from these two distinguished 
statesmen. None knew better than they did, that the insinu- 
ation was utterly unfounded, for none had such good reason 
to know, that of all impossible things the most impossible 
was, that the Queen or the Prince Consort should do any- 


thing disloyal to the statesmen on whom the responsibility 
of Government rested. They were not so ignorant, either, 
of the true state of things at the Courts of Berlin and Vien- 
na as to suppose that the action of these Courts could be in- 
fluenced in a matter of this sort by such calculations as were 
pointed to by the writer of the article in question. 

It was hard, the Prince felt, after the long years in which 
he had shown how completely he understood and reverenced 
the English Constitution, that he should be exposed to an at- 
tack of this kind, which he could not but feel was in reality 
aimed against himself. He had, indeed, long since schooled 
himself to bear such attacks with equanimity, in so far as 
they affected himself only, but it was impossible to blind his 
eyes to the mischievous influence upon the public mind of in- 
sinuations to which it was difficult to believe that the leading 
journal would be so reckless or malevolent as to give a place, 
without having first ascertained them to be true. K the ar- 
ticle meant anything at all, it meant that he who occupied a 
position of * double trust' next to the throne — a trust to the 
Sovereign and to the nation — was uting it to encourage the 
Courts of Vienna and Berlin to persevere in a policy, which 
the English nation and the English Government condemned. 
And yet, not eight months afterwards, the same journal, 
which put forth this charge, wrote of the Prince in these 
terms : — 

*■ In him wc have had as true an Englishman as the most patriotic native 
of these Islands. He has had the sagacity to see and feel, that the interests 
of his family and his dynasty had claims upon him superior to any other, and 
at no period has our foreign policy been less subject to the imputation of 
subservience to foreign interests and relations, than during the last twenty 
years* — (7\me8y 16th December, 1861). 

The truth was, that just at this time the patience of Aus- 
tria had been nearly exhausted by the intrigues which were 
actively on foot for insurrection on her Venetian and Da- 
nubian frontiers, as well as in Dalmatia and Hungary. Her 
army in Venetia was in a high state of preparation, but it 
was becoming demoralised by the state of suspense in which 
it was kept. Believing that war must come, her statesmen 
were of a mind that the sooner it came the better, for the 
Sardinian forces were notoriously in no state to cope with 
those which Austria could bring into the field. On the other 
hand, the Emperor of the French had definitively declared 


that he should continue to occupy Rome and the surrounding 
territory with his troops, and that, if Sardinia provoked Aus- 
tria by an inroad on Venetia, she must not count on his assist- 
ance. The delay thus interposed to their hopes of an united 
Italy was naturally galling to those impatient spirits, who 
looked at the question entirely from their own side, and who 
in their surprise that Austria should determine to hold Vene- 
tia, (which had been virtually guaranteed to her by France in 
the Peace of Villaf ranca,) although pressed by English states- 
men to abandon it, were, like the writer in The Times, driven 
to find an explanation of her obstinacy in the assumption 
that she was encouraged in it by the English Court ! 

The quiet and seclusion of Osborne proved beneficial to 
the Queen. They were very necessary to enable her to rally 
from the dejection caused by her recent bereavement. On 
the 15th of April the Prince wrote to Baron Stockmar : — 

' . . . The Queen is recovering, but very slowly : the 
shock to her was certainly very serious. - 

. 'We have good news of Alfred from Montserrat, St. 
Christopher, and Nevis. The Prince of Wales is back at 
Maddingley, and is now pursuing his studies in Constitu- 
tional Law at Cambridge. 

* Yesterday we celebrated little Beatrice's fourth birth- 
day. The old woman in the children's Swiss cottage cele- 
brated her eighty-fourth, which greatly interested the little 

'Home politics,' continued the Prince, 'have quite gone 
to sleep.' It was very different with foreign politics, in 
which Italy, Poland, Hungary, Denmark, and Turkey were 
all subjects of anxiety. In the English treatment of these, 
he added, ' it is impossible to discover any principle ; but one 
thing is very plain, that, all through, the anti-German side 
is taken with passionate warmth. What pain this causes me 
you may imagine — I can do nothing, and yet I know full well, 
the issue must be to the advantage of France, and the ulti- 
mate detriment of England. I must comfort myself with 
your mother's proverb about the cow's tail.' * 

The same day this letter was written (15th April) Mr. 

> * Providence has taken care that the cow's tail doesn't grow too long 
( Uhser Herrgott aorgt^ doss der Kuh der Schwanz nicht zu king wachse)? This 
was a favourite saying with King Leopold also, at critical moments when things 
seemed to be going wrong — (Stockmar's DenkwurdigkeUetif p. 2). 


Gladstone introdnced his Budget. If home politics generally 
bad gone to sleep, there was no abatement of the interest 
with which this important event of the Session was regarded. 
Indeed it was looked forward to with more than usual curi- 
osity, in the general eagerness to learn the result of the bold 
financial operations of the previous year. This was much 
less unfavourable than had been generally anticipated. Al- 
though the revenue had not come up to the estimate, and 
was short of that of the previous year by 806,000/., the ex- 
penditure had proved to be less by very nearly the same 
sum. On the accounts for the year the deficiency was only 
865,000/. This deficiency Mr. Gladstone hoped would be 
more than compensated by the estimated surplus for the cur- 
rent year, which he computed at close upon two millions. 
He calculated on having a balance in hand sufScient to en- 
able him to take a penny off the Income Tax, and to repeal 
the Paper duty, continuing, however, the Tea and Sugar 
duties at their existing scale. 

• The repeal of the Paper duty formed, as might have been 
expected, the chief object of a.ttack ; and was in fact only 
carried by a narrow majority in the House of Commons. 
Remembering the misadventure which had befallen the pro- 
position in the House of Lords the previous session, Mr. Glad- 
stone secured himself against its recurrence, by including it 
in one Bill with all his other financial propositions, instead of 
dividing these in the ordinary way into several distinct Bills. 
Exception was taken to this course as unconstitutional, and 
the issue thus raised was only decided in favor of the Minis- 
try, after long and animated debates, by a majority of 15 in 
a house of 577 members. A motion adverse to the measure 
was proposed in the House of Lords by the Duke of Rutland, 
but withdrawn in deference to the wishes of Lord Derby and 
other Peers, who, having no longer the same motive to resist 
the abolition of the Paper duty, inasmuch as the deficit of 
the previous year had given place to a surplus in the calcula- 
tions for that now current, deprecated a course which would 
have appeared to be merely retaliatory, while prolonging dis- 
cussions already sufficiently embittered. 

The debates upon the Budget brought prominently into 
notice the wide divergence of views which existed between 
the Government and many of its supporters, including some 
of its own members, on the subject of the expenditure for 
national defences. In the course of his speech on the 18th 


of April Mr. Gladstone indicated, in very broad terms, his 
own opinion, that the country had been led by unfounded 
apprehensions into an extravagant expenditure for the pur- 
pose of providing against contingencies of danger from 
abroad, which he regarded as improbable. As it was only in 
the protection of our shores, and in the improvement of our 
navy, that any great increase in the national expenditure had 
arisen, no other construction could be put upon the following 
passage in his speech, even although its suggestion of unjus- 
tifiable expenditure was succeeded by the assurance that he 
did not refer to the estimates for the year, which he admitted 
were required *by the circumstances taken as a whole, in 
which we stand : ' — 

' If/ he said, * there be any one danger which has recently in any especial 
manner beset us, I confess that, though it may be owing to some peculiarity 
in my position, or to some weakness in my yision, danger has seemed to me 
to lie during recent years chiefly in an increased susceptibility to excitement, 
in our proneness to constant and apparently boundless augmentations of ex- 

There was no gainsaying the truism by which this state- 
ment was followed, that *all excess in public expenditure 
beyond the legitimate wants of the countrv is not only a 
pecuniary waste, but a great political, and, aoove all, a great 
moral evil.' But as parsimony in public no less than in 
private affairs is ever the worst economy, so it was obvious 
that unless it could be shown that ' the legitimate wants of 
the country' had been exceeded, the natural presumption 
was, that what was here implicitly condemned as waste was 
only legitimate outlay. It did not, therefore, escape notice 
that the Chancellor of the Exchequer's suggestion was echoed 
neither by the Prime Minister, nor by the S'oreign Secretary, 
either of whom, from his position and special responsibilities, 
was more likely to know what were and what were not the 
legitimate wants of the country, having regard to the state 
of affairs in Europe. On the contrary, they gave no sign 
that the efforts to bring up our national defences to a higher 
standard could with safety be relaxed. And, when silence 
became no longer possible, in the face of reiterated appeals 
to them from the so-called Peace party to set the example to 
Europe of disarming, Lord John Russell showed that nothing 
was further from their thoughts than any change of a policy 
which had been spoken of by their own Chancellor of the 


Exchequer as prompted by undue * susceptibility to excite- 

At the close of an incidental discussion on the Italian 
question (10th July), Lord John Russell used the following 
decisive language : — 

* It is a great misfortune for England, and it is a great misfortune for 
Europe, that such costly armaments should be kept up in time of peace ; but 
we should not remedy that, if we were to disarm, and to leave other nations 
to increase their preparations. I trust that no short-sighted view of our in- 
terests, no narrow saving with regard to any particular tax, will induce this 
country, in the present state of Europe and the world, to maintain a navy and 
an army which are not adequate in all respects to the position which we ought 
to occupy. Not merely the greatness, but the very safety of this country is 
concerned in her state of preparation. So far from increasing the probabil- 
ity of war, as some have thought, I believe the knowledge that this country 
is' strong is not only advantageous for her own interests, but is a weapon in 
the hand of every other Power that seeks for independence and for liberty. 
The knowledge that this country is able, and in a just cause is ready to as- 
sume the offensive, at the same time that she prizes the blessings which result 
from peace and the prosperity of her own commerce and manufactures, is, I 
believe, a guarantee for the independence of nations, and a security at the 
same time for the peace of Europe.' 

These words inspired confidence in the country, and re- 
moved the misgivings of the Opposition. It was obvious 
that possible causes of European strife were present to the 
mind of the speaker, of which those who had not access to 
official information were of necessity ignorant, and as to 
which he was bound to maintain that wary silence which a 
generous Opposition will never seek to force a responsible 
Minister to break, or to embarrass him for maintaining. 
And when the time shall arrive for a. full revelation of the 
precarious tenure by which peace in Europe was at this pe- 
riod maintained, the soundness of the principles advanced by 
Lord John Russell will be amply vindicated. 

In the spring of 1861, the question of the Duchies of 
Schleswig and Holstein had assumed a critical aspect. Den- 
mark had agreed to submit the budget for that State to the 
local Diets, but refused to allow them a voice in discussing 
or disputing its details. She was thus brought into direct 
conflict with the German Diet, which saw in this assertion 
of Royal prerogative a step towards the ultimate incorpora- 
tion of Schleswig with the Kingdom of Denmark. Federal 
execution was threatened ; the dispute was taken up keenly 
by Prussia, and a collision between Germany and Denmark 


had become imminent. The Prince had no sympathy with 
the way in which the subject was handled by Prussia, whose 
own system of administration scarcely qualified her to be the 
champion of popular rights. On the 3rd of May he wrote to 
King Leopold : — 

* Were I at the head of the Prussian Government I would 
go to work with all the energy I could command ; doing so, 
however, from pure patriotism, prompted by sincere enthu- 
siasm for popular rights, for a Constitutional svstem, free- 
dom, and German unity, and not actuated by hypocritical 
feelings, like those of the Prussian Government, which makes 
an immoral "convenience" of the Holstein question, lays 
stress in Denmark upon the maintenance of the rights of the 
States to control their own Budget, and at home raises money 
for the augmentation of the army without the knowledge of 
the Chambers, and in the face of all its promises to them, and 
which in its heart will not listen to a word on the subject of 
popular rights. Standing in such a position as this, Prussia 
ought to hold her peace, and nothing but mischief can hap- 
pen to her from dealiug with it, just as happened in 1848, 
1849, and 1850.' 

Again, in writing two days before to a friend in Germany, 
the Prince said : — 

* A foreign war, as the means of getting rid of internal 
differences and inconveniences, is at all times a proceeding 
wholly unjustifiable in a moral point of view. People con- 
stantly forget that these same inconveniences, these personal 
foibles, internal conflicts, &c., which are the obstacles to the 
solution of home difficulties, are also the very moving causes 
which must stand most seriously in the way of a success 
upon the great arena of war. A c(mp de tete is always the 
most perilous of enterprises for a politician, and no less is 
the hazard run by the man who shall plunge into great Eu- 
ropean dangers in order to escape those which confront him 
at home. . . . 

* Prussia, broken up and distracted as she is, being no 
more than a section of Germany, although the other sections 
are well disposed towards her — Prussia, with a policy which 
has not yet found a principle of its own to rest upon, ham- 
pered and rendered vulnerable on all her outlying frontiers 


by alliances and treaties of all kinds, is assuredly not in a 
position to undertake any great venture without coming to 
grief. This is a point on which many Prussians are dazzled 
and misled by the quite exceptional case of Frederick the 

* Prussia must first be morally master of Germany before 
she can lift up her head in Europe, and this she will become, 
not by sudden resolutions, not by wild, impulsive yearnings, 
not by urging claims diplomatically, but by a slow, well- 
thought-out, persistent, courageous, truly German and thor- 
oughly liberal policy, — ^a policy which meets the require- 
ments of the age and of the German nation, and makes it 
impossible for the individual Governments to act otherwise 
than in the same spirit with it, and upon the same principles. 
It was the liberal principles of government in Sardinia from 
1850 to 1858, which made it possible for her to count upon 
the feeling of the inhabitants of the rest of Italy, when the 
great rush came, and which won for her the sympathies of 
England to such an extent, that her very crimes were for- 
given, nay, did not occupy so much as a thought. Prussia's 
own weakness on the score of liberal government, the open 
and unfortunately well-known repugnance of all the upper 
and governing classes to popular rights and popular govern- 
ments, make it impossible for her to be the champion of the 
popular rights of the Holsteiners ; while the local exclusive- 
ness of Berlin towards the rest of Germany makes it impos- 
sible for Prussia to be at this moment the representative of 
Germany in any great question. 

* I say all this, because I know that the liberal Prussian 
politicians are yearning for some foreign complication to 
spring up, no matter how. I pray to God that He may not 
send it. If Austria shall consolidate herself by constitutional 
regeneration, then any wavering between honourable consti- 
tutionalism and that autocratic personal government of which 
some people dream, will be naturally more dangerous for 
Prussia than ever, for it will then stand in more marked 
antagonism to the justifiable demands of the nation.' ' 

' A temporary arrangement of the dispute between the Diet and the 
Duchies was effected mainly through the diplomatic intervention of England. 
But where the ulterior objects of Denmark, on the one hand, and of Germany 
on the other^ were manifestly irreconcilaole, it was only a question of time 
when the arbitrament of the sword should be appealed to. The accession of 
King Christian IX. upon the death of King Frederick VIT. of Denmark, in 


While these extracts show that the Prince was much dis- 
appointed with the course pursued by the Government of 
Prussia at home as well as abroad, little calculated as that 
course was to draw England into a closer alliance, he was 
not less concerned at the irritating, bold, and offensive tone 
adopted by an influential section of the English press towards 
that country. The Macdonald question continued to furnish 
materials for angry recrimination, and an affair which should 
have been promptly terminated by a handsome expression of 
regret on the one side for what had occurred, and a no less 
frank acceptance of the apology on the other, was hung up 
for months, and allowed to become the subject of a Blue 
Book, and of vehement discussion in the English Parliament 
and in the Prussian Chambers. In replying (26th April) to 
a question upon the subject by Lord Kobert Cecil, now the 
Marquis of Salisbury, Lord Palmerston expressed in strong 
language his surprise that the Prussian Government, although 
their officials had not overstepped the strict letter of Prussian 
law in their treatment of the affair, had not, as the English 
Government in similar circumstances would have done, con- 
demned the conduct of these officials, and expressed their 
readiness ^ to make every satisfaction, as between gentlemen 
and gentleman, which Captain Macdonald could require.' 

' Tlie Prussian Government,' he added, * had eveiy motive for doing this. 
It is impossible to cast your eye over the face of Europe and to note the re- 
lations of the different Powers to each other, without seeing that it is the 
interest of Prussia to cultivate, not the friendship of the English Government 
only, but the good opinion and the good will of the English nation, and there- 
fore I should say that their conduct in this affair has been that which a dis- 
tinguished French diplomatist has described — ^it has been a blunder as well 
as a crime.' 

The proceedings in the case. Lord Palmerston went on 
to say, he had been told by the law officers of the Crown, 

1868, afforded an excuse for reopening the question of his right to the 
Duchies. After fruitless efforts on the parts of the European Powers to 
effect an amicable adjustment, the German Diet, early in 1864, voted for imme- 
diate war. Austria and Prussia immediately concentrated a large force on the 
frontier of Schleswig. Success speedily declared itself upon their side, and 
showed, in the superiority of the Prussian arms, into what formidable propor- 
tions the military stren^h of that country had grown within the last few 
years. France and Russia, equally bound with England to maintain the Dan- 
ish Kingdom as settled by the Convention of the Great Powers in 1852, having 
tefused to interfere bv force, England could only follow their example. Den- 
mark, as the result of the campaign, was forced to surrender Holstein, Schles- 
wig, and Ltlneburg, and to pay a portion of the expenses of her adversaries. 

VOL. V. — 13 


* appeared to be within the limits of Prussian law, harsh, un- 
just, arbitrary, and violent as they were. One regrets, for 
the sake of the Prussians themselves, that they should have 
such a law. But in the face of such an opinion, the British 
Government could make no demand upon that of Prussia.' 
Still, after the strong expression of English feeling which 
had been provoked, he thought that ^what had happened 
was not very likely to happen again.' 

These observations acted like fuel on flame upon the ex- 
cited feeling which prevailed in Berlin. An independent 
member, Herr von Vincke, called attention to them (6th 
May) in the Prussian Chamber, and retorted upon LordPalm- 
erston the suggestion that Prussia had need of England by 
the remark, that ' the alliance with Prussia was lilzewise a 
necessity for England, on account of the positions taken up 
bv the other Great Powers.' Nor was the Minister for For- 
eign Affairs, Baron von Schleinitz, behind in expressing the 
same feeling. ' The impression,' he said, * produced in 
Prussia bv Lord Palmerston's words was most lamentable 
and painful. Lord Palmerston,' he continued, *does not 
recognise in a neighbouring nation of equal rank with Eng- 
land the same noble and just conscientiousness with which 
he directs the destinies of a great nation. Without under- 
rating the value of an understanding with England, I may 
say that Prussia, thank God, need not in any way sacrifice 
her independence for the friendship of any Power.' 

Simultaneously with the report of the proceedings in the 
Prussian Chamber appeared a leading article in The TimeSy 
calculated to goad into greater vehemence the indignation, 
already all too warm, which existed at Berlin. Deeply re- 
gretting, as the Prince did, the hazards of still further es- 
trangement between the nations, this article gave him great 
pain. At the same time, it is obvious, from the following 
letter to a friend at Berlin, written on the 9th of May, that 
he did not altogether regret Pnissia's having been made 
aware of what even her warmest friends in England regarded 
as her shortcomings in both her domestic and her foreign 
policy : — 

*In politics the outlook is most melancholy. K Lord 
Palmerston's speech has annoyed you in common with all 
other Prussians, yesterday's leading article in The Times will 
add to your vexation. It is studiedly insulting, but it will 


not displease the multitude here, while it will occasion deep 
offence at Berlin, which indeed seems to be its object. 
Yincke and Schleinitz made a mistake in mixing up the Mac- 
donald affair with la haute politiquCy — ^the alliance and the 
balance of power in Europe. In Germany people theorise 
and make combinations, based upon the interests of nations 
and states and upon their history ; here no one looks so deep- 
ly into things, and people only occupy themselves with the 
facts of each case as it arises. In Germany the idea of the 
State in the abstract is a thing divine : here it means the 
freedom of the individual citizen. The worth of a State is 
appraised here according to the measure of individual free- 
dom which it secures to its subjects, and in that men find its 
highest object. 

' The idea that the British Grovemment could sacrifice an 
individual Englishman who is supposed to have been injured 
and ill-treated, in order that it might continue on a more 
convenient, friendly footing with another Government, which 
Government might some day be of use to England in a time 
of need, would be regarded by people here as treason and 
contemptible cowardice. The feeling out of which this grows 
one cannot but regard as a high and noble one, however blunt 
and silly it may seem in the way it occasionally shows itself.. 
Still, such as it is, it ought to teach Prussia that mere talk 
will not do. Prussia has been always talking of being the 
only natural and real ally of England, but since. 1815 — there- 
fore for the last forty-five years — she has taken no part in 
any European question. We have had active alliances with 
the French, with Spaniards, Portuguese, Turks, and Austri- 
ans, as in Syria in 1840. Prussia has never acted along with 
us, and, so far as feeling goes, while the people have become 
enthusiastic for Don Pedro, for a Constitution in Spain, for 
Belgium, for the integrity of Turkey, &g, 4&c., she has gone 
in quite the opposite direction. 

^ Prussia sets up a claim to stand at the head of Germany, 
but she is not German in her conduct. The ZoUverein was 
the only really German action to which she can point. She 
leads Germany, not upon the path of liberty and constitu- 
tional development, which Germany (Prussia included) re- 
quires and desires. I can imagine that, with the high mili- 
tary pretensions to which she has laid claim for the last forty- 
five years, she suffers under an oppressive consciousness that 
her army is the only one which during this long period has 


not been called into action. I repeat, however, that a large, 
liberal, generous policy is the preliminary condition for an 
alHance with England, for hegemony in Germany, and for 
her military renown. 

^ I could maintain a lengthened discourse on this theme, 
and, I believe, satisfy the most incredulous, that, unless she 
adopts such a policy, Prussia cannot possibljr experience any- 
thing but chagrin and humiliation ; but I will spare you.' 

Baron Schleinitz thought it incumbent upon him to 
remonstrate, in a Despatch (5th May) to Count Bemstorff, 
the German Ambassador in England, against the language 
used by Lord Palmerston in Parliament to which reference 
has been made. The unbounded reproaches heaped on the 
laws and Government of Prussia were calculated, said Baron 
Schleinitz, to excite in the Prussian people an ill-feeling 
against a Government, the leader of which has no hesitation 
in designating the * condition of Prussia as lamentable.' 
This Despatch had been read in the Prussian Chambers by 
Baron Schleinitz, and could not therefore pass unnoticed. It 
was met by a Despatch from Lord John Kussell to our Am- 
bassador in Berlin, who communicated it to Baron Schleinitz, 
declaring that Lord Palmerston saw nothing in what he had 
said to be ' either retracted or explained away.' He said no- 
thing, it was added, * that could justly give offence to the 
Prussian natipn, with regard to whom he only expressed re- 
gret, that they should be liable to laws which vest in sub- 
ordinate and irresponsible agents powers and authority, 
which, as in the case of Captain Macdonald, are capable of 
being used with cruelty and injustice, without any overstep- 
ping the strict limits of the law.' 

With this document further correspondence on the sub- 
ject closed, but the soreness which the controversy had 
excited continued for a long time to affect the feelings of 
Englishmen and Prussians towards each other. 

The Court had returned from Osborne to London on the 
27th of April, and on the 30th the Queen, at a meeting of 
the Privy Council, announced the conteinplated marriage of 
the Princess Alice with the Prince of Hesse-Darmstadt. On 
the 4th of May it was communicated to Parliament in a mes- 
sage from Her Majesty. The announcement was received 
with general approval. When two days afterwards the 
question of the Princess's settlement was submitted to the 


House of Commons, no question was raised, and the dowry 
of 30,000/., with an annuity of 6,000/., was voted without a 
dissentient voice. 

The retirement of the Queen during the period of Court 
mourning threw upon the Prince the discharge of many addi- 
tional duties ; but it is apparent from his Diary that he gave 
the same amount of attention as ever to those which more 
peculiarly devolved upon himself. The preparations for 
the International Exhibition of 1862 engaged much of his 
thoughts ; levees, exhibitions, new public works, engrossed 
every moment he could spare from graver topics, and, even 
at a time of great pressure, he made leisure to visit Cam- 
bridge, that he might judge for himself of the arrangements 
for the Prince of Wales's studies there. The entry in his 
Diary of this excursion (14th May) is a specimen of the 
amount of fatigue which each day brought : — 

* Leave the White Lodge [Richmond Park, where the 
Court then was] about 8.30 a. m., drive to London, and 
thence, by the Eastern Counties Railway, to Cambridge. 
General Bruce takes me to Trinity College, where, about 12, 
I visit the Fitzwilliam and Anatomical Museum with the 
Chancellor. Lunch about onie in the College with Bertie, 
who had come from his lectures. After attending a lecture 
of Professor Willis in the Senate House, we drive to Mad- 
dinglev, and am back at the railway by 4.30, and at Rich- 
mond by seven.' 

After this the real work of the day had to be begun. 

In the midst of his graver work the Prince found time to 
read during the first months of this year — but only by brief 
snatches — a few works of a lighter character : The MiU on 
the FlosSy by George Eliot ; Kingsley's Hypatia ; Hamley's 
Life of Wellington; and The Woman in White, by Mr. 
Wilkie Collins — which last he notes as being ' a most inter- 
esting and exciting book.' The reading of Moore's Xalla 
Roohh falls within the same period, but the number of 
months through which it was continued seems to indicate 
that, however the Prince may have liked it, he did not find 
in it the charm of exciting interest which carried him more 
rapidly through Mr. Wilkie CoUins's work. 

Parliament having adjourned for the Whitsuntide holi- 
days, the Queen and Prmce were again free to return for a 



few days to Osborne on the 18th of May, where, the Prince 
notes, they found the woods in magnificent verdure. The 
new church, which the Queen was building at Whippingham, 
was all but completed, * and promises to be very pretty.' The 
next day brought Prince Louis of Hesse upon a visit, and a 
few days later King Leopold arrived with his second son. 
The Queen's birthday (the 24th) was celebrated without the 
usual festivities ; but gifts from the Prince — * a sculptured 
group by Engel, a picture of the Konigsee, and a number of 
little thmgs,' says his Diary, were not wanting to mark the 

The hap{)iness of the stay at Osborne was marred by the 
illness of Prince Louis of Hesse, with an attack of measles, 
and also of Prince Leopold, who caught them from hiuL By 
the end of the month Prince Louis had recovered, but when 
the Court returned to London on the 1st of June, Prince 
Leopold, whose attack was of a serious character, and, as the 
Prince Consort notes in his Diary, * causes us great anxiety,' 
had to be left behind. Not till three weeks afterwards was 
he able to be removed to London, having then recovered. 


Opening of Horttcaltoral Oordens at South Eensinjrton — Death of Ck>iint CayooT'-flpeechea 
in Pariiament on hia Death— The State of Italy— Action of French Gtoyemment— Ba- 
mon of intended Cession of Island of Sardinia to France— Their Baselessness — Baron 
BicasoU— Civil War breaks out in America — Failure of Supply of Cotton to England — 
Sandhurst Military College— Letters by Prince Consort as to Good-Conduct Marks for 
Osdets — Illness and Death of Lord Herbert — Ministerial Changes— Attack by Becker 
on King of Prussia at Baden — ^ParUament prwogaed— Visit of Queen and Prince to 
Mausoleum of Duchess of Kent at Frogmore. 

On the 5th of June the Royal Horticultural Gardens, in the 
establishment of which the Prince had taken a prominent 
part, were opened to the public. The occasion was memor- 
able, as the last public ceremonial in London at which the 
Prince was present. In the morning he had gone with the 
Queen, who still remained in retirement, and with King Leo- 
pold, to a private view of the Flower Show, which had been 
prepared to celebrate the opening. The formal opening took 
place in the afternoon, when the JPrince was accompanied by 
the Prince of Wales, Prince Arthur, the Princesses Alice, 
Helena, and Louise, and the Princess Mary of Cambridge. 
A very large and brilliant concourse of people was assembled 
in the grounds, and the Prince expresses m his Diary great 
satisfaction with the way the ceremony went off. The day, 
however, was dark and showery. The pallid, and somewhat 
worn look of the Prince himself, did not escape the notice 
of those who were present, while the absence of the Queen, 
whose spirits were still depressed by grief for her recent 
loss, and the deep mourning of the Koyal children, gave a 
sombreness of aspect to the proceedings which seemed almost 
prophetic of misfortune.' 

The same evening the Prince presided at a meeting of the 
Society of Arts, when a paper was read by Mr. W. Hawes 

» * The Queen/ the Prince mentioned, in a letter to Stockmar next day, * is 
still ** very low." I am greatly worried.* 


Upon the proposed International Exhibition of 1862. On 
this occasion the Prince made a short speech, alluding in very 
confident terms to the prospects of the Exhibition, and ex- 
pressing his regret that he was prevented by the pressure of 
his other duties from taking the same active part in its or- 
ganisation which he had taken in the preparations for that 
of 1851. His advice and assistance were, however, of such 
value, and were given so zealously during the next few 
months, that their loss almost paralysed for a time the ener- 
gies of his coadjutors. 

The next day (6th June) brought telegraphic news of the 
death that morning at Turin of Count Cavour. * An im- 
measurable loss for Italy — {JEin ungeheurer Verlust fUr 
Italien) ' is the brief comment in the Prince's Diary. Worn 
out as Count Cavour was by the struggle with enemies at 
home, while he was toiling night and day to consolidate the 
vast conquests which had been made for the Italian cause, 
by establishing good order and firm government in provinces 
demoralised by centuries of misrule, and by reconciling the 
hostility of Foreign Powers to the new state of things in the 
Italian peninsula, in the stability of which not even his 
French ally had yet come to believe," the great statesman 
might nevertheless have found force to throw off the disease 
under which he sank, but for the mistaken treatment to 
which he was subjected by his physicians. Excessive bleed- 
ing — where bleeding at all was wrong, exhausted as the pa- 
tient already was by over-fatigue and anxiety — soon com- 
pleted the lowering action of typhoid fever. Since it had 
become known that the great Minister was in danger, crowds 
had watched round his dwelling night and day, and, when 
they learned that he was no more, the despair which swept 
over Turin was likened to that by which it was agitated 
when the tidings arrived of the fatal defeat of Novara in 

In England the intelligence produced a profound sensa- 
tion. Attention was called to it in the House of Commons 

3 In a Memorandum, a copy of which is among: the Prince's papers^ of a 
conversation at this period between the Emperor of the French and an eminent 
diplomatist, it is mentioned that the Emperor had said that, although he had 
recognised the Kingdom of Italy, he did not believe in Italian Unity — ^that he 
contmued to be of opinion that a Northern and Southern Italy, with a Papal 
Bovereicrnty between them, would be the best solution of the Italian question 
— and that he wished to see the Marches and Umbria, but not the Legations, 
restored to the Pope, placing them, however, under a lay government 


next day in a desultory discussion on the motion for going 
into Committee on Supply. ' Sir Robert Peel, with good 
feeling and judgment,' Lord Palmerston wrote the same 
evening to the Queen, * called the attention of the House to 
the loss sustained by the death of Count Cavour. Lord John 
Russell followed to the same effect. The O'Donoghue then 
protested against the ascribing any merit to Count Cavour, 
who had committed the crime of overthrowing the temporal 
power of the Pope, and whose death he, the O'Donoghue, 
considered to be a judgment of heaven. Mr. Milnes ' [now 
Lord Houghton], *in a very good speech, reproved the 
O'Donoghue for arrogating to himself an authority to inter- 
pret the intentions of Providence, and expressed his sense 
of the loss sustained. Viscount Palmerston paid his tribute 
to the merits and memory of Count Cavour, and the subject 
was dropped.' 

Some passages may fitly be recorded here from the tribute, 
of which Lord Palmerston speaks so modestly, to the emi- 
nent man, whose brief but memorable career had made him 
one of those ' shining marks,' at which Death is said to love 
to aim his shafts, so that he may ' startle thousands by a sin- 
gle fall : '— 

' It should be remembered that Count Cavour laid the foundation of im- 
provements in the constitutional, legal, social, and indeed in all the internal 
affairs of Italy, which will long survive him, and confer inestimable benefits 
on those who live and those who are to come hereafter. Of him it may be 
truly said, that he has left a name to ^' point a moral and adorn a tale." The 
moral is this — ^that a man of transcendent talents, of indomitable energy, 
and of inextinguishable patriotism, may, by the impulses which his own single 
mind may give to his countrymen, aiding a righteous cause, and seizing fa- 
vourable opportunities, notwithstanding difficulties that appear at first sight 
insurmountable, confer upon his country the greatest and most inestimable 
benefits. . . . The tale with which Count Cavour's memory will be associated 
is one of the most extraordinary — I may say, the most romantic, that is 
recorded in the annals of the world. Under his influence and guidance we 
have seen a people, who were supposed to have become torpid in the enjoy- 
ment of luxury, to have been enervated by the pursuit of pleasure, and to 
have had no knowledge or feeling in politics except what may have been 
derived from the traditions of their history and the jealousies of rival 
states— we have seen that people, under his guidance and at his call, rising 
from the slumber of ages, breaking that spell by which they had so long been 
bound, and displaying on great occasions the courage of heroes, the sagacity 
of statesmen, the wisdom of philosophers, and obtaining for themselves that 
unity of political existence which for centuries had been denied them. I say, 
these are great events in history, and that the man whose name will go down 
in connection with them to posterity, whatever may have been the period of 


his deatb, however premature it may have been for the hopes of his oountry- 
men, cannot be said to have died too soon for his glory and fame.' 

The official recognition by France of the new Italian 
Kingdom became, by the death of Count Cavour, more than 
ever important. Over his grave his political adversaries at 
home nught be willing to lay aside their differences, and to 
combine m forwarding his policy in the able hands of Baron 
Ricasoli, whom he had himself designated to the King as his 
successor. But it was obvious that the Powers who were 
adverse to the establishment of the Italian Kingdom mi^ht 
be emboldened by the death of Cavour to seek an opening 
for disputing the possession by Sardinia of her recent con- 
quests. To secure internal union and peace became there- 
fore of the first importance. But how was this to be done ? 
Everything depended on the Government being able to carry 
on the public works, especially the railways, which had been 
projected by Cavour. For upon this the development and fu- 
ture prosperity of the country must in a great measure be 
built, while they would at the same time afford immediate em- 
ployment to the labouring population, and furnish the best 
security against their becoming disaffected and being made 
use of as the tools either of reactionaries or republicans. 

The money to carry out these works could only be ob- 
tained by means of an European loan ; but it was obvious, 
that the chances of launching such a loan successfully on the 
foreign markets would be small indeed, so long as France 
withheld her acknowledgment of the new kingdom. Baron 
Kicasoli, therefore, lost no time in addressing an appeal with 
this object to the Emperor of the French. The Emperor, 
on the other hand, fully appreciated the position and recog- 
nised the importance of no longer withholding a decision 
which had probably only been delayed by considerations of 
internal policy. 

Only a few days previously (6th June) he had given a 
written proof of his good- will to the Italian movement by 
reasserting his determination to adhere to the principle of 
non-intervention, when declining a proposal from Austria and 
Spain to unite with the other Catholic Powers of Europe in 
supporting the temporal power of the Pope. This friendly 
act was followed up by a favourable reply to Baron Ricasoli's 
appeal, in which he at the same time guarded himself from 
the misconstruction of the clerical party, by a renewed ex- 


pression of his disapproval of the course pursued by the Sar- 
dinian Government in obtaining possession of the "Pontifical 
States, and of his determination to occupy Rome, until sat- 
isfactory guarantees should be obtained for the independence 
and security of the Sovereign Pontiff. The opportunity 
was also taken to intimate, in the most explicit terms, that 
any attempt on the part of the Italians to compromise the 
peace of Europe by aggression on any other Power would not, 
whatever the consequences might be, meet with the approval 
of the French Government — {Despatchy 16th June, 1861, 
JK Thauvenel to the French Chargb-cP Affaires at Turin), 

On these various points, Baron Ricasoli was able to give 
satisfactory assurances in return. Italy, he replied (21st 
June), would look to time and the natural course of events 
to effect without recourse to violence the accomplishment of 
her aspirations for complete unity. *The King and his 
Ministers,' he went on to say, * were profoundly convinced 
that it was by organising the country's resources, and by set- 
ting before Europe the example of a wise and temperate 
policy, that they would succeed in preserving their rights 
without exposing Italy to sterile agitations, and Europe to 
complications of a dangerous nature.' As for Rome, their 
desire remained unchanged, to restore to Italy her glorious 
capital, but at the same time to take nothing from the 
grandeur of the Church, or the independence of its august 
head. * Whilst leaving it to the wisdom of the Emperor,' he 
said in conclusion, ' to decide the moment when Rome may 
without danger be left to herself, we shall always make it 
our duty to facilitate this conclusion, and we hope the French 
Government will not withhold from us its good offices in 
inducing the Court of Rome to accept an arrangement which 
would be prolific of beneficial results for the future of re- 
ligion, as well as for the destiny of Italy.' 

These assurances were accepted, and a few days after- 
wards (25th June) the Moniteur contained an official an- 
nouncement, that the Emperor of the French had recognised 
Victor Emmanuel as the King of Italy. In the July of the 
following year, chiefly upon the urgent representations of 
the Emperor, the same course was followed by the Courts of 
St. Petersburg and Berlin. 

The action of the Emperor of the French seemed to have 
greatly increased the probabilities of the still unsolved prob- 
lems of the Italian question being left, for a considerable 


time, at least, in abeyance. In England it was generally 
regarded with great satisfaction. But the idea that his 
support had been conciliated by promises of a further sur- 
render of Italian soil continued to linger in many minds, 
and it was fostered by the ambiguous language of some of 
the leading French journals. Baron Ricasoli had more than 
once given the suggestion an explicit denial. As, however, 
the Island of Sardinia continued to be indicated as the reward 
of French forbearance, and its magnificent capabilities as a 
naval station made its surrender a matter of most serious 
importance to England, the subject was brought under the 
notice of the House of Commons, on the 19th of July, by 
Mr. Kinglake. That gentleman supported his motion for 
papers by an elaborate exposition of the power to control the 
Mediterranean which the possession of the island would give, 
quoting, among many other sayings of Lord Nelson, his re- 
mark : * If France gets it, she commands the Mediterranean.' 
He then, passed in review a number of circumstances,' which 
seemed in his view to justify the apprehension, that a trans- 
action between the King of Sardinia and the Emperor of 
the French for the cession of the island was intended, and 
dwelt prominently on the possibility that, in repudiating the 
intention to alienate any part of the soil of Italy, Baron 
Ricasoli might not have considered the Island of Sardinia to 
be covered by the phrase. 

Lord John Russell, who had previously pressed home his 
inquiries upon this point both at Paris and at Turin, vindi- 
cated the statesmen of both countries from the sinister inten- 
tion with which they were thus gravely charged.* At the 

8 It was in the course of this reply that Lord John Russell used the sigoift- 
cant language quoted in the last chapter (p. 286). The following passage from 
the same speech is important as showing the critical state of aflSirs in Europe, 
not to speak of America, upon which he rested the necessity for England 
strengthening her forces: — * We ought,' he said, *to be very watchful with 
regard to the events which are taking place in Europe. Those events are not 
altogether connected with the policy of Sovereigns or of Courts ; it is not merely 
that this Sovereign has shown too much ambition, and another disregarded 
treaties. There is much more in the condition of Europe than that statement 
of itself would imply. There are great movements going on in different parts 
of Europe, of which the movement in Italy was perhaps only the first, great 
movements of popular bodies, and of whole nations discontented with the 
governments under which they have lived, asking for better forms of govern- 
ment, and looking out for aid by which they may obtain them. What results 
from such a state of things? What but uneasiness, proceeding, perhaps, to 
civil convulsions, to insurrection, to wars, and producing changes of sovereignty 
and of possession among the Powers of Europe ? Well, then, I say, that this 
alone, without suspecting in any Sovereign designs hostile to Great JBritain, is . 


Bame time the question at issue was so important, that he 
thought it well to ' make assurance doubly sure ' by instruct- 
ing Sir James Hudson to bring the subject directly under the 
notice of Baron Ricasoli. * I wish,' Sir James Hudson wrote 
in reply, *you could have seen the face and attitude of 
Ricasoli when I asked him whether he considered Sardinia 
as forming part of the " Italian soil,'* to which he alluded in 
his speech, as never to be alienated from Italy. " Per DiOy 
ma questa ^ una impertinenza ! " ' 

Sir James Hudson calmed the Italian Minister by pointing 
out the importance of the island to any naval power, and its 
danger to England in any hands but those of Italy. The 
cession of Sardinia to France, therefore, meant war with 
England. Consequently, as Baron Ricasoli had meant to say 
that he would never cede Sardinia to France, a question 
which compelled him to be explicit was really a weapon in 
his hand against France. Far, therefore, from being hurt by 
having it put to him, he owed Lord John Russell thanks for 
giving him the opportunity of placing his meaning beyond a 
doubt : — 

' ^* I Bee I I Bee ! '' said Ricasoli. " It is enough. Tell Lord Russell, that 
not only is Sardinia a part of Italy, but a most precious part ; and that I will 
DO more cede Sardinia to France, than I will cede Sicily to England. What 
sins have I committed, of what folly have I been guilty, that I should be so 
punished as to be placed in a position where my word is doubted ? Is it not 
enough, that I sacrifice my peace — ^my leisure — ^my friends — ^the pleasant 
shade of the woods of Broglio, and my own familiar occupations, for the tur- 
moil, the dust and sweat, the heat and noise of public affairs — ^besieged by 
petitioners, suspected by my friends, traduced by my enemies ? " He looked 
me full in the face, wistfully, pitifully. He resembled a noble hart at 
bay. . . . 

* I pulled out of my pocket a private letter of Lord Cowley's. " Look," I 
said ; " here are but a few lines ; and yet they will amply repay you for all 
you have suffered, and will nerre you to persevere in your service. You know 
who Cowley is, and his services and character. You will believe anything 
coming from him." 

*I read him a few kind words, expressing the opinion of Fleury, that he 
(Ricasoli) would accomplish his great task of uniting this country. He burst 
into tears. " I am more than repaid," he said. " If those men have that opin- 
ion of me, I will persevere." ^--{Letter from Sir J. Hudson to Lord John Rus- 
sell, 10th August, 1861). 

a reason why the Government of this country ou^ht to be vigilant with respect 
to every event that ti^es place in Europe, and I trust that neither my noble 
friend nor I have our eyes entirely shut to that which is going on around us, 
and that we shall not idly neglect the interests of this country whenever they 
are threatened with iigury.* » 


The same day Baron Ricasoli reiterated his assarance in an 
official letter to Sir James Hudson. After this nothing more 
was heard of the cession of Sardinia to France. Throughout 
the rest of the year the Italian Government were left free to 
consolidate their new acquisitions, and to establish,, as they 
best might, order in the Neapolitan kingdom, where alone it 
was seriously threatened. 

By this time the eyes of all Europe were turned to the 
American continent, where the Northern and Southern States 
had entered on the bloody conflict which was to be prolonged 
with various success through the next four years. Depend- 
ent as the great manufacturing industry of England was 
upon America for its cotton, this country could not regard 
without dismay a struggle which must create confusion and 
suffering among vast masses of her population, not to speak 
of the feelings of profound regret which civil war, in a na- 
tion to whom the British race are bound by so many ties, 
could not fail to awaken. If mediation had been possible, 
no effort would have been spared on the part of our states- 
men to effect it. But the principles at stake were too irre- 
concilable, the animosities too envenomed, for the friendly 
interference of any third Power to be acceptable. Nothing, 
therefore, remained for England but to stand aloof upon a 
footing of absolute neutrality, until the events of the war 
now begun should decide whether the Confederates were to 
establish their independence, or be compelled to adhere to the 
Union upon the conditions demanded by the Northern States. 
This neutrality did not, however, secure for England the 
good- will of either side ; and, indeed, it provoked the hosti- 
lity of the more violent partisans of the Northern States. 
Language of menace to our Canadian possessions was freely 
used, and it was considerd prudent to despatch, at the end 
of June, considerable military reinforcements to Canada, as the 
surest preventive against their fulfilment being attempted. 

Meanwhile the Government were fully alive to the prob- 
able results in our great manufacturing centres of that fail- 
ure in the supplies of American cotton which had now be- 
come inevitable. The Prince had from the first foreseen that 
measures would become necessary to diminish as far as pos- 
sible the disturbance which any diminution in these supplies 
must produce, and had not failed to discuss the topic with 
Her Majestv's advisers. No one was more alive to the im- 
portance of the subject than Lord Palmerston, and in the 


beginning of June he brought it under the notice of Mr. 
Milner Gibson, then President of the Board of Trade, in a 
letter (7th June),* inquiring whether something could not be 
done to meet the probable deficiency by drawing supplies of 
cotton from India and other countries where it was known to 
be produced in considerable quantities. The emergency, 
however, was too great and too sudden for any Government 
to cope with successfully. Much was done by the Govern- 
ment, and stiU more by private enterprise, in developing new 
sources of supply; but England had signal cause to remem- 
ber the war now opening in America, in the prolonged suf- 
ferings, most nobly borne, of the operatives of Lancashire, 
and scarcely less m the way they were sustained through 
their difficulties by the brotherly helpfulness, not likely soon 
to be forgotten, oi Lord Derby and other distinguished men, 
who then showed that they regarded their wealth and high 
social position as imposing upon them the duty of lightening 
the disaster of those who were cut off for the time from the 
exercise of the only labour by which they could live. 

The month of June was, as usual, a busy one with the 
Prince, owing to the number of meetings he had to attend, 
and the fulfilment of the other duties and engagements of 
the season. The sunless wet summer of the previous year 
was happily not repeated. Cloudless skies, and great heat, 
were now tne rule, the heat sometimes so great as to make 
London intolerable. On the 16th of the month, the Prince 
seems for a time to have been upset by fatigue ; and his 
Diary contains the significant entry : * Am ill, ^verish, with 
pains in my limbs, and feel very miserable.' Next day he 
was iliuch better ; but these illnesses were recurring with 
alarming frequency — ^he records another sharp attack, which 
lasted two days, on the 26th of July — and point to the ne- 
cessity for a change in the Prince's habits of unremitting toil, 
which, it must be presumed, he found he could not effect 
compatibly with what he regarded as the primary duties of 
his life. 

It has already been shown that the Prince had very much 
at heart the raising of the standard of education for officers 
in the army. Mere technical knowledge, however, he re- 
garded but as the smallest part of education, unless united 
with the higher qualities of character which are essential for 

♦ Quoted at p. 210 of vol. ii. of Mr. Ashley's Life of Lord Palmergton, Our 
references t^oughout are to the first edition of this work, published in 1876. 


those who have to govern and to think for bodies of men 
ander the most varied and often most trying circumstances. 
The Council of Military Education had recently been en- 
gaged, under the instructions of the Commander-in-Chief, 
m framing a new scheme for the education of candidates 
for commissions at the Sandhurst Royal Military College. 
The Prince had been anxious that the scheme should include 
a system of marks for good conduct ; but the question 
appeared to the Commissioners to be surrounded with so 
many difficulties, that they came in the iirst instance to the 
conclusion that they must omit such marks from their 
scheme. An extract from the Memorandum of the scheme, 
which they had prepared, was sent by the Duke of Cam- 
bridge to the Prince on the 22nd of June. It brought next 
day the following reply : — 

* Buckingham Palace, 23rd June, 1861. 

* I return the Memorandum of the Council of Education. 
I cannot see any of the difficulties which are started therein. 
I take it for granted that Sandhurst is not to be a civil 
school, like a foundation school, or even a college in the 
Universities, but a military establishment, based on military 
rules and discipline. If otherwise, it will fail in its object, 
and do harm instead of good to the army. Now there has 
not been found the least difficulty in awarding good-conduct 
marks to the army generally. Why should it exist any 
more in a corps of cadets than in any other corps ? where it 
must be hoped that the kinds of offences will be less nume- 
rous there, and therefore less difficult to deal with, than in a 

' If there be a scale for offences and punishments, there 
can be no difficulty in having one for rewards. The respon- 
sibility thrown upon the Governor of the College, which 
seems to have startled the Council, is no greater than that 
thrown upon the commanding officer of any corps, nor could 
the colonel's duty be exercised by an inspecting officer or in- 
specting Board who are not present with the corps, and could 
only act on the recommendation of the commanding officer.* 
I suppose the corps would be subdivided into companies, 
or some sort of subdivision, which would facilitate supervi- 

» Some of the Council had suffgested that the power of deducting marks for 
bad conduct could only properly oe exercised by means of periodical Boards. 


sion and individual responsibility, and would make it easy to 
check the conduct of each cadet. 

* I trust conduct will be made a chief element of consider- 
ation at the College, else it will fail in its object to fill the 
army with men of whose honourable feelings, high principles, 
and sense of duty you have an assurance, and that this im- 
portant object will not be sacrificed to a fear of responsibility 
on the part of the authorities.' 

Two days later Lord Herbert wrote to the Prince with a 
copy of the complete Memorandum, and calling his attention 
to the Commissioners' reasons for abandoning the plan of 
giving good-conduct marks upon examination. To this the 
Prince immediately replied : — 

'Buckingham Palace, 25th June, 1861. 

* My dear Lord Herbert, — I have just received your let- 
ter enclosing the Report of the Council for Education on 
Sandhurst, which I shall study with interest. The Duke of 
Cambridge had sent to me an extract about the marks for 
good conduct. I found the arguments so little tenable, 
that I wrote to the Duke to prove this. I have since heard 
that the Council mean to reconsider this point in conse- 

' I entreat you fully to consider how it will be possible 
to maintain discipline, good conduct, and honourable feeling 
among so many young gentlemen brought together in a 
lonely place like Sandhurst, unless you establish a constant 
and direct connection in their mindis between their conduct 
and their prospects. Punishments will do little good, and 
may in many cases do harm. By the standard of a moral 
code, established by the young men for themselves, the very 
punishments awarded by the authorities may become hon- 
ourable distinctions in their eyes. It is so in many schools. 
Our aim must be to awaken self-control in the young men, 
and this can only be hoped for when they know that their 
final prospect of entering the army will be as much depen- 
dent on their conduct as their leamiiig. Only marks will 
do this, which they can estimate during the whole time of 
their stay at the college. 

* There can be no reason why all the young men credited 
with a full number of marks at starting should not forfeit a 
given number for particular, or as a consequence on particu- 


lar, punishments, with a minimum of marks excluding them 
from final admission into the service. Ever yours truly.' 

On the Prince's opinions becoming known to the Council, 
the subject was again taken into consideration. This result- 
ed in the adoption of a scheme by which each cadet was 
credited at starting with a maximum of good marks, liable 
to be reduced for misconduct according to a certain scale, 
with the penalty of disqualification if the number of good 
marks should be reduced to less than one-third of the maxi- 
mum. This proposal was communicated to the Prince by 
the Commander-m-Chief. It met with his entire approval, 
and was ultimately carried into effect. 

On the 25th of June the visit to the Queen of King Leo- 
pold and his second son came to an end. The next day 
brought to the Palace the Crown Prince and Princess of 
Prussia, with their children — guests whose presence could 
best of all compensate for the void which their predecessors 
had left. The next day the Queen wrote to her uncle ; — 

* Buckingham Palace, 27th June, 1861. 

*It seems very sad and strange to write to you again 
after having had the happiness of living with you for five 
weeks, and I sadly miss that dear, kind, paternal face, which 
bore so many marks of near relationship to her, whom I miss, 
if possible, more and more as fresh events occur. 

* This happy family meeting with our children and grand- 
children, while our dear Alice's bridegroom is still here, 
makes me long and pine for Aer, who would have been so 
happy and so proud. Dear Fritz is excellent, and the manage 
a truly happy one. 

^ My second Drawing-room is just over, and I have no- 
thing more to do but to hold two investitures on Monday. 
I go for the night to-morrow to White Lodge with Lenchen 
and Augusta Sruce. We go definitely on the 4th to Os- 

It is apparent from this letter how heavy a cloud still 
hung upon the Queen's spirits. Baron Stockmar had written 
to the Prince, questioning the propriety of continuing the 
Court mourning so lon^ as had been done. He was not more 
alive than the Prince himself to the sensitiveness on matters 
of this description which prevails in England. But the Prince 
knew, what the Baron did not know, that every murmur at 


the temporary abeyance of the fuller social life of the Court 
was hushed in general sympathy for the cause of Her Majes- 
ty's retirement. Replying to the Baron from Osborne (7th 
July) the Prince wrote : — 

* ... I cannot think, had you been here, you would haye 
acted otherwise than we haye done. The nature of the mourn- 
ing which we could and ought to pay had been settled at the 
beginning of May, after full deliberation and adyice with the 
Court, the Household, and the Ministers, and it has not been 
deyiated from one hair's-breadth. The people were surprised 
at the time that the Queen was ready to do so much ; 1 can- 
not therefore admit that the mourning has been carried to 
excess. ... 

*We are greatly pleased with the yisits we haye had. 
The Princess is well, so also are the Crown Prince and the 
children. . . . He expresses infinite gratitude to his wife, to 
your son, to the Prince Hohenzollern, and Dunker (who was 
with him). Should he come to the throne I am sure that he 
will adopt and thoroughly carry out the constitutional sys- 

* I haye no news for you from here. Lord Herbert is yery 
ill, and will not be able to remain as Minister of War.' 

Lord Herbert had, indeed, already kept his post too long 
for his own health. A few days after his retirement he went 
to Spa, but growing worse, was brought back at the end of 
the month, and died at Wilton on the 2nd of August. The 
Prince regarded his death as a great public loss, and in writ- 
ing a letter of condolence, on behalf of the Queen and him- 
self, to Lord Herbert's brother-in-law, the Marquis of Ayles- 
bury, spoke in the warmest terms of his * talents, industry, 
and perseyerance, coupled with the highest patriotic feeling.' 

The choice of a successor to Lord Herbert from the Min- 
isterial ranks was a matter of some difficulty. Sir Charles 
Wood, to whom the appointment was first offered, declined 
it from reluctance to leaye his post at the head of the Indian 
Department, at a critical moment, when its affairs were still 
in a state of transition in consequence of the change from the 
old to the new system of army organization. The health of 
Sir George Grey did not admit of his encountering the seyere 
labour and confinement of the War Department; but he was 
willing to take the Home Office, and Sir George Comewall 


Lewis, yielding to the solicitations of his chief, undertook 
the care of a department, to which he brought no special ex- 
perience, but only the aptitude for business and administra- 
tion of a vigorous and highly trained mind. 

Another material change in the Ministry took place at 
this time by the removal of Lord John Russell to the House 
of Peers, where he took his seat as Earl Russell on the 25th 
of July. Mr. Cardwell, ^ glad to escape from his Irish tor- 
mentors,' as Lord Palmerston wrote to the Queen, succeeded 
Sir George Grev as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 
Sir Robert Peel stepping into his place as Chief Secretary 
for Ireland ; while Mr. Layard was introduced for the first 
time into official life as Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs. 

Throughout the month of July, the Court remained at 
Osborne. They were startled on the 14th by a telegram 
from Baden-Baden, announcing that the King of Prussia had 
been fired at while walking in the Lichtenthal A116e there, 
by a young Leipzig student named Oscar Becker. Becker 
had fired twice. Both shots had passed through the collar 
of the King's coat, and one of them had caused a severe 
contusion on the left side of the neck. The Crown Prince 
started at once from Osborne to Baden, but finding that the 
King had quickly recovered from the shock, and regained 
his wonted cheerfulness, he returned and reached Osborne 
again on the 18th. *It is most extraordinary,' Lord Pal- 
merston wrote to the Queen on the day of the attempt, * that 
such an attempt should have been made, as it can scarcely 
be imagined that the King of Prussia can have a personal or 
political enemy in the world.' It appeared from Becker's 
own statement, that he had been impelled to the act by an 
idea that the King somehow stood in the way of the unifica- 
tion of Germany, for which the country was now clamorous, 
and that this would be promoted by his death. Becker was 
tried and found guilty, and sentenced not to execution, but 
to confinement, as a more appropriate punishment for what 
seemed to have been prompted by the folly of an imbecile, 
rather than the deliberate purpose of an assassin. 

On the 29th, the Prince wrote to Baron Stockmar, with 
his usual budget of political and domestic news : — 

*I see there has been again a long interval since I wrote 
to you last. The time must have been " delicious," for of a 
truth it has been " labour and vexation." 


* There has not been much stir in foreign politics, except 
that Denmark has made the concession of a Budget to Hol- 
stein upon our suggestion, with the view of founding a claim 
to European intervention in her favour, when the financial 
year has expired. ... 

' Parliament has brought an almost sterile Session to a 
close. . . . The loss of two such men as Lord John and Mr. 
Sidney Herbert will occasion a great gap, especially on the 
Ministerial side. . . . 

'Lord Herbert is dying. . . . Lord John, who is now 
called Earl Russell of Kingston Russell, will perhaps be sur- 
prised, when he sees his influence in the country damaged. 
However, the atmosphere of the Upper House may perhaps 
have a soothing effect upon him. . • . 

* The Crown Prince was greatly pleased with his inter- 
view in Baden. His character expands visibly. 

'The Prince of Wales is serving in the camp at the 
Curragh of Kildare ; perhaps he may be present at the 
reviews and manoeuvres on .the ^hine in autumn. . . . Al- 
fred comes for four weeks the middle of next month on 
leave from America ; Leopold has been much better of 
late, but is to pass the winter in Nice or Cannes. We 
are perplexed about the formation of the requisite suite for 

* We have had no lack of visitors here ; first, Augustus 
and Clementine, then the Montpensiers, and we are now ex- 
pecting Max and Charlotte of Austria, the Princess Charles 
of Hesse (Louis's mother), Fritz of Baden, and, last of all, 
the King of Sweden. Fritz and Vicky leave us on the 
14th of August. We ourselves go on the 19th to Lreland, 
and thence on to Balmoral. I have been far from well of 

On the 2nd of August the Prince again writes from Os- 
borne to Baron Stockmar : — 

' . . . We are expecting, this morning. Max of Austria, 
with Charlotte, for three days ; I am very glad at the pros- 
pect of seeing them both again. He will, however, I fear, 
not have much that is consoling to tell me about the state 
of affairs between Austria and Hungary. 

* Yesterday morning at daybreak the earthly remains of 
dear Mama were conveyed from St. George's Chapel to the 

810 PARLIAMENT PROROGUia). ' 1861 

new mausoleum at Frogmore^ and now rest there peacefully 
in a fitting tomb.' * 

The Archduke Maximilian and the Archduchess left Os- 
borne on the 5th, the Prince accompanying them as far as 
Portsmouth, where he inspected the fortifications at Hilsea, 
and the works which had just been marked out on the Ports- 
down Hills/ The next day the Queen wrote to King Leo- 
pold : — 

*Your dear children left us yesterday, having, I think, 
enjoyed their little sejour, which gave us very sincere plea- 
sure. Dear Charlotte is in great beauty. I never saw such 
eyes and eyebrows, and in her little Spanish hat her profile 
is most lovely. I think she is a little too grave for her age, 
but that was her nature always. She seems thoroughly 
happy and contented. Max is most agreeable, and very 
clever : he has such good sense too, and is wonderfully fair. 
Albert was amazingly struck by him.' 

On the 6th, Parliament was prorogued by Commission. 
The Session had not been distinguished by any measures of 
an exciting nature, although not a few of considerable prac- 
tical value had been carried to a successful issue. The aspect 
•of public affairs both at home and abroad was upon the whole 
more tranquil than it had been at the beginning of the year. 
The Ministry had lost none of its popularity, and the Oppo- 
sition, though it ran them close in numbers, showed no dis- 
position to thwart them either in their home or in their for- 
eign policy. The gravity of the conflict which was now 
raging in America was deeply felt by all leading politicians, 
and a time of difficulty was feared to be approaching, which 
would require the combined efforts of all parties to meet it 
with* equanimity, and to tide it over without disaster. 

Before leaving Osborne the Queen received visits from 
the Duke of Oporto, and also from the King and Prince 
Oscar of Sweden. A visit to Ireland had been arranged, 
where the Queen and Prince were expected to arrive on the 
22nd of August. The happy family party was broken up on 

• On the 29th of July the mausoleum had been consecrated by the Bishop 
of Oxford. 

7 On his return he was met by the news of the defeat at BulVs Run of the 
Federals by the Confederates. 


the 16th, when the Crown Prince and Princess, with their 
children, started on their return to Germany, and the Queen 
and Prince, together with the Princess Alice, travelled to 
Frogmore. The next day (the anniversary of the Duchess 
of Kent's birthday) a visit was paid to her mausoleum : 
with what feelings will be best described in the following 
passages of a letter from the Queen to King Leopold (20th 
August) : — 

*We parted from our dear children and grandchildren 
with heavy hearts on the morning of the 16th, for their visit, 
except for the blank which clouds over everything, has been 
most peaceful. 

* We went that afternoon to Frogmore, where we slept. 
The first evening was terribly trying, — all looked like life, 
and yet she was not there. The next morning was beautiful, 
and we went up after breakfast to the Mausoleum, and into 
the vault, which is d, plain pied. It is so airy, so grand, and 
simple, that, affecting as it was, there was no anguish or bit- 
terness of grief, but a feeling of calm and repose. We placed 
the wreaths upon the splendid granite sarcophagus, and at 
its foot, and felt that it was only the earthly robe of her we 
loved so much that was there — the pure, tender, loving spirit 
is above, and free from all suffering and woe. Yes 1 That 
is a comfort, and that first birthday in another world must 
have been a far brighter one than any birthday in this poor 
world below.' 

It is thus that the Prince, in writing to the Crown Prin- 
cess, speaks of the same incident : — * Our excursion to Frog- 
more was sad, but it did us good. The Mausoleum has be- 
come very beautiful, and just what it should be, appropriate, 
pleasing, solemn, not doleful or repellent {schrecklich).^ 

A letter from the Queen to her sister, giving an account 
of this visit, brought the following reply (21st August) : — 

* How can I thank you enough for your dear letters of 
the 16th and 17th, so sad, so touching, and at the same time 
so * erhebend^ [elevating]. It is so melancholy to feel the 
change that has taken place on those days, which used to be 
so different, and can never be as they were again : and it 
makes one think of the happy past as of a paradise lost for 


ever, until we are united with those dear ones gone before. 
The 17th at Frogmore must have been a comfort to your 
heart, although very trying ; but that peace and repose has 
something very soothing. Your dear letter has n^ade me 
cry, and 1 long to be with you, my own Victoria. I shall 
soon have that happiness — alas 1 without finding her. There 
is great pain in tnat dreadful truth ; and seeing Frogmore 
without her dear self seems quite incomprehensible.' 


Visit of Qaeen and Prinee to Ireland— In Dublin — At the Gnrragh — Prince Gonsort^s Uut 
Birthday — YlBit to Lord GastleroBse and Mr. Herbert of Mackross at Killamey— Be- 
tum to Dnblln and Holyhead — Prince Consort makes excursion to Gamarron, and 
throQgh Vale of Llanberis to Beddgellert — Arrival at Balmoral— Letter by Prince Gon- 
sort to Baron Stockmar— Agitation in Germany for Unification— Letter by Prince Con- 
sort to King of Prassia on State of Parties in Germany — ^life at Balmoral — ^Prince of 
Wales visits Germany — Objects of Visit— Lord Clarendon agrees to attend Coronation 
of King of Germany as representing the Queen — Letter to him and to the King of 
Prussia by Prince Consort— Besults of Meet^g at Compidgne between King of Prussia 
and Emperor of the French. 

The Queen and Prince returned to Osborne from Frogmore 
on the 17th of August, after the sad ceremony at the Mau- 
soleum. The next day Prince Alfred arrived from his 
cruise to the West Indies, and before eight, on the morning 
of the 21st, the Queen and Prince, together with the Prin- 
cesses Alice and Helena, and Prince Alfred, and attended by 
a small suite, were on their way to Holyhead, where they ar- 
rived about 7 P.M., having picked up Lord Granville and 
Lord Sydney at Oxford on the way. The sky gave signs of 
a change from calm to storm, and no time was lost in getting 
the Victoria and Albert under way. After an excellent pas- 
sage Kingstown Harbour was reached. * We glided quietly 
in,' says the Queen's Diary. * The ships of the other division 
of the Channel Fleet, which were lying outside, illuminated 
as we passed in. By half -past eleven we were fast to a buoy, 
and in bed by twelve.' 

A hurricane of wind and rain, which had set in during 
the night, made the Royal travellers very thankful that they 
had got over so early. Soon after ten Lord Carlisle (Lord 
Lieutenant) came on board, and the yacht was moved up 
alongside the quay. * While this was being done. Sir Robert 
Peel (Chief Secretary for Ireland) and Sir George Brown 
(Commanding the Forces in Ireland) came on board. At 
eleven punctually we landed, and at once entered the rail- 

VOL. V. — 14 


way-carriage on the quay, Lord Carlisle coming in with us. 
In jDublin we entered our carriages, which were thrown open. 
Alice and Affie were with us. There were great numbers of 
people in the streets, all most friendly and enthusiastic. 
Just outside the city we had to close the carriage, it rained 
and blew so fiercely. At a quarter to twelve we reached the 
PhoBnix Park. . . . On our way the sun came out once or 
twice for a moment, and lighted up the beautiful view of the 
Wicklow Hills. Otherwise it rained almost without inter- 
mission. Bertie, looking very well, came from the Camp (of 
the Curragh) to luncheon, and stayed till five o'clock. Al- 
bert went at half-past three, with Lord Carlisle, to Dublin,' 
where he visited the Exhibition, the new Club, the King's 
College Library, and the new Museum. ^ At half -past five 
I drove out,' to quote again from Her Majesty's Diary, * with 
the two girls and Aflfie ; but the showers, which were slight 
when we started, turned to a perfect downpour, as we took 
the very charming drive along the Liffey, by the Strawberry 
Beds and through Colonel White's beautiful place — Wood- 
lands.' A large dinner-party concluded the evening. 'Was 
very tired. Heard last night of the children's (Princess 
Louise, the Princes Arthur and Leopold, and Princess Bea- 
trice) safe arrival in London, and this evening, that they had 
reached Holyrood — which was a great relief.' 

^ Friday^ August 23. — A fine morning. Breakfasted 
downstairs. Everything is good, and in good taste here. 
The pretty cups and china make me feel that Lord Carlisle 
is the brother of the dear Duchess of Sutherland.* Albert 
left for the Curragh at ten, to see Bertie at work. Walked 
with Jane [Lady] Churchill in the pretty gardens and plea- 
sure-grounds. Keceived the Lord Mayor, who presented 
the Corporation Address, when I said a few civil words in 
return, Jane Churchill, Lord Carlisle, Lord Granville, and 
others being present. . . . Very busy writing all day, but 
miss so dreadfully the writing to dearest Mama. . . . 

' Albert back at four. It was beautiful and bright all 
day. At five, we and the girls planted trees (Affie was out 
shopping), and then we drove into Dublin — Alice and Lord 

1 The fine taste of the Duchess was conspicTious, amonff other things, in the 

freat beauty and variety of the services of china in the ducal establishments. 
t was seen even in the inns on the Sutherland estates, where many a guest 
must have wondered to find himself served off china of a quality then uncom- 
mon in the houses even of well-to-do people. 

1861 AT THE C0RRAGH. 315 

Carlisle in the carriage with us — ^through the principal streets, 
and back by the Circular Road and the Park. The streets 
and buildings are really very fine. There were many people 
out, and they cheered loudly. Lord Carlisle is, as he well 
deserves to be, exceedingly popular. We then walked for 
some time, and looked at a pretty little monument raised by 
Lord Carlisle on the site of a tree which poor Lady St. Ger- 
mans planted, and which died about the time she did, with 
a pretty little verse inscribed on it, written by Lord Carlisle 
himself. I think of her here very often ; she was so kind, 
so good, and amiable.' ' 

The dinner-party included several old friends, among 
others, the Duke of Leinster, * who is such a good man,' the 
Marquis and Marchioness of Headfort, the Marquis and 
Marchioness of Kildare, and Lady Charlemont. Of Lady 
Charlemont, who had been in the early days of the reign one 
of the Queen's ladies in waiting, and remarkably handsome, 
it is noted in the Royal Diary that she ' is wonderful still, 
and, except for having grown thinner, unaltered.' She lived 
to be ninety-five, dying in 1876. 

* Saturday^ August 24. — A gray morning ; but still we 
hoped for the best. At half-past nine we started for the 
railway, Alice and Affie in the carriage. The railway-car- 
riage was a fine one, and very easy. At the Curragh station 
we found our carriages. Albert, Affie, and the other gentle- 
men, all in uniform, rode. Our own carriages and horses 
had all been sent here. Such a crowd, such a scamper and 
scramble ! Alice, Lenchen, and Jane Churchill were in the 
carriage with me. The position of the camp is splendid, — 
with the Wicklow Hills in the distance, and an immense 
amount of turf, which nothing can spoil. 

' We drove up to where the troops were assembled, and 
received the royal salute, after which Sir George Brown rode 
up and delivered to me the State. ' Then we drove down 
the line. As we approached the Cavalry, they began to 
play one of dearest Mama's marches, which they did again 
in marching past. This entirely upset me, and the tears 
would have flowed freely, had I not checked them by a vio- 
lent ejffort. But I felt sad the whole day, except when we 

> Lord St. Germans was Lord Lieutenant, when the Queen . and Prince 
visited Ireland in 1853. 


came to Bertie, who looked very well. I recognised many 
Aldersbot acquaintances. Daring the march-past a violent 
shower came down, which obliged us to close the carriages. 
We did not get wet ; neither did Albert ; but the troops 
were soaked. 

* A field day followed, which we watched, as we usually 
do, from a distance, moving about from place to place, and 
occasionally near some portions of the troops. Albert, Affie, 
and the gentlemen rode about, and kept close to the principal 
manoeuvres. There were crowds of people in every direction, 
ladies, common people, &c., on foot and on horseback, — and 
jaunting-cars driving in every direction. We had one more 
heavy shower, but otherwise it was very fine. 

' At a little before three we went to Bertie's hut, which 
is in fact Sir George Brown's. It is very comfortable — nice 
little bedroom, sitting-room, drawing-room, and good-sized 
dining-room, — where we lunched with our whole party, and 
Sir George Brown, General Ridley (in command at the 
camp). Colonels Wetherell, Browning, and Percy. The lat- 
ter commands the Guards, and Bertie is placed specially 
under him. I spoke to him, and thanked him for treating 
Bertie as he did, just like any other officer, for I know that 
he keeps him up to his work in a way, as General Bruce told 
me, no one else has done ; and yet Bertie likes him very 
much. When we came away, we left Affie on a visit to his 
brother till next day. Got home at five, when I took a short 
walk with the girls, rested and wrote.' A fresh variety of 
guests was added to the usual company at dinner. 

Service was celebrated next day (Sunday) in a room at 
the Viceregal Lodge. In the afternoon the Prince went 
with Lord Carlisle, taking the Prince of Wales and Prince 
Alfred with him, to inspect the prisons, while the Queen, 
with the two Princesses, paid a visit to the Kilmainham 

The next day (the 26th August) was the Prince's birth- 
day. ' This,' the Queen wrote in a letter to King Leopold, 
^ is the dearest of days, and one which fills my heart with 
love and gratitude and emotion. God bless and protect for - 
ever my beloved Albert, the purest and best of human be- 
ings ! ' Her Majesty's record of the day in her Diary opens 

» The same day the Queen^s sister wrote to Her Majest;^^ : — * I have little 
time left, but 1 must write a few words on this dear day, wishing you and dear 


with the same prayer even more fervently expressed. It con- 
tinues — * Alas ! there is so much so different this year, — 
nothing festive, and we on a journey and separated from 
many of our children, and my spirits bad. But I wished 
him joy, warmly, tenderly. Beloved Mama ! How she loved 
and admired him ! ' The customary gifts from the Queen 
and all the Royal children were not wanting even at this dis- 
tance from home, — all arranged to greet the Prince when he 
came downstairs in the morning. Among those of the Queen 
he notes in his Diary a picture by Portaels and a pair of 
Lancaster breech-loading rifles. Again we quote from Her 
Majesty's Diary : — 

* Alas ! there was wanting the usual gift from that be- 
loved mother, which had never been wanting before. When 
all was ready I fetched Albert, and the four children (the 
two eldest boys have not for a long time been with us on this 
dear day) received us and gave him bouquets. But I missed 
the little ones — above all, baby — and sadly I thought of poor 
dear Vicky. Albert was much pleased with the presents, 
and with tne girls' [the Crown Prmcess and Princess Alice's] 
pretty drawings.' 

Soon after noon his Royal guests took leave of Lord Car- 
lisle at the station of the Great Southern and Western Rail- 
way, by which they were to make the journey to Killamey. 
We resume Her Majesty's narrative : * It was very hot. The 
country for some distance was very unattractive, except for 
the outline of distant hills which were visible from time to 
time. It is astonishing how wanting in population this part 
of the country is — large plains, a good deal cultivated, here 
and there a small house, with a few cabins, but no villages, 
and hardly any towns, except the few close upon the rail- 

' The Lord Lieutenant of the county received us at Port- 
arlington, where General Bruce joined us. We passed Mary- 
borough. We stopped at Thurles, close to the town. The 
crowd was tremendous — very noisy — the people very wild 
and dark-looking, — all giving that peculiar shriek which is 

Albert joy, and many happy returns. It will be hard for yon and him receiv- 
ing no token from our beloved departed Mama on the occasion. How she 
loved him I her blessings will be on his precious life for ever. I hope you 
will be able to feel happy to-day, my own Victoria, and only think of her as 
one absent in the body, but not in the spirit.* 

318 AT KILLARNET. 1861 

general here instead of cheers, — the girls were handsome, 
with long dishevelled hair. Here we saw fine hills to the left. 
Our next stoppage was at the Limerick Junction, where we 
found Lord Lismore, Lieutenant of this county. The large 
plains and distant hills were not unlike the country about 
Tarland. The last station we stopped at was Mallow, a 
small town on the Blackwater, in a beautiful valley. Soon 
after this, the line enters a mountain region, and winds along 
below woods. At half -past six we reached the Killamey Sta- 
tion, where we were received by Lord Castlerosse, Mr. Her- 
bert of Muckross, the General commanding the district, and 
the Mayor, who presented an Address. 

* There was a great crowd, and troops lined the place. 
There was likewise an escort. We entered our carriage, with 
Alice and Bertie, and drove along a rather circuitous road to 
Lord Castlerosse's Park. Great numbers of people were out, 
cheering very enthusiastically. We drove through the pretty 
and much-wooded grounds up a fine avenue of trees to the 
house, which stands on a terrace, with steps leading down 
from it, at the foot of which stood Lady Castlerosse and 
her aunt. Lady Downe. The house looks like a French 
chateau, the roof being high. We were taken at once to 
our rooms, which were very pretty, and most charmingly 
and elegantly, though simply, furnished. The view from 
the bedroom towards the lake, with its islands, across a 
lawn, with two long borders of flowers, and walks stretch- 
ing from the house to the water, was lovely. I sketched 

The party at dinner included, among others, the Bishop 
of Limerick, and also Dr. Moriarty, the Koman Catholic 
Bishop — * a tall, stout, and very intelligent clever man,' says 
the Royal Diary, and Mr. O'Connell, * brother to the O'Con- 
nell, the last of that generation, a very good man, with 
quite dijfferent views from his brother, and the Knight 
of Kerry. Being Albert's birthday, he sat next to me, and 
his health was drunk at dessert. All the windows were 
open ; but there was not a breath of air, and the heat was 

In Her Majesty's Leaves from a Journal (pp. 310-15) a 
detailed account has been given of the way the next two 
days were passed in visiting all the finest portions of the 
lake and mountain scenery of Killarney. But a briefer rec- 


ord, contained in a letter from the Queen to King Leopold 
(2nd September), will not be out of place here : — 

* We spent the 27th on the lakes, lunching at a cottage 
[Glena Cottage] belonging to Lady Castlcrosse, and taking 
tea at another lovely spot, — ^indeed nothing could be love- 
lier. Imagine three different lakes connected by channels or 
passages with each other, — ^the mountains rising from the 
margins of the lakes to heights of from two to three thou- 
sand feet, covered with wood of all kinds, — ^the lakes studded 
with islands, and fringed with promontories and rocks of the 
most picturesque shapes, covered with arbutus, yew, and 
holly trees, all growing wild to a great height, and down to 
the very water's edge. It is all really wonderfully beautiful, 
but the air has no lightness or freshness in it, and reminds 
one of the tepid-water feel of Devonshire. 

* As soon as we returned that evening to Killamey House, 
we left it for Muckross (Mr. Herbert's), only three miles off, 
which is a still finer place, and commanding a more exten- 
sive view. Muckross Lake, one of the three, belongs entirely 
to him. Much of this, and indeed of the scenery in general, 
reminds one of the Highlands. 

' The next morning (28th) we took a most beautiful drive 
all round this lake, and in the afternoon went upon the water. 
There were at least a hundred and fifty boats out, which had 
a very pretty effect. People live on the water there, and the 
boatmen row beautifully. I wish you could see these lakes ; * 
you would be delighted, and it is so quickly done now.' 

At noon on the 29th, the Royal visitors bade adieu to 
their hospitable hosts, and returned by railway to Dublin, 
where they made no halt, but passed on at once to Kings- 
town, and embarked on the Royal yacht, remaining in the 
harbour for the night. Weighing anchor at four next morn- 
ing they reached Holyhead by nine. Leaving Her Majesty 
to rest for the day in the Victoria and Albert, the Prince, 
Prince Alfred, Lord Granville, and Sir Charles Phipps made 

* Professor Wilson (Christopher North) said to the writer that he consid- 
ered the Killamey lake scenery as, on the whole, the finest in the three king- 
doms, inasmuch as it contained within itself, in miniature, all the best features 
of his own favourite Cumberland and Scottish lakes. The admission, a re- 
markable one from him, was followed by a blowing recapitulation of various 
points of beauty or grandeur, which showed how vivid was the impression 
they had left on his memory. 


an excursion by railway to Carnarvon. After visiting the 
Castle, they drove through the Vale of Llanberis to Bedd- 
gellert. Tne weather was magnificent and the Welsh moun- 
tain scenery, with Snowdon standing out clear against the 
sky, was seen in perfection. It was a day of such enjoy- 
ment as can be known only by those who, like the Prince, 
love nature with passionate ardour, and to whose quick eye 
none of its varied features are lost. 

The excursionists returned to the Royal yacht to dinner. 
Leaving Holyhead at nine the same evening, and travelling 
through the night, the Queen and Prince, with the Prin- 
cesses Alice and Helena, and Prince Alfred, reached Bal- 
moral in the afternoon of the following day. Lord Gran- 
ville, who had been the Minister in attendance on Her Ma- 
jesty in L*eland, returned from Holyhead to London, and his 
place was taken by Sir Charles Wood, who met the Queen 
at Forfar on her way to the North. Earl Russell, who again 
occupied Abergeldie for the season, was already there when 
Her Majesty reached Balmoral. On the 4th of September 
Prince Louis of Hesse again joined the Royal circle, which 
received next day another most welcome addition in the ar- 
rival of Her Majesty's sister, accompanied by Lady Augusta 
Bruce. On the 6th the Prince wrote to Baron Stockmar, 
who had, by his silence, for some time made their corre- 
spondence wholly one-sided : 

* ... I will not let my monologue come to a stop, but 
once more send you news of ourselves, even although this 
should not have tne effect of inducing you to make some sort 
of rejoinder, if only through a third hand. Our life in Os- 
borne, together with our Prussian children and grandchil- 
dren, was somewhat disturbed towards its close by the all 
too numerous royal visits ; still we were interested in making 
the acquaintance of the King of Sweden. He is a thorough 
soldier, and little of a grand seigneur, 

* Charlotte and Max of Austria were very friendly, and 
are both people of no common order, 

'He is satisfied that his brother sincerely means not to let 
the constitutional regime again become a dead letter, and that 
he sees his own safety in so acting, but he seemed to me him- 
self to undervalue the Hungarian difficulty, as people in Vien- 
na generally appear to do. 

* In fceland we met with a very cordial reception, and ad- 


mired immense^ the country round the Lakes of Killamey. 
The Prince of Wales has acquitted himself extremely well in 
the camp, and looks forward with pleasure to his visit to the 
manceuyres on the Rhine. 

* The day before yesterday, Louis of Hesse came to us, 
and yesterday, Feodore. It will be most pleasant to Victoria 
to have her here. The Queen herself is well I regret to 
say I have a cold, but am in other respects well. I hope you 
are tolerably so. 

* Alfred leaves us again on the 20th, sailing from Liver- 
pool to return to his American station. We shall not have a 
chance of seeing him again till next summer I A new and 
lengthened separation, which we call good, only from the 
feeling that the naval service is the best school for him.' 

Germany was at this time agitated from one end to the 
other by a movement for unification. Various circumstances 
conspired to give renewed vigour to a desire which since 
1848 had never ceased to make itself heard through the 
leaders of the Liberal party. It had found an organ in the 
establishment of the National -Verein, which, origmating in 
Gotha, had spread itself in the form of branch societies in 
Hanover^ Oldenburg, Hamburg, Prussia proper, Pomerania, 
and Posen. The agitation spread to southern Germany, and 
branch associations were formed in many towns of Wlirtem- 
berg, Baden, and Bavaria. The main object of these socie- 
ties was the union of the German States under a central 
power with a national parliament. What had so recently 
been done by the Italians in the same direction gave courage 
to the leaders of these societies. But the condition of the 
country itself, with the imminent probability of a war with 
Denmark, and the distrust of some of the southern Govern- 
ments, who were gravely suspected of an intention to coalesce 
against Prussia, had more than anything else given force and 
purpose to the movement. A war with Denmark, followed 
as it would have been by a blockade of the German rivers, 
would have paralysed the trade of Bremen, Hamburg, Lu- 
beck, Stettin, Dantzig, Konigsberg, and Memel, and barred 
the natural outlets for the exports of central and southern 
Germany. This hazard could only be met by the formation 
of a German fleet, and without a central power this was im- 
possible. The danger towards the French frontier was no 
less imminent. Jealous as the rulers of the southern States 


were of Prussia, it was feared they could not be relied on to 
resist the encroachments of France, but might even purchase 
their own security by an alliance with that country. Still, 
it was to Prussia that all the sounder Liberal Germans looked 
as the only possible nucleus for the organisation of a central 
power, although they were discouraged in their efforts by the 
adherence of the Prussian Government to a reactionary pol- 
icy, and its obstinate refusal to concede the reforms neces- 
sary to cure the vices of the country's internal administra- 

The Prince, as might have been expected from the views, 
which it has been seen he had entertained on the subject of 
Germany since 1848, felt a strong sympathy with the move- 
ment for German unity, and longed to see Prussia place her- 
self in the position to lead it honourably, and with a fitting 
regard to all existing interests. He gave fresh expression 
to his views in the following letter to the King of Prussia, 
with which the Prince of Wales was entrusted on going to 
the Prussian autumn military manceuvres on the Rhine near 
Cologne : — 

* Balmoral, 9th September, 1861. 

'My dear Cousin, — Our last letters have crossed ; still I 
cannot delay sending you my warmest thanks for your kind 
and courteous wishes on the occasion of my recent birthday, 
and I cannot do better than transmit them by Bertie, whom 
I commend to your kind consideration. My warm participa- 
tion in everything which affects your happiness will always 
remain the same, and, if my wishes be heard, only what is 
pleasant and satisfactory will attend you through a longer 
tract of years than, to judge by your letter, you seem to 
count upon. I reckon labour and trouble, indeed, among 
the agreeables, should your life, according to the Bible, be so 
prolonged, even though it have been delicious.* 

' The general sympathy shown to you after the recent at- 
tempt on your life has, I see, comforted your heart. It shows 
what the real feeling of the Germans is, and this is not with- 
out significance, even although what they struggle after be 
not altogether consonant with your views. The danger for 
yourself, for Prussia, and for Germany, I am firmly con- 
vinced, does not lie in their struggle for constitutional de- 
velopment, but in the ulterior designs of France, and can 

• See note ante^ p. 243. 


only be successfully encountered and overcome by the help 
of this struggle. The first Napoleon and France had held 
Germany in bondage, in dismemberment, and humiliation. 
The appeal of your father in 1813 to the German feeling 
for liberty, and the promise of constitutional organisation, 
evoked the heroic spirit which broke Napoleon's diabolical 
power. Austria saw in the German uprising under Prussia's 
guidance a greater danger than in Napoleon's oppression, and 
hesitated long to which side she should turn. Stimulated by 
Napoleon's insolence and blunders, and encouraged by the 
hope of being able in the long run to deceive and to suppress 
the German impulse towards freedom, she decided at last 
to join the allies. After the Peace of Paris, Austria had 
no other object than to crush German freedom. The Diet 
and Germany, as it is at this moment, are Prince Metter- 
nich's work, and he entirely led German policy down to 
1848, and, indirectlv, Prussian policy also (with each of the 
two last Sovereigns), of course in diierent ways — in fact, by 
humouring the differences of their personal characters. No 
wonder that when in 1848 the barriers of repression gave 
way, democracy broke forth like a wave long held in check. 
No wonder, too, that after the Austrian Government had in 
a measure ceased to exist, and the authority of the King of 
Prussia had quite unnecessarily been abdicated in the days 
of March into the hands of the Berlin mob, Germany was 
seized with a panic dread of confusion and turmoil, and the 
patriotic movement, which in the first days after the Paris 
Revolution was directed to unification of the Fatherland, 
and to making it safe against French inroads, was frittered 
away in the absence of any superior guidance in the wildest 
democratic extravagances. The patriotic German looks with 
sorrow and shame at these results ; and ... it is not to be 
wondered at if he tries to make good his claim to what was 
promised in 1813, and, in particular, desires to be led on- 
wards in the constitutional path by Prussia and by you. 
Austria has once more brought Napoleon into prominence as 
the Conqueror in Europe, has given Italy to him as his tool, 
and prepared Hungary and Poland to serve him in the same 
way. Germany sees herself face to face with the most se- 
rious peril, yet still divided, weakened, broken into sections, 
her very existence in the hands of individual Cabinets, with- 
out the possibility of her people exercising the smallest in- 
fluence upon their action. Is it an evil trait of the spirit of 

324 AT BALMORAL. 1861 

the people if they yearn for general unity and active co-op- 
eration in what is to decide their destiny ? Do not allow 
yourself to be annoyed or misled, if here and there this peo- 
ple are guilty of stupid extravagances. They are your and 
Germany's only stay, and the power by which alone the 
enemy can be held at bay. It is not a Cavour that Germany 
needs, but a Stein. 

* Every, even the smallest, indication of German and pop- 
ular effort, be it a national rifle-meeting, a meeting for ath- 
letic sports, or anything else, is laid hold of by the people, 
in their anxiety to demonstrate their feelings, with almost 
childish delight and childish enthusiasm ; still, this is at least 
in the right direction. 

*Your visit to Compi^gne was not to be avoided, and 
will be most interesting. I am curious to know if the Em- 
peror will again glance at those territorial changes which 
are constantly present to his mind, from Egypt to Denmark, 
and Portugal to Poland. My best wishes wUl go with you 
to the Emperor. 

* Despite the mourning for the brother he has just lost. 
Lord Clarendon has undertaken the mission to your Corona- 
tion, which has given us great satisfaction, and will, we hope, 
be agreeable to you also. That poor Lord Breadalbane has 
lost his wife, you will have heard already. 

* In truest attachment I remain always your faithful cousin 
and friend, Albert.' 

The autumn of 1861 presented a marked contrast to the 
cold, wet, cheerless autumn of the previous year. With the 
exception of a few days in September, the weather during 
the stay of the Court at Balmoral was all that could be de- 
sired. The Prince was able to avail himself of it for his fa- 
vourite sport of deer-stalking, and he chronicles in his Diary 
with obvious satisfaction many successful results^ Thus, on 
the 10th of September, he brought down three fine stags, and 
the same number on the 12th. These were his greatest suc- 
cesses ; but he had no wholly blank days except one, having 
always at least one ^starJcen Hirsch ' to report as having fall- 
en to his rifle. On the last day he went out, however (21st 
October), his good luck failed him. * Gehe zum letzten Mai 
auf die Jagd und schiesse Nlchts (Go out stalking for the 
last time and shoot nothing) ' is the entry in his Diary. 

The stay at Balmoral was agreeably diversified by several 


most successful excursions to various parts of the adjoining 
Highlands. The record of these has been already published 
in the Leaves from a Journal, Delightful in themselves as 
these excursions were, they gave peculiar pleasure to the 
Prince as helping to remove some of the sa^ess which still 
overshadowed Her Majesty's mind.* 

In visiting Germany the Prince of Wales had another 
object in view besides being a spectator of the military ma- 
noeuvres in the Rhenish Provinces. It had been arranged 
that he was to make the acquaintance of the Princess Alex- 
andra of Denmark, who was then on a visit to Germany, with 
a view to a marriage, should the meeting result in a mutual 
attachment. Despite every precaution to ensure secresy,. 
until at least the inclinations of the principal parties should 
have been ascertained, the project got wind, and even before 
they met, it was actually canvassed, much to the Prince Con- 
sort's annoyance, in the Continental papers. From these it 
soon found its way into the English journals, where it met 
with general approval ; and as the meeting, which took place 
at Speilr and Heidelberg on the 24th and 25th of September, 
ended with the happiest results, no harm ensued from what 
might otherwise have proved to be extremely painful. * We 
hear nothing but excellent accounts of the Princess Alexan- 
dra,' the Prince notes in his Diary on the 30th of September, 
and he adds with obvious satisfaction, * that the young peo- 
ple seem to have taken a warm liking for each other.' 

The irritation both in Prussia and this country, which had 
been occasioned by the Macdonald affair, happily did not ex- 
tend into the calmer region of the Courts of either nation. 
Their relations remained as intimate and cordial as ever ; 
and the appointment of so distinguished a statesman as Lord 
Clarendon to represent the Queen at the approaching corona- 
tion of the King of Prussia was received by His Majesty with 
peculiar satisfaction. No man could have been selected who 
was better fitted to calm down any irritation which might 
still linger in the minds of the members of the Prussian 
Government as the result of the decided language in which 
Lord Palmerston had recently denounced in Parliament the 

• ' Oh, in the midst of cheerfulness, I feel so sadl But being out a good 
deal here, and seeing new and fine scenery, does me good' — (21st Septemoer : 
" - ' ' -"^ * • ' • '-^ ^ ' ^ X) froma 

80 much, 
'by anything since my great sorrow * — {Ibid. 
p. 286). 


defects of their police and administratiye system. The Eiiig> 
had intimated to Qneen Victoria, that he proposed to confer 
upon Lord Clarendon the Order of the * Black Eagle,' but 
this honour had been declined, in accordance with the estab- 
lished rule in England, which prohibits public men from re- 
ceiring foreign orders, except under very peculiar circum- 
stances, such, for example, as when they have carried the 
Order of the Garter for the investiture of a foreign Sovereign. 
The tender of the honour was a sufficient assurance that Lord 
Clarendon's merits were appreciated ; and as Lord Palmer- 
ston remarked, in writing on the subject to the Queen (24th 
September), ' as far as he is himself concerned, having the 
Bath and the Garter, he cannot, I conceive, thmk that any 
other Order would be an additional distinction.* 

Before setting out. Lord Clarendon would have been well 
pleased to have had an opportunity of learning from the 
Prince's own lips his views as to the present position of affairs 
in Germany. * I cannot express,' he wrote to the Prince 
(4th October), * how much 1 regret not having the benefit 
of knowing your Royal Highness's views upon German 

Lord Clarendon, who was then in London, was to set out 
on the 8th, and any personal interview was therefore impos- 
sible. But the Prmce wrote to him the following letter, giv- 
ing him briefly such hints as he considered might be useful: — 

* My dear Lord Clarendon, — ^I have received yc|ir ^ter, 
and am very glad that you will make it possible to be at 
Berlin on the 10th. I beg you to take charge of these two 
letters, which I trust will still arrive in time. You will have 
been informed of the King's intentions about the "Black 
Eagle " for you. He will be very sorry that our regulations 
could not have been relaxed in this instance, which Lords 
Palmerston and Russell deprecated. 

* I am afraid you will find the feeling in Germany very 
bitter against us, less amongst the Cabinets than the people. 
The systematic attacks on and vilification of everything 
German by our press throughout the last twelve months is 
the chief cause ; together with the fact that every an^^-Ger- 
man movement is received with enthusiasm here, viz. that of 
the Italians against Austria ; of the Hungarians against the 
same ; of the Danes against Schleswig and Holstein ; of the 
Poles against Prussia and Austria. 


* Germany is annihilated if she loses Venice, Galicia, Hun- 
gary, Posen, and Holstein, and is surrounded instead by hos- 
tile nations under the control of France. And yet this is 
what so-called public opinion in this country is aiming at 
and desiring. It taxes Prussia, at the same time, with cul- 
pable designs of aggrandisement, and rails at the small States 
as miserable, and such as ought to be swamped, while it 
most inconsistently holds up Victor Emmanuel and Cavour 
as the models for Prussia. Now what would be easier for 
Prussia than a bargain with France, to assist in the conquest 
of all the smaller States of Germany, and to receive Belgium 
as a prize ? This would even *go beyond Cavour, as it would 
pay out of a neighbour's pocket instead of his own, England 
would then have to fight alone for Belgium — for even Aus- 
tria might be won by some guarantee of her possessions or 
compensation in Bavaria. 

* The King of Prussia's honourable character is our guar- 
antee against such doings, and this very character is assailed 
by The Times for its smallness of views, want of decision, 
&c. &c., and contrasted with the Galantuomo, 

* Of German politics themselves I could tell you little that 
is new. The position of all parties is exactly the same as it 
has been for the last two years. Perhaps the Unionist party 
has gained some greater strength in the South. But Prussia 
is not more liked there than she wa%^ at the same time one 
cannot say more for the Sardinian at Naples. My belief is, 
that the result of the Austrian crisis will decide the fate of 
Germany. Should Austria succeed in establishing a more 
compact State with constitutional Government, she must 
secede from Germany, and can afford to do so. If she is to 
remain a loose agglomerate, she will require her hold on Ger- 
many for her own existence more than ever. 

* If Austria should break up, the German provinces must 
be absorbed in Germany, and the whole balance of power in 
Germany will be altered. 

* I will not bore you with more of my reflections. 

* Trusting that your expedition will turn out in every way 
satisfactory to you, I am, &c. 

* Albert, 

* Balmoral, 6th October, 1861.' 

The same day the Prince wrote to the King of Prus- 
sia: — 


' Balmoral, 6th October, 1861. 

* Mv dear Cousin, — Lord Clarendon will be the bearer of 
these lines, and will take care to be in Berlin by the day in- 
dicated. It was a very kind thought on your part, that by 
the day of his arrival he should gain a step in advance among 
the envoys. With reference to the further kindness which 
you have designed for him by the gift of " The Black Eagle," 
I am authorised to say that, gratefully as Victoria would be 
disposed to accept such a distinction for her representative, 
and happy as this particular distinction would make her, she 
is nevertheless compelled to suggest that the offer of it should 
not be made. 

* Over and above the reason, which I have already taken 
the liberty of submitting to you through Augusta [the Queen 
of Prussia], as likely to govern the decision, there is the fur- 
ther reason, that Lord Clarendon as Foreign Minister had to 
prohibit numbers of persons from accepting Foreign Orders, 
and it is possible he may have again in the same capacity to 
follow the same course, and it would be taken amiss, were 
he to make an exception in his own case to a rule which has 
been so rigorously maintained. Lord Granville, at the Coro- 
nation of the Emperor of Russia, the Duke of Northumber- 
land at that of Charles X., Lord Beauvale at that of the Em- 
peror Ferdinand, were also compelled to decline the distinc- 
tion, and the case of th% Duke of Devonshire seems to have 
been a peculiar one, and to have arisen through the relations 
of personal friendship which had subsisted between the Em- 
peror Nicholas and himself. 

* Bertie has come back in raptures with his excursion to 
the manoeuvres, and cannot speak sufficiently highly of your 
kindness to himself, and to all the English officers. It was 
a matter of great satisfaction to me, that so many of these 
had an opportunity of witnessing the reception given to you 
on the Rhine, and of bringing back with them so good an 
opinion of the Prussian army. 

'Your interview at Compi^gne is to take place to- 
day. The whole Diplomatic Corps is pricking up its ears, 
and as these are tolerably long, the spectacle is remark- 

* However, to-day I will spare you on the subject of 
politics, and remain, as ever, your true cousin and friend, 

* Albeet.' 


The voluble speculations to which the visit of the King 
of Prussia to the Emperor of the French gave rise, were as 
idle as such speculations always must be. That its object 
was a close alliance between France and Prussia, and a cool- 
ing off from England, was the favourite surmise. In truth 
the visit was a mere visit of courtesy, in return for that paid 
by the Emperor of the French at Baden-Baden in the pre- 
vious autumn. The King of Prussia's views as to his duty 
to Germany and its Sovereigns remained what they had been 
upon that occasion, and the Emperor was too well aware of 
the fact to approach political topics which could only em- 
barrass his guest, without leading to any practical results. 
The occasion had, indeed, been seized for reopening in some 
of the journals, and also in a pamphlet called Le Mhin et la 
Vtstule, alleged to have been inspired from head-quarters, 
the old question of rectifying the French frontier as settled 
in 1815. Its suggestions of annexation modestly stopped 
short of the Palatinate and the Rhine, but included territory 
the surrender of which would have been impossible to any 
loyal German. These found, however, no echo in the Em- 
peror's conversation, as indeed might have been expected 
from one whose natural courtesy was sure to impose silence 
upon such a subject with such a guest, even if silence had 
not been equally dictated by common prudence. In any case 
the King of Prussia left Compi^gne with a grateful con- 
sciousness of the admirable good taste and feeling shown by 
the Emperor in forbearing to entangle him in disagreeable 
discussions, not only upon this subject, but upon any of the 
other European problems which were at that moment waiting 
for solution. It was almost a matter of course, that very 
varied accounts, some of them sufficiently disquieting, of 
what had passed at Compiegne should reach the English 
Government ; but thanks to the same frank spirit, which, 
through the medium of the Prince Consort, had possessed 
them of the truth as to the interviews at Baden-Baden, at 
Toplitz, and at Warsaw, they were early made aware of the 
fact that nothing had occurred of the slightest significance in 
a political point of view. 


Coronation at Koni^berg of King of Pmssia— The Crown Princess^Irritation of Feeling 
In Germany against England — Greatly fomented by the Attacks on Germany and Ger- 
mans in Tm Timea—LorA Clarendon'^s Uneasiness on the Subject — ^His Letter to the 
Qneen — Letter from Lord Ellenborongh to the Prince Consort on the Organisation of 
the Volunteer Forces — The Prince's ^ply — Letter by Prince Consort to Lord Palmer- 
ston on Breech-loading Bifles for the Army — Court leaves Balmoral — Prince Consort 
lays two Foundation Stones at Edinburgh— -Betum to Windsor Castle^Illness and 
Death of King of Portugal— Its Effect on the Prince Consort — Letters by him on the 
Subject — Letter by him to Crown Princess on her Birthday. 

On the 18th of October, the coronation of the King of Prus- 
sia took place in the Church of the Castle of Konigsberg. 
The ceremonial was magnificent and impressive. In a letter 
which Lord Clarendon wrote to the Queen next day, the 
following passage occurs : — 

* That most interesting and imposing ceremony took place yesterday, and 
with the most complete and unalloyed success. Everything was conducted 
with the most perfect order — the service not too long, the vocal music en- 
chanting ; but the great feature of the ceremony was the manner in which 
the Princess Royal did homage to the King. Lord Clarendon is at a loss for 
words to describe to your Majesty the exquisite grace and the intense emotion 
with which her Royal Highness gave effect to her feelings on the occasion. 
Many, and older as well as younger men than Lord Clarendon, who had not 
his interest in the Princess Royal, were quite as unable as himself to repress 
their emotion at that which was so touching, because so unaffected and 
sincere.' * 

Gratifying to the Queen and Prince as this part of Lord 
Clarendon's letter must have been, still more gratifying must 
have been the following tribute to the judgment, the fore- 
sight, and the political sagacity of the Crown Princess, and 
to the hold she had established upon the respect and affection 
of the people of her adopted country : — 

» Lord Granville, in a letter to the Prince from Berlin (24th October), says : 
* Every one who has spoken to me agrees, that one of the most gracefal and 
touching sights that ever was seen was the Crown Princess's salute of the 


* Lord Clarendon has had the honour to hold a very long conversation with 
her Royal Highness, and has been more than ever astonished at the ttcUesman- 
like and comprehensive views which she takes of the policy of Prussia, both 
internal and foreign, and of the ditties of a constitutional king. Lord Clar- 
endon is not at all astonished, but very much pleased, to find how thoroughly 
appreciated and beloved her Royal Highness is by all classes. Every mem- 
ber of the Royal family has spoken of her to Lord Clarendon in terms of 
admiration, and through various channels he has had opportunities of learn- 
ing how strong the feeling of educated and enlightened people is towards her 
Royal Highness. All persons say most truly, that any one who saw her 
Royal Highness yesterday can never f oi^et her.' 

While the Crown Princess produced the remarkable im- 
pression which has been above described, upon the spectators 
of the stately ceremonial at Konigsberg, the incidents which 
chiefly struck herself were of a different kind. In a letter 
to the Queen (19th of October), her Royal Highness says : 
' I should like to be able to describe yesterday's ceremony to 
you, but I cannot find words to tell you how fine and how 
touching it was. It really was a magnificent sight. The 
King looked so very handsome, and so noble with the crown 
on ; it seemed to suit him so exactly. The Queen, too, looked 
beautiful, and did all she had to do with such perfect grace, 
and looked so ^^vomehm (distinguished)." The moment 
when the King put the crown on the Queen's head, was very 
touching. I think there was hardly a dry eye in the Church.' 
The Crown Princess then proceeds to describe, with a vivid 
sense of the picturesque, the general effect of the Church, 
with its magnificent hangings of red velvet and gold, and 
the brilliant array of rich costumes, on which the sunshine 
poured through the high windows during the ceremony. 

* The music,' she adds, * was very fine, and the chorales were 
sung so loud and strong, that I was greatly moved. The 
King was immensely cheered wherever he appeared, also the 
Queen, and even I.' 

Lord Clarendon had not been many days in Prussia be- 
fore he became deeply concerned at the bad effect produced 
there by the persistent attacks of The Times for many months 
upon everything Prussian, to which the Prince had adverted 
in his letter to him of the 6th of October (supra, p. 326). 

* It is quite unnecessary,' he wrote, in a letter to the Queen 
(21st of October) ' to inform your Majesty of the enormous 
and wanton mischief done by the articles in The TlmeSj 
which offend the whole nation, and particularly the army, as 
they are studiously reproduced with comments in the Ger- 


man newspapers. They mortify all those who desire to pro- 
mote a good understanding between the two countries, and, 
if anything could do so^ they would damage the position of 
the Crown Princess.' 

Of all men, Lord Clarendon was little likely to take ex- 
ception to the utmost freedom of discussion in the press, but 
he no doubt expected that the press should in turn exercise 
the great power, which it justly claims for itself, with a due 
sense of the responsibility that no less justly rests upon all 
who profess to guide public opinion. And as the responsi- 
bility is greatest where the power is greatest, anything like 
a reckless use of its power by the leadmg journal, — gener- 
ally considered on the Continent, as it was, to be the organ 
of the Government, — seemed to him peculiarly culpable. So 
serious, at all events, was the view which he took of the 
alienation between this country and Germany, which was 
being engendered by the contemptuous and insulting tone in 
which Germans and their institutions were constantly spoken 
of in the leading articles of JTie T^mes, that, in the same let- 
ter, he suggested that Her Majesty should call the attention 
of Lord Palmerston to it. In another letter, three days 
later, Lord Clarendon recurs to the subject : — 

^ The mischief,' he says, * is incalculable that all the recent articles have 
done us, with a people who ask no better than to be our friends, and who 
arc indignant that we should meddle with their affairs for no other purpose 
than insult. If anything could make the Liberal party defend the King's 
exposition of the Divine Right,* it would be the attacks upon it in T/ie 
limes, for they say truly, that although on principle they agree with the 
article, yet they must spurn every opinion given with a manifest intention to 
offend. Lord Clarendon is all the more annoyed at The Times* system, be- 
cause it evidently preys upon the Princess RoyaPs spirits, and materially 
affects her position in Prussia.* 

Whether Lord Palmerston, on being informed of what 
Lord Clarendon had written, used what influence he was sup- 
posed to have with the conductors of the leading journal to 
bring about a more temperate expression of their views, or 
whether their writers were moved by their own discretion, 
is a matter of little moment." But from this time an im- 

> In addressing the members of the Prussian Chambers the day before his 
coronation, the KSni? had said : ' The Rulers of Prussia receive their crown 
from God. This is the signification of the expression, " King, by the grace 
of God," and therein lies the sanctity of the Crown, wnich is mviolable.' 

• The following passages, bearing upon English journalism, occur in a letter 
by Lord Palmerston to the Queen (30th of October, 18^1) : — 


proved tone was certainly perceptible in what they said, 
both of the German people and of their Sovereign. 

While the Prince was at Balmoral, he received a letter 
from Lord EUenborough, enclosing the copy of a speech 
which he had recently made at Gloucester on the subject of 
the Volunteer movement. * The subject,' he wrote, * is of 
such vital importance, that I thought it necessary to tell the 
people what I believe to be the truth about it, and I am 
anxious that what I really said should be known.' What he 
said was exactly after the Prince's own heart ; for it enforced 
the principles for which he had always been contending, that 
strict discipline, and the habit of acting in the combined 
movements of masses, were essential to make the Volunteers 
a power on which reliance could be placed in the case of in- 
vasion, against which he considered that * the silver streak of 
sea' no longer furnished the same immunity as before the 
days of steam navies. Lord Ellenborough's speech was ad- 
dressed to Volunteers after a rifle competition ; and he took 
the opportunity to tell them that, useful as accuracy of aim 
undoubtedly was, it was of little account in actual warfare 

* The newspapers on the Continent are all, more or less, under a certain de- 
gree of control, and the most prominent among them are the organs of politi- 
cal parties, or of leading public men ; and it is not unnatural that governments 
and parties on the Contment should think that English newspapers are pub- 
lished under similar conditions. But in this country all thriving newspapers 
are commercial undertakings, and are conducted on commercial principles, and 
none others are able long to maintain an existence.' He then goes on to say, 

the most instructive. A dull paper is soon left off. 

* The proprietors and managers of The TimeSy therefore, ffo to great ex- 
pense in sending correspondents to all parts of the world where interesting 
events are taking place : and they employ a great man^ able and clever men 
to write articles upon all subjects which, from time to time, engage public at- 
tention. Then, as mankind take more pleasure in reading criticism and fault- 
finding than praise ' [Lord Palmerston nad obviously not forgotten his Taci- 
tus: * Ohtrectatio et hvor pronia auribus accipiuntur,^] * because it is soothing 
to individual vanity and conceit to fancy tnat the reader has become wiser 
than those about whom he reads, so The Times, in order to maintain the cir- 
culation, criticises freely eveiybody and everything, and especially events, and 
persons, and Governments abroacl, because such strictures are less likely to 
make enemies at home than violent attacks upon persons and parties in this 
country. Foreign Governments and parties ougnt, therefore, to look upon 
Englisn newspapers in the true point or view, and not to be too sensitive as to 
attacks which tnese papers may contain. Foreign Governments do under- 
stand the true state of tne case ; but their subjects do not, and until their own 
press is wholly free, they can scarceljr be expected to do so. England, accus- 
tomed to her free press, is not sensitive to the abuse of the press of other 
countries. In this very year 1861 she endured that of the American press, 
virulent as it was, with entire equanimity.* 


without the mutual reliance of officers and men which results 
from discipline. 

* No troops are of real value to a general/ he said, ^ unless he can move 
them where he pleases, unless he can place them in positions which he knows 
they will defend without assistance, unless he can rely upon them entirely; 
and no man can do this, if his troops have not discipline. I recollect Sir 
Charles Napier, who knew war better than any man in his day, saying, ** En- 
thusiasm runs away." This is rather a strong expression, although we have 
seen something of it in America [at the recent battle of Bull's Run] ; and 
observe, there it occurred, where the men possessed great courage, and have 
the greatest accuracy of aim ; and yet they ran away, because they had no 
discipline. . . . The power to win a victory must be obtained, not by assem- 
bling in companies, but in battalions, and even in brigades, and it is only by 
the assistance of Government that the Volunteers can obtain the proficiency 
of movement in the field, which will make them of real use to a general.' 

Lord Ellenborough's letter drew from the Prince the fol- 
lowing reply : — 

* Bahnoral, 3rd October, 1861. 

* My dear Lord Ellenborough, — ^You are very kind to 
have sent me a correct copy of your speech about the Volun- 
teers. Sach good advice as you gave them cannot fail to be 
of use to a movement, the importance of which cannot be 
over-estimated, Naples and North America have within less 
than a year shown the advantages and dangers of Volunteer 
forces. But in neither case have they had to meet good reg- 
ular troops. The German Volunteers in 1813 are still the 
only instance of successes of such forces against a good army, 
and in that case they were incorporated with regular troops. 
In Spain the Volunteers were not worth much ; in the Tyrol, 
in 1809, they derived peculiar advantages from the nature of 
their country, which prevented the use of cavalry and artil- 

* I should be afraid of a large Volunteer army by itself 
in the field, opposed to an army of Regulars. In India, I be- 
lieve, you put your native troops between regiments of the 

*The organisation of our Militia, Volunteers, and Yeo- 
manry, as an integral part of the army, is an object which I 
have not as yet seen treated professionally, and with a view 
to practical steps, and it is certainly one of great importance, 
though of great difficulty. 120,000 Militia, 120,000 Volun- 
teers, and 20,000 Yeomanry, making a total of 260,000 troops, 
of only partial training, and differing in character from each 


other, would have to give body to about 50,000 good regular 
troops in the field ! 

* This will require a great deal of organising, and if left 
to the last moment of danger, may lead to inextricable con- 

There was no topic in connection with the national de- 
fenses on which the Prince did not take means to keep him- 
self thoroughly informed. The improvements in all kinds 
of firearms were the subject of his most careful study and 
observation. His knowledge and judgment on these topics 
were constantly appealed to ; and a few days after the date 
of the letter just quoted, we find him writing to Lord 
Palmerston, giving his experience of the advantages of the 
breech-loading rifle, which had not then obtained general 

recognition : — 

* Balmoral, 12th October, 1861. 

* My dear Lord Palmerston, — I am glad to see from your 
letter of the 7th inst., that you keep up the steam about our 
Defences. Shomcliffe wants sadly a drill-ground, and I am 
happy to hear that three hundred acres of land adjoining the 
camp are to be had. The purchase would be most useful for 
that camp. 

* With regard to the Enfield rifie, I do not know what the 
objection taken to it is. A greater strength in the barrel is 
all that I thought might be required ; for, as regards range 
and accuracy of shooting, it goes far beyond the possible re- 
quirements of military service. If a change be contemplated, 
it will be worth considering whether we should not at once 
go to the breech-loaders. They are sure to carry the day 
eventually, and there are plenty of patents out, which answer 
admirably. The breech-loading carbine of the cavalry is a 
most excellent weapon (it is W. Richards'). We have tried 
it here after deer and found it very good. I have been 
shooting this year exclusively with Lancaster's breech-load- 
ers,* and found the advantage in a hundred ways so great 
over the muzzle-loading rifles, that I shall quite abandon 
these. I have not met with one accident in loading or firing, 
nor has it missed fire once in all the rain we have had, whilst 
the muzzle-loaders, with every care, have missed fire several 

* The simplification of the ammunition, dispensing with a 

* The Queen's gift— see mpra^ p. 817. 


separate cap, is another great advantage ; so is the power of 
loading in any position, without exposing oneself (stretched 
out in the heather, for instance). 

* The question of altering the bore of our muskets is, on 
the other hand, a most serious one, leading to mixture of am- 
munition, which would be fatal in military operations. We 
must have 220,000 Enfield rifle muskets out in the Army, 
120,000 in the MUitia, and near 100,000 amongst the Volun- 
teers — ^together somewhere about 400,000, and we have got 
about 300,000 in store, and must have several millions of car- 
tridges made up. 

' One decided superiority Whitworth^a rifle has over all 
others, and that is the more horizontal trajectory. All other 
long-range rifles throw their balls at high elevations, so that 
the men are sure to miss by shooting over or under the ob- 
ject aimed at, if they have been in error in accurately judg- 
ing the distance, which will and must constantly happen.' 

Several of the Prince's letters to Baron Stockmar remained 
unanswered ; but the old man was so mixed up with every 
home association, that the Prince, however busy, continued 
to keep him apprised of all that was passing in the Royal 
circle. The following letter was the last the Baron was to 
receive from Balmoral : — 

* Time runs on its course, and I observe that once more a 
considerable space has elapsed since I wrote to you last. Our 
stay at Balmoral is approaching its end, and has done us 
good, as usual. Little Arthur was despatched to Windsor 
on Saturday last, that he might devote himself there to his 
studies for some days, undisturbed by the rest of the family. 

* Dr. Gtlnther, a Wtlrtemberg physician, who was former- 
ly in the family of Lord John Russell, has been with us for 
the last four days, and has undertaken the superintendence 
of little Leopold, whom he is to accompany, at the beginning 
of November, to Cannes for the winter. Sir Edward, Lady, 
and Miss Bo water will go there with him, and he (Bo water) 
will take the ostensible charge. 

* The Prince of Wales leaves to-morrow for Cambridge, 
and three days later Louis [Prince of Hesse] returns to 
Darmstadt. The former has come back greatly pleased 
with his interview with the Princess of Holstein at Speier. 

* . . . His present wish, after his time at the University 

1861 AT EDINBURGH. 337 

is up, which it will be about Christmas, is to travel ; and we 
have gladly assented to his proposal to visit the Holy Land. 
This, under existing circumstances, is the most useful tour 
he can make, and will occupy him till early in June. 

^ ... In home politics we have perfect tranquillity ; in 
foreign, the press, and particularly The Times^ is doing all 
it can to alienate England and Germany from each other as 
widely as possible ; and a formal crusade is in progress 
against Prussia, as it formerly was against Naples. To what 
end ? Why ? I have lost my wits puzzling over these ques- 
tions. One end has been thoroughly gained, for here ani- 
mosity is kindled against Germany, and there downright 
hatred towards England. 

* How are you ? It is useless to ask, for you won't an- 
swer, yet an answer I should like very much to have. To 
be forced to be so wholly without interchange of thought 
with you, is to me a great privation. 

* Balmoral, 14th October, 1861. 

* P.S. — We leave this on the 22nd. I have two founda- 
tion stones to lay in Edinburgh the next day, and that same 
evening we move on to Windsor.' 

The foundation stones here referred to by the Prince 
were those of the new Post Office and of the Industrial Mu- 
seum. On the 23rd of October, the Court having reached 
Holyrood the previous evening, the ceremony of laying these 
stones was gone through by the Prince, under a sunless sky 
and with a keen autumn wind blowing, both most unfavour- 
able for a ceremonial, of which long extempore prayers 
formed an important part, during which the immediate spec- 
tators were expected to stand in the open air with heads un- 
covered. The crowd assembled to greet the Prince was very 
great, and he appears to have been gratified by the warmth 
of their demonstrations. The same evening the Court pro- 
ceeded to Windsor Castle, which was reached before nine 
next morning. During their absence considerable improve- 
ments had been made in the Corridors, the Royal Closet, the 
Waterloo Gallery, and other parts of the Castle, in devising 
which the Prince had taken great interest, and which he 
mentions in his Diary as having been most satisfactorily car- 
ried out. 

The next day brought the tidings of the death of Sir 

VOL. V. — 15 


James Graham^ who, although in failing health, had taken 
an active part in some of the most important discussions of 
the previous Session. In politics the Prince regarded him as 
too much of a partisan, and too covetous of popularity to be 
entitled to take a leading rank as a statesman ; but he was 
very sensible of the loss to the country, and to his party, of 
a man whose ability and experience in adminstration and in 
Parliamentary tactics gave him great weight in.council, and 
whose vigorous eloquence was often most serviceable in de- 

Baron Stockmar was sure to hear with concern of the 
death of one with whom he had long been intimate. The 
Prince touches upon this in the following letter to him : — 

* Windsor Castle, 28th October, 1861. 

* I must announce to you our safe return to old Windsor, 
where we are once more settled. The first day the Queen's 
wounds were opened afresh, and she suffered greatly, as it is 
the first time she has lived here without finding Mama at 
Frogmore. The void struck home to the heart ; but now 
habit, with its healing power, grows daily stronger. 

* The death of so old an aquaintance as Sir James Graham 
will have distressed you not a little. Politically he was used 
up, especially as he had not the courage to undertake the part 
which, from his position and experience, devolved on him, 
of moderator and arbitrator amid the complications of every- 
day policy. . . . His loss, important as he was, will therefore 
be scarcely felt in the country as a loss. 

* The speeches of the King of Prussia at Konigsberg have 
produced a bad impression here, and the theory of the Divine 
right of kings (apart from being an absurdity in itself, and 
exploded here for the last two hundred years) is suitable 
neither to the position and vocation of Prussia nor to those 
of the King. The difficulty of establishing united action 
between Prussia and England has been again infinitely aug- 
mented by this royal programme. Otherwise, everything 
seems to have gone off admirably at the Coronation. . . .' 

For some days after his return to Windsor Castle, the 
Prince appeared to be in fair health, and went about his 
avocations as usual. He occupied himself with making ai*- 
rangements for the future household of the Princess AUce, 
and for the journey of Prince Leopold under the care of Sir 


Edward and Lady Bowater to Cannes, where he was to spend 
the winter, leaving England on the 4th of November. The 
Prince also made visits to London to inspect the alterations 
which were in progress in the Chapel at Buckingham Palace, 
and at Marlborough House, which was being prepared as a 
residence for the Prince of Wales. He- went on the 4th of 
November to Wellington College, to inspect the building 
operations there, and two days afterwards went again to 
town, to preside at the monthly meeting of the Agricultural 
Society, and also to examine the progress of the building for 
the Great Exhibition of 1862, and the works at the Horti- 
cultural Gardens. On the 8th and 9th he went out pheasant- 
shooting in Windsor Park and pursued the sport with his 
usual eagerness and success. 

At this time a feverish illness of the Crown Princess of 
Prussia, the result of a severe cold caught at the Coronation 
at Konigsberg, occasioned some anxiety to the Queen and 
Prince. But just when this was being removed by news of 
her recovery, they were greatly disquieted by tidings from 
Lisbon of tne outbreak of typhoid fever in the Portuguese 
Royal family, to whom they were most warmly attached. 
On the 6th of November a telegram informed them that the 
King's brother. Prince Ferdinand, had died of the fever that 
morning. His brothers. Prince Louis, Duke of Oporto, and 
Prince John, Duke of Beja, arrived in England next day 
from Prussia, where they had been to attend the King's Coro- 
nation, and visited the Queen and Prince before setting out 
for Lisbon. Meanwhile the King, Don Pedro Y., had been 
seized with the fever, and its fatal issue in his brother's case 
naturally filled the mind of -the Prince, who loved the King 
with an affection almost paternal, with grave alarm. 

The Castle was full of guests at the time — the Grand 
Duke and Grand Duchess Constantine, the Duke of Cam- 
bridge, Lord Granville, Earl and Countess Russell, Lord and 
Lady Sydney, Baron and Baroness Brunnow, and others — 
who remained till the 9th. * This,' the Queen's Diary records, 
* was our dear Bertie's twentieth birthday. I pray God, to 
assist our efforts to make him turn out well. . . . The bells 
rang in the afternoon, and I felt so sad ! I missed beloved 
Mama so much ! Last year she was still here, and though 
she could no longer come to breakfast as she had always done 
before, she came to luncheon beautifully dressed, and we had 
been down to see her in the morning. It was the first birth- 


daj^ f 6te spent here without her, and the difference was most 
painfully felt. All our people, in and out of the house, came 
to dinner. Bertie led me in, by Albert's wish, and I sat be- 
tween him and Albert. The band played for the first time 
since our sad loss.' 

The next day brought tidings that, since his brother's 
death, the King of Portugal had become much worse, and 
that his life was in danger. * We were in the greatest dis- 
tress and anxiety,' is the entry in Her Majesty's Diary, * and 
I at once said I felt as if it would be Stephanie's case over 
again,' yet we could not even bear to think of such a catas- 
trophe.' The tidings next day left little room for hope. The 
Pnnce had gone to London to preside at a meeting of the 
Governors of Wellington College, and also at a Council of 
the Duchy of Cornwall, and on his return to Windsor Castle 
in the evening he found a telegram from the King's father, 
which led him to anticipate the worst. His fears were fatal- 
ly confirmed next morning by a further telegram announcing 
that his friend had died the previous evening. 

In her Diary for the day Her Majesty writes : * Such a 
fearful loss ! and nothing to be grateful for, as in dear Mama's 
case — the saving from all future suffering and pain ! The 
only thought which has comfort in it is that he — dear, pure, 
excellent Pedro — ^is united to his darling angel Stephanie, and 
that he is spared the pang and sacrifice of having to marry 
again. But it is an irreparable loss for the country, which 
adored him, — for his and our family, of which he was the 
brightest ornament, — for Europe — in short, for every one. 
Highly gifted and most able, pure, virtuous, excellent, hard- 
working to a degree, and only devoted to duty, he was one 
in a thousand. My Albert was very fond of him, loved him 
like a son (as I did too), while he had unbounded confidence 
in Albert, and was worthy of him. ... It was like another 
awful dream I Dear Pedro ! Only twenty-five, gone from 
this world, in which he was certainly never happy ! It is 
too, too dreadful ! ' 

The next day the Prince relieved his heart by writing to 
the Crown Princess ; but with his wonted self-command, he 
gave no indication of the extent to which he had been shaken 
by the death of the young King : — 

* See ante, vol. iv. p. 885. Prince John, Duke of Beja, who was only nine- 
teen, caught the fever, and died at Lisbon on the 22nd of December. 


' Windsor Castle, 13th November, 1861. 

* I cannot realise to my mind the fact of dear Pedro being 
snatched from this earth and Louis in his place. What a 
terrible blow for the unhappy country, for poor Ferdinand ? 
With the good Pedro it is well. What with the wounds 
which the loss of his Stephanie left in his heart, the mourn- 
ful cast of thought which was peculiar to his nature, and the 
great conscientiousness which made him feel so deeply every- 
thing that affected his own duty and the welfare of his coun- 
try, he would never have been entirely happy here below, 
and now he is united to the angel who went before him. But 
he was qualified to effect infinite good for a degraded country 
and people, and also to uphold with integrity the monarchi- • 
cal principle, and to strengthen the faith in its blessings, 
which unhappily is so frequently shaken to its foundation by 
those who are its representatives. 

* Spare yourself, nurse yourself,, and get completely well. 
The disaster in Portugal is another proof that we are never 
safe to refuse Nature her rights.' 

The Prince also wrote to Baron Stockmar. This letter 
has a peculiar interest as the last of the long series to that 
trusted friend, and from the expressions it contains of the 
same yearning towards him as his best adviser, which had 
marked all their intercourse, when in the early years of their 
friendship he had leant upon him for counsel and guidance. 
The Prince had some anxiety and annoyance of a private 
nature at the very time the* intelligence reached him of the 
King of Portugal's death. At any other time, or if his health 
had not been already shaken, he would not have allowed it to 
weigh unduly upon his spirits. As it was, however, he was 
unable to shake it off. It haunted him with the persistency 
with which even trifles haunt the mind, when the nervous 
system has been overtaxed. This torturing tyranny of ever- 
recurring thought is never more relentless than when sleep- 
lessness nas set in ; and this was the Prince's case : for we 
leam, by an entry in his Diary (24th November), that for 
the last fourteen days his nights had been almost wholly 
wakeful. Again and again, in former days, the Prince had 
talked out his troubles with the Baron : there was no one 
else but the Queen with whom he could talk them out ; and 
there is a peculiar pathos in the few words of this letter in 
which he tells his aged friend that he is in sore need of a 


true friend and counsellor, and that it is of him he thinks in 
his perplexity : — 

* With us you will have bewailed the sad calamity in Por- 
tugal. You knew my love for Pedro, and how, by the inter- 
change of our ideas, we endeavoured to work for the advance- 
ment of that unhappy country, and you will therefore be able 
to imagine my distress. For Ferdinand to lose both his sons 
in one week, to know that the life of the third is in danger, 
was indeed terrible. He had just seen his last daughter [the 
Princess Antoinette] leave the paternal home, and his other 
sons were still here. We saw them only for a moment be- 
fore they started ; they were then mourning for their young- 
er brother, and full of anxiety for their eldest. They will 
have reached Lisbon yesterday evening, or early to-day.* 

* The Princess Royal has been very unwell, and is still 
suffering in her ears and head. We have advised the great- 
est prudence and circumspection, and are heartily glad that 
an intended visit to Breslau must be given up. Moral agita- 
tion about the posture of affairs politically may have com- 
bined with the various" exertions and chills to wnich she was 
exposed during the festivities to make her ill. 

* I am fearfully in want of a true friend and counsellor* 
and that you are the friend and counsellor I want, you will 
readily understand. 

* We have heard from little Leopold from Avignon, and 
of Alfred from Halifax. He is to accompany the expedition 
against Mexico. 

* Windsor Castle, 14th November, 1861.' 

Prince Leopold left England on the 4th of November, and 
reached Cannes on the 14th of that month. His journey was 
retarded by the illness of Sir Edward Bowater, whose mal- 
ady continued to increase, after his arrival at Cannes, and 
ended, as will presently be seen, fatally. 

The day the letter just cited was written, the Prince had 
gone out shooting. The Queen in her Diary notes that he 
was * low and sad,' and indeed it was apparent to Her Majes- 
ty, that the blow had struck deep, and that the Prince was 
not in a state to encounter the fatigue of the duties which 
every day brought with it. The frequent journeys to Lon- 

• They reached Lisbon on the 18th. Next day their father telegraphed to 
the Queen : '• Lmiis et Jean sorU arrives hwr matin en bonne sante: fai deta 
remu k gou^emement a Zouis.^ 

1861 OVERWORK. 343 

don since his return from the Highlands had added to these 
fatigues, and on the 12th, the Queen wrote to Sir Charles 
Phipps (the Prince's secretary), calling his attention to the 
fact that the Prince had never ' gone so often as he had done 
this year, even after the longest absence,' and expressing a 
hope that he would not again be called upon in the same way 
for some time. Sir Charles Phipps, who was only too well 
aware of the undue strain which the Prince had so long kept 
upon his strength, at once replied : — 

' He can with tbe greatest sincerity assure your Majesty, that not even your 
Majesty can be more anxious to save the Prince from unnecessary business. 

* The health of the Prince is indeed of an importance that cannot be over- 
rated ; and it has been Sir C. Fhipps's study for many years to assist and 
lighten the business which in such an endless variety of shapes comes before 
his Royal Highness.' 

So well had the Prince borne up, that not even so keen 
and close an observer was conscious of any alteration in his 
looks, for in the same letter he writes, that he thought, * when 
he saw the Prince last night, that his Royal Highness was 
looking in much better health, and seemed in very good spirits.' 

The 21st of November was the twenty-first anniversary 
of the Crown Princess's birthday. From the letter which 
the Prince sent to greet her on tnat day, we are enabled to 
present the following passages. It was all but the last she 
was fo receive from the parent who idolised her, and who 
was idolised by her in return ; but what more blessed part- 
ing counsel and benediction could loving child desire from 
loving father ? — 

* Windsor Castle, 19th November, 1861. 

* May your life, which has begun beautifully, expand still 
further to the good of others and the contentment of your 
own mind ! True inward happiness is to be sought only in 
the internal consciousness of effort systematically directed to 

food and useful ends. Success indeed depends upon the 
lessing which the Most High sees meet to vouchsafe to our 
endeavours. May this success not fail you, and may your 
outward life leave you unhurt by the storms, to which the 
sad heart so often looks forward with a shrinking dread ! 

* Without the basis of health it is impossible to rear any- 
thing stable. The frightful event in Portugal stands m 
strong outline before our eyes. 

* Therefore see that you spare yourself now, so that at 
some future time you may be able to do more.' 


Illness of Prince Consort— The Trent Affkir— Draft Memorandum for Lord John Rnssell 
on the Subject — The Last Draft prepared by the Prince — Its Suggestions adopted — 
Salutary Kesults — Progress of the Princess lUness — His Death— Concluding Uemarks. 

It was characteristic of the Prince Consort that he con- 
templated the prospect of death with an equanimity by no 
means common in men of his years. This was owing to no 
indifference or distaste for life. He enjoyed it, and was 
happy and cheerful in his work, in his family circle, in lov- 
ing thoughtfulness for others, and in the sweet returns of 
affection which this brought back to himself. But he had 
none of the strong yearning for life and fulness of years 
which is felt by those who shrink from looking beyond ' the 
warm precincts of the genial day ' into a strange and xincer- 
tain future. He had no wish to die, but he did not care for 
living. Not long before his fatal illness, in speaking to the 
Queen, he said : * I do not cling to life. You do ; but I set 
no store by it. If I knew that those I love were well cared 
for, I should be quite ready to die to-morrow.' In the same 
conversation, he added : * I am sure, if I had a severe illness, 
I should give up at once, I should not struggle for life. I 
have no tenacity of life.' This was said without a trace of 
sadness : he was content to stay, if such were Heaven's will ; 
he was equally ready to go hence, should that will be other- 

Death in his view was but the portal to a further life, in 
which he might hope for a continuance, under happier con- 
ditions, of all that was best in himself and in those he loved, 
unclogged by the weakness, and unsaddened by the failures, 
the misunderstandings, the sinfulness, and the sorrows of 
earthly existence. 

* This spirit,' the Queen writes in a memorandum in 1862, 


*this beautiful, cheerful spirit it was, which made him al- 
ways happy, always contented, though he felt so deeply and 
BO acutely when others did wrong, and when people did not 
do their duty ; it was the power he had of taking interest in 
everything, attending to everything, which prompted those 
blessed feelings about eternity. He was ready to live, ready 
to die, " not because I wish to be happier," as he often re- 
marked, but because he was quite ready to go. He did not 
do what was right for the sake of a reward hereafter, but, as 
he always said, " because it was right." ' 

It will be apparent from what has been said in the pre- 
vious chapter, that the Prince Consort was in a state of 
health when any little casualty, whether of exposure to bad 
weather, or to any noxious agent of any kind, could scarcely 
fail to affect him seriously. The immediately operative cause 
of the fever under which he sank has never been actually 
ascertained ; but its germination has been traced back with 
some precision to the 22nd of November, when he went to 
Sandhurst, to inspect the buildings for the new Staff College 
and Royal Military Academy, which were then in progress. 
He had, as we have already seen, felt the deepest interest in 
these institutions, and he had learned by experience that 
careful forethought in laying out the plans of such establish- 
ments was not more necessary than a watchful eye over the 
way in which these plans were carried out. Despite a day 
of incessant rain, — ^ entsetzlicher Itegen^ ('terrific rain') is 
the name he gives it in his Diary — ^he drove over to Sand- 
hurst, in the morning, from Windsor, made a careful survey 
of what was being done, and found, to his satisfaction, that 
the works, since he had last seen them, had made good pro- 
gress.. He was back at Windsor Castle by two, and com- 
plained, says Her Majesty's Diary, 'of being tired, and 
much of the weather.' There can be little doubt that the 
fatigue and exposure which he had undergone produced an 
injurious effect. 

The sleeplessness, which had begun on the 10th, contin- 
ued ; and the Queen's Diary of the 23rd mentions that 'it 
made him weak and tired.' That day he went out shooting 
with Prince Ernest Leiningen for a few hours. It was the 
last time he did so. News had arrived of the serious illness 
of Sir Edward Bowater at Cannes, and the Prince had to 
busy himself in making arrangements for some one to take 
his place with Prince Leopold, in the event of a successor 

346 IT INCREASES. 1861 

becoming necessary.* Count Lavradio also came to the Cas- 
tie the same day, bringing with him letters from the father 
and brother of the King of Portn^, and gave the Queen 
and Prince all the distressing details of the young King's 

Next day, the 24th, was a Sunday, and the Prince walked 
down with the Queen, the Royal children, the Prince and 
Princess of Leiningen, to Frogmore, where thw visited the 
Duchess of Kent's mausoleum. The Prince's Diary for the 
day contains only the following entry : * Am full of rheu- 
matic pains, and feel thoroughly unwell. Have scarcely 
closed my eyes at night for the last fortnight.' 

Next morning he left Windsor at half-past ten, and trav- 
elled to Cambridge by rail, on a visit to the Prince of Wales 
at Maddingley. The day was cold and stormy, and the 
Prince's Diary records that he was * still greatly out of sorts.* 

He was back at Windsor Castle by half-past one next 
day. * Bin recht elend ' (* Am very wretched ') is the entry 
in his Diarjr. He could not join the Queen, as usual, in her 
walk — feeling that he must rest, * and very uncomfortable 
from pains in the back and legs.* 

Next day was no better. Again the night had been bad, 
and the Prince still complained of rheumatic pains, and of a 
great feeling of weariness and weakness. Although able to 
move about, he had frequently to rest himself, and was not 
strong enough to go out. On the 28th he was no better, and 
felt greatly out of spirits, when the tidings arrived of the 
outrage by the Americans on the British flag, which came 
presently to be known as the IVent affair. The incident was 
of a character so serious, and produced a feeling of indigna- 
tion throughout the kingdom so general, that its effect was 
to add anxiety to the depression which had already become 
one of the most distressing symptoms of the Prince's illness. 

So important was the part which he played in guiding 
the action of the Government on this the very last occasion 
on which the value of his counsels to the land of his adop- 
tion was to be shown, that we pause in our narrative to dwell 
in some detail upon the circumstances of a dispute which, for 
a time, seemed to threaten the friendly relations between the 
two countries. 

1 The necessity did arise, as Sir Edward Bo water died at Cannes on tibe fatal 
14th of December. 

1861 THE "TRENT" AFFAIR. 347 

On the 8th of November the English steamer TVent, 
which had sailed from the Havannah n>r England the day 
before with mails and passengers, was met by the San Jor 
cinto^ an American ship of war. A round shot, soon after- 
wards followed by a shell, fired by the San Jacinto across 
the bows of the Trent^ left her captain no alternative but to 
bring to. She was immediately boarded by an American 
officer, Captain Wilkes, accompanied by a large guard of 
marines, who demanded a list of the passengers. This being 
refused, he said he had orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Sli- 
dell, McFarland, and Eustis, who, he had sure information, 
were on board. Messrs. Mason and Slidell were envoys ac- 
credited by the Confederated States, Mr. Mason to the Eng- 
lish and Mr. Slidell to the French Court, and the other 
gentlemen were their secretaries. They had run the block- 
ade from Charleston to Cardenas in Cuba in the Confed- 
erate steamer Nashville^ escaping the vigilance of the Federal 
vessels, which had been for some time on the look-out to 
prevent their reaching a neutral port ; and it was well 
known by the Federal authorities that they had done so 
with the view of finding their way to Europe. While the 
parley between the American officer and Commander Wil- 
liams, the Government mail-agent on board the Trent^ was 
going forward, Mr. Slidell ended it by stepping forward and 
telling Captain Wilkes that his friends and himself stood 
there before him. In defiance of the protest both of the 
Commander of the Trent^ and of Commander Williams, 
against Mr. Mason and his friends, passengers in a British 
vessel from one neutral port to another, being seized, they 
were forcibly removed by Captain Wilkes, and the Trent 
was then allowed to proceed upon her way. 

The excitement throughout the United Kingdom, when 
these facts became known after the arrival of the Trent at 
Southampton on the 27th of November, was very great. The 
outrage savoured so much of contemptuous defiance that the 
national feeling was wounded to the quick. * Bear this, bear 
all,' was the prevailing cry, and not an hour was lost in mak- 
ing preparations for the war, which it seemed to be the ob- 
ject of the Americans to provoke." The law officers of the 

" Axnon^ other measures, which showed how thoroughly we were in earnest, 
troops to the number of 8,000 were despatched to Canada. This fact was urged 
as one of Mr. Cobden*s items of indictment against what he called Lord Palm- 
erston's 'sensation policy,' in a great speech in the House of Commons 

348 THE "TRENT" AFFAIR. 1861 

Crown gave their opinion, that the seizure of the American 
envoys was hj international law illegal and unjustifiable. 
Upon this the Cabinet, as Lord Palmerston wrote to the 
Queen on the 29th of November, had come to the conclusion 
that Her Majesty * should be advised to demand reparation 
and redress.' 

'The Cabinet^* he continued, *is to meet agun to-morrow at two, by which 
time Lord Russell wiU have prepared an instruction to Lord Lyons (our Am* 
bassador at Washington) for consideration of the Cabinet, and for submission 
afterwards to your Majesty. The general outline and tenor which appeared 
to meet the opinions of the Cabinet would be, that the Washington Govern- 
ment should be told that what has been done is a violation of international 
law, and of the rights of Great Britain, and that your Majesty's Government 
trust that the act wiU be disavowed, and the prisoners set free and restored 
to British protection; and that Lord Lyons should be instructed, that, if this 
demand is refused, he should retire from the United States.' 

In the same letter Lord Palmerston mentioned that Mrs. 
and Miss Slidell, who were then in London, had stated that 
the officer who boarded the IVent had said he was acting on 
his own responsibility, without instructions from Washing- 
ton. Very possibly, therefore, his action might, they thpught, 
be disavowed, and the prisoners be set free on their arrival 
in Washington. But this anticipation was obviously not 
shared by Lord Palmerston, who had been credibly informed 
that General Scott, of the Federal army, who was then in 
Paris, had said that the seizure had been deliberately deter- 
mined on by the American Cabinet, even at the risk of pro- 
voking war with England, in which event General Scott gave 
out that he was commissioned to propose to France to join 
the Northern States against England, the bribe being the 
restoration of the French province of Canada to France. 
* General Scott,' Lord Palmerston added, with a confidence 
which was speedily justified by the prompt disapproval by 
the French Emperor of what had taken place, * will probably 
find himself much mistaken as to the success of his overtures; 

(August 1862), on the ground that we should have waited, before incurring 
this expense, for the answer of the Federal Government to our remonstrance. 
Statesmen, responsible for the maintenance of peace, however, know well that 
the surest way of preserving it, while men are what they are, is to let it be 
seen that the nation they represent is not afraid of war. It is well to note, in 
reference to Mr. Cobden's argument, what our Ambassador, Lord Lyons, wrote 
on the 19th of November, 1861, from Washington : * I don't think it likely the^ 
will give in, but I do not think it impossible they may do so, particularly %f 
the iMsct news from England brings note of warlike preparation and determination 
on the part of the Government and thejpeoj^le? 

1 z ^ 




for the French Government is more disposed towards the 
South than the North, and is probably thinking more about 
cotton than about Canada.' 

Next day (30th of November) after the Cabinet meeting, 
Lord John Kussell forwarded to the Queen the Drafts of the 
various Despatches which were to be sent to Lord Lyons. 
They reached Windsor Castle in the evening, and doubtless 
occupied much of the Prince's thoughts, in the long hours of 
the winter morning, when he found sleep impossible. Ill as 
he was, in accordance with his accustomed habit he rose at 
seven, and before eight he had finished and brought to the 
Queen the Draft of a Memorandum on the subject of these 
Despatches. * He could eat no breakfast,' is the entry in 
Her Majesty's Diary, * and looked very wretched. But still 
he was well enough on getting up to make a Draft for me 
to write to Lord Russell in correction of his Draft to Lord 
Lyons, sent to me yesterday, which Albert did not approve.' 
When he brought it to the Queen, he told her that he could 
scarcely hold his pen while writing it. Traces of his weak- 
ness are visible in the handwriting, and may be perceived 
in the annexed facsimile, even by those who are not familiar 
with his autograph. This facsimile has a special value, as 
representing the last political Memorandum written by the 
Prince, while it was at the same time inferior to none of 
them, as will presently be seen, in the importance of its re- 
sults. It shows, like most of his Memorandums, by the cor- 
rections in the Queen's hand, how the minds of both were 
continually brought to bear .upon the subjects with which 
they dealt. 

What was the nature of the Prince's objection to the 
Draft of ' the principal Despatch ' (the others were private, 
and not to be communicated to the United States Govern- 
ment), is sufficiently obvious from his Memorandum : — 

* Windsor Castle, December 1, 1861. 

' The Queen returns these important Drafts, which upon 
the whole she approves ; but she cannot help feeling that 
the main Draft, — that for communication to the American 
Government — is somewhat meagre. She should have liked 
to have seen the expression of a hope, that the American 
captain did not act under instructions, or, if he did, that he 
misapprehended them, — that the United States Government 
must be fully aware that the British Government could not 

350 THE "TRENT" AFFAIR. 1861 

allow its flag to be insulted, and the security of her mail 
communications to be placed in jeopardy ; and Her Majes- 
ty's Government are unwilling to believe that the United 
States Government intended wantonly to put an insult upon 
this country, and to add to their many distressing complica- 
tions by forcing a question of dispute upon us, and that we 
are therefore glad to believe that, upon a full consideration 
of the circumstances of the undoubted breach of Interna- 
tional Law committed, they would spontaneously offer such 
redress as alone could satisfy this country, viz. the restora- 
tion of the unfortunate passengers and a suitable apology.' 

The suggestions here made at once commended them- 
selves to Lord John Russell. * Lord Palmerston thought 
them excellent,' are Lord Granville's words, in a letter next 
day to the Prince, in which he expresses his own delight 
that the Despatch had been altered m accordance with them. 
By the time this letter reached the Prince, he was already 
much worse. It was read to him bv the Queen, and he was 
much gratified by the good result oi his observations, which 
led to the removal from the Despatch of everything which 
could irritate a proud and sensitive nation, at the same time 
that it offered to them an opportunity of receding honour- 
ably from the position in which they had been placed by the 
indiscreet act of a too zealous navy captain. 

The Despatch was in fact remodelled upon the lines indi- 
cated by the Prince, its language being little more than his 
own cast into official form. After setting out the facts of 
the seizure, constituting ' an act of violence, which was an 
affront to the British flag and a violation of international 
law,' it proceeds : — 

* Her Majesty's Government, bearing in mind the friendly relations which 
have long subsisted between Great Britain and the United States, are willing 
to believe that the United States naval officer who committed this aggression 
was not acting in compliance with any authority from his Government, or 
that, if he conceived himself to be so authorised, he greatly misunderstood 
the instructions which he had received. For the Government of the United 
States must be fully aware that the British Government could not allow such 
an affront to the national honour to pass without full reparation; and Her 
Majesty's Government are unwilling to believe that it could be the deliberate 
intention of the Government of the United States unnecessarily to force into 
discussion between the two Governments a question of so grave a character, 
and with regard to which the whole British Nation would be sure to enter- 
tain such unanimity of feeling. 

1861 THE " TRENT »♦ AFFAIR. 351 

' Her Majesty's (Sovemment therefore trust that, when this matter shall 
have been brought under the consideration of the United States, that 6ot- 
emment will of its own accord offer to the British Government such redress 
as alone could satisfy the British nation, namely, the liberation of the four 
gentlemen, and their delivery to your Lordship, in order that they may again 
be placed under British protection, and a suitable apology for the aggression 
which has been committed.' 


Whatever the answer of the American Government might 
be, the assurance that England had put herself in the right 
position by the moderation of her tone must have lightened 
the uneasy suspense that had seemed to come so inoppor- 
tunely to aggravate the anxiety which the rapid progress of 
the Prince's illness was now causing to the Queen and to 
himself. In this crisis the Emperor of the French proved 
his loyalty to England by a prompt declaration, addressed 
by M. Thouvenel to M. Mercier, the French Ambassador at 
Washington, that the French Government regarded the act 
of the captain of the 8an Jacinto as unjustifiable, accompa- 
nied by the expression of a hope that the President of the 
United States would accede to the British proposals, by giv- 
ing up the prisoners, with such an explanation as would be 
satisfactory to our national feeling.* The. same course was 
immediately adopted by Austria and Prussia ; and similar 
views were without delay conveyed on the part of Russia by 
both Prince Gortschakoff and ^baron Brunnow to their col- 
league at Washington. Better than all, in its influence on the 
other side of the Atlantic, was the calm and unmistakably res- 
olute attitude of the united British nation. The effect of this 
upon the mind of influential Americans then in England was 
great — so great, that on the 5th of December Lord Palmer- 
ston, in a letter to the Queen, assured Her Majesty on the 
best authority, that Mr. Thurlow Weed,* a great friend and 

■ Even before these instructions reached Washington, M. Mercier had spoken 
to Mr. Seward in the same sense. On the 23rd of December Lord Lyons wrote 
to Lord Kussell : * M. Mercier went, of his own accord, to Mr. Seward the day 
before yesterday, and expressed strongly his own conviction that the choice lay 
only between a compliance with the demands of England and war. He begsed 
Mr. Seward to dismiss all idea of assistance from France : and not to be led 
away by the vulgar notion, that the Emperor would gladly see England em- 
broiled with the United States, in order to pursue his own plans in Europe 
without oppocition.* 

* We are informed by the Right Honourable W. E. Forster, who knew Mr. 
Thurlow Weed at this time, that he was sent over as an accredited, though not 
an official, agent^ of the United States Government, to watch over their inter- 
ests, and to do his best to neutralise English sympathy with the South. Some 
tidings of what had been done by the Sovereign in modifying Lord John Bu&- 

362 THE "TRENT" AFFAIR. 1861 

adviser of Mr. Seward, who was then in London, * had been 
so much struck with the intensity and unanimity of feeling 
in this country, that he had written to Mr. Seward to advise 
him to yield to the British demands absolutely and immedi- 

All these considerations no doubt had their weight in de- 
termining •the decision of the United States Government. 
But they would probably have failed to sway it into compli- 
ance with the British demands, but for the temperate and 
conciliatory tone in which, thanks to the Prince, the views 
of the Government had been conveyed. Mr. Seward told 
Lord Lyons, before the copy of the Despatch was placed in 
his hands, that * everything depended upon the wording of 
it,' and begged, as a personal favour, to be allowed to read 
it before it was conmiunicated to him officially. In compli- 
ance with this request, it was sent to him under a cover 
marked ^ private and confidential.' The effect was instanta- 
neous. * Almost immediately afterwards,' Lord Lyons says, 
in a private Despatch to Lord John Russell (19th of Decem- 
ber, 1861), *he came here. He told me he was pleased to 
find that the Despatch was courteous and friendly, — ^not dic- 
tatori^, nor menacing.' His task of reconciling his Govern- 
ment to a pacific course — ^no easy one * — was thus greatly 
simplified, and on the 26th he announced, in an elaborate 
Despatch, much of which was obviously written to reconcile 

selPs Despatch seem to have reached Mr. Weed, and in December, 1874, when 
Mr. Forster was in New York, he was told by Mr. Weed, that the alterations 
had done much to preserve peace. That ffentleraan regarded the fact as of so 
much imi)ortance that, being himself unable to attend a public reception given 
by politicians of all parties to Mr. Forster, he wrote a letter to be read to the 
meetinj^, in which the following passage occurs : — * While you are recognising 
the clamis of the eminent British statesman to our regard, 1 am sure that you 
will cheerfully, gratefully, and with a profound sense of obligation, remempcr 
the action of the Queen on a question of momentous importance. When Lord 
Palmerston went to the Queen with a Despatch, demanding from our Govern- 
ment the surrender of Mason and Slidell, Her Majesty, absorbed by solicitude 
for the health of the Prince, had heard little of the Trent affair' [this was a 
mistake : every detail, both of the outrage and of the steps taken in conse- 
Quence, being communicated to Her Majesty and considered by her, day by 
day, as usualT, ^ and was startled and shocked at the idea of war with America. 
Not liking the peremptory language and defiant speech of the Despatch, the 
Queen took it to the apartment of the Prince Consort, who used the pen for 
the last time in modify mg the language and tone of the demand.' The enthu- 
siasm which the reading of this letter excitedj showed, Mr. Forster writes, 
* the American estimate of the Queen's and Prince's wise kindness at a most 

anxious crisis.' 

» Congress passed a vote of thanks to Captain Wilkes. The Secretary of 
the Navy gave official approval of his conduct, and he was treated as a hero at 
numerous public meetings in the State of Massachusetts. 

1861 THE "TRENT" AFFAIR 363 

the more fiery portion of the American public to the unpala- 
table concession, that Captain Wilkes had acted without in- 
structions, and that the four persons taken from the TVent 
should *be cheerfully liberated.' 

This welcome intelligence reached London on the 9th of 
January, 1862. It was communicated the same day to the 
Queen (who was then at Osborne). In her reply, Her Majes- 
ty said : — * Lord Palmerston cannot but loot on this peace- 
ful issue of the American quarrel, as greatly owing to her 
beloved Prince, who wrote the observations upon the Draft 
to Lord Lyons, in which Lord Palmerston so entirely con- 
curred. It was the last thing he ever wrote.' From Lord 
Palmerston's answer (12th of January) we extract the fol- 
lowing memorable words : — 

* There can be no doubt that, as your Majesty observes, the alterations 
made in the Despatch to Lord Lyons contributed essentially to the satisfac- 
factory settlement of the dispute. But these alterations were only one of 
innumerable instances of the tact and judgment, and the power of nice dis- 
crimination which excited Lord Palmerston's constant and unbounded ad- 

When the tidings of the Trent affair first reached the 
Queen, there were guests in the Palace, among them the Due 
de Nemours, Lord Carlisle, and Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone. 
Though suffering greatly, as we have seen, the Prince was 
not confined to his room, and appeared among his guests as 
usual, his illness being regarded as of a kind which would 
pass off with a little care and nursing. On the night of the 
28th of November, he had upon the whole slept well ; and 
feeling himself rather better, though aching and chilly — 
' noch immer recht miserable ' (' still thoroughly miserable '), 
are his own words, — he came down to the W alk below the 
South Terrace of the Castle, to see the Eton College Volun- 
teers go through their manoeuvres, and pass in review before 
the Queen. This occupied about twenty minutes. The Vol- 
unteers then passed into the adjoining conservatory, where a 
luncheon had been prepared for them. *As soon as they 
were seated,' to quote from Her Majesty's Diary, ' we went 
in and walked round the tables : it was a very pretty sight. 
Albert was well wrapped up, but looked very unwell, and 
could only walk very slow. The day was close and warm ; 
but although the Prince was wrapped in a coat lined with 
fur, he said, on the ground, that he felt as if cold water were 


being poured down his back. His absence would have cre- 
ated remark and apprehension, and rather than give rise to 
these, he went out, though conscious that he ought not to 
have gone. ' Ich nvuss leider dabei erscheinen ' (* Unhappily 
I must be present '), are the words of his Diary. It is the 
last entry in it, and, like all the entries from the 23rd on- 
wards, it is written in a very weak hand. 

Next day the same feeling of chilliness continued, and 
other symptoms of general derangement appeared. But to- 
wards evening the I^rince felt easier, and he appeared as 
usual at dinner, at which several guests were present. 

The following day (1st of December) was Sunday. After 
another indifferent night, the Prince had risen early, as al- 
ready mentioned, to write the draft Memorandum for the 
Queen upon the Trent affair. The day, although cold, was 
fine, and he walked for half an hour on the Lower Garden 
Terrace. * He went with us to chapel,' again to quote Her 
Majesty's Diary, * but looked very wretched and ill. Still he 
insisted on going through all tne kneeling. He came to 
luncheon, but could take nothing. Sir James Clark and 
Dr. Jenner came over, and were much disappointed, finding 
Albert so very uncomfortable . . . Albert came to our fam- 
ily dinner, but could eat nothing ; yet he was able to talk, 
and even to tell stories. After dinner he sat quietly listen- 
ing to Alice and Marie [Leiningen] playing, and went to bed 
at half -past ten, in hopes to get to sleep. I joined him at 
half -past eleven, and he said he was shivering with cold, and 
could not sleep at all.' 

After a night of shivering and sleeplessness, the Prince 
rose next morning at seven, and sent for Dr. Jenner, who 
found him suffering great discomfort and much depressed. 
The symptoms of what might prove to be low fever were 
beginning to be more marked. * I was so anxious, so dis- 
tressed,' Her Majesty notes in her Diary. * Albert did not 
dress, but lay upon the sofa, and I read to him. . . . Sir 
James Clark arrived, and found him in much the same state, 
very restless and uncomfortable, sometimes lying on the sofa 
in his dressing-room, and then sitting up in an arm-chair in 
his sitting-room.' Lord Methuen and Colonel Francis Sey- 
mour, who had returned from Lisbon, where they had been 
sent by the Queen on a mission of condolence, arrived at the 
Castle. The Prince saw them, and asked for all the details 
of the King of Portugal's death. He said to Lord Methuen 


that it was well bis own illness was not fever, as that, he 
felt sure, would be fatal to him. Lord Palmerston, the Duke 
of Newcastle, and Sir Allan McNab (from Canada), had ar- 
rived at the Castle as guests. The Prince was unable to 
take his place at dinner as usual, and showed increased dis- 
inclination for food. 

Lord Palmerston had become uneasy at the symptoms of 
the Prince's indisposition, and expressed a wish to have an- 
other physician called in. For this Her Majesty, distressed 
and alarmed although she had by this time become, was by 
no means prepared. She appealed to Sir James Clark (3rd 
of December), * who reassured her, and explained to Dr. Jen- 
ner also, that there was no cause for alarm.' His opinion 
was, that the illness would not turn to low fever. The sug- 
gestion of further medical advice was, therefore, abandoned 
for the time, especially as the Prince seemed better in the 

Another night of wakeful restlessness followed. A little 
sleep, which the Prince had from six to eight in the morning 
filled the Queen with hope and thankfulness. But the dis- 
taste for food continued.* ' He would take nothing — ^hardly 
any broth, no rusk or bread — nothing. My anxiety is great, 
and I feel utterly lost, when he, to whom I confide all, is in 
such a listless state, and hardly smiles ! . . . Sir James ar- 
rived, and was grieved to see no more improvement, but not 
discouraged. Albert rested in the bedroom, and liked being 
read to, but no book suited him, neither Silas Mamery nor 
The Warden? Lever's Dodd Family was subsequently 
tried, * but he disliked it : so we decided to have one of Sir 
Walter Scott's to-morrow.' 

The Prince rose next morning (4th of December) at eight, 
after another night of discomfort, relieved only by snatches 
of broken sleep. On Her Majesty's return to his room from 
breakfast, she found him ' looking very wretched and woebe- 
gone. He could take only half a cup of tea. He afterwards 
came to his sitting-room, where I left him so wretched, that 
I was dreadfully overcome and alarmed. Alice was reading 
to him.' Sir James Clark, who had passed the night at the 
Castle, comforted Her Majesty with the hope that * there 
would be no fever, of which we live in dread.' On returning 
from a short walk, the Queen found the Prince ' very rest- 

* The quotations throughout the rest of this chapter, where not otherwise 
marked, are from the Queen's Diarj. 


less, and haggard, and suffering, though at times he seemed 
better. I was sadlv nervous with ups and downs of hope 
and fear. While Alice was reading The Talisrnan in the 
bedroom, where he was lying on the bed, he seemed in a very 
uncomfortable panting state, which frightened us. We sent 
for Dr. Jenner, who gave him something, and then Mr. 
Brown (of Windsor) came up, and was most kind and reas- 
suring, and not alarmed. But Dr. Jenner said the Prince 
must eat, and that he was going to tell him so — ^that the ill- 
ness would be tedious, and that completely starving himself, 
as he had done, would not do.' 

The intelligence of the death of Lady Canning at Cal- 
cutta, on the 18th of November, which reached the Queen 
that day, occasioned great sorrow both to Her Majesty and 
the Prince. 

That night Dr. Jenner sat up with his patient. At eight 
n3xt morning (5th of December) the Queen found the Prince 
sitting on the sofa in his sitting-room. * He did not smile, 
or take much notice of me, but complained of his wretched 
condition, and asked what it could be, and how long this 
state of things might last. . . . His manner all along was so 
unlike himself, and he had sometimes such a strange wild 
look. I left him to get dressed, in a state of cruel anxiety, 
though greatly reassured by hearing that the doctors thought 
him better.' The Prince slept for some time, and on coming 
to him about noon the Queen found him * resting on the sofa 
in his dressing-room, talking and seeming decidedly better. 
... Sir James Clark came over (poor Lady Clark was too 
ill to allow him to stay), and he also thought Albert im- 
proved.' During the day the Prince took some nourishment, 
with some relish. * The pulse and tongue were better. He 
was weak and irritable, and unlike himself, but still better, 
and liking to be read to,' which was done by the Princess 

In the evening the doctors reported the Prince to be de- 
cidedly better ; and the Queen writes : ' I found my Albert 
most dear and affectionate, and quite himself, when I went 
in with little Beatrice, whom he kissed. He quite laughed 
at some of her new French verses, which I made her repeat 
— then he held her little hand in his for some time, and she 
stood looking at him. He then soon dozed off, having done 
so a good deal through the day, and I left, not to disturb 
him.' When Her Majesty returned after dinner, the Prince 


was being read to in his bedroom. ' Dr. Jenner was very- 
anxious he should undress and go to bed there, but he would 
not, and after Dr. Jenner left, he walked over to his dress- 
ing-room, and lay down there, saying he would have a good 

The Prince's anticipation was not realised. Some sleep 
he had, but it was much broken, and he had changed his 
room two or three times during the night. *By eight he 
was up, and I found him,' Her Majesty writes {6th of Decem- 
ber), ' seated in his sitting-room, looking weak and exhausted, 
and not better, and complaining of there being no improve- 
ment, and that he did not know what his illness could come 
from. I told him it was overwork, and worry. He said : 
" It is too much. You must speak to the Ministers I " Then 
he said that, when he lay awake there, he heard the little 
birds, and thought of those he had heard at the Rosenau in 
his childhood. I felt quite upset. When the doctors came 
in, I saw that they thought him less well and more feverish, 
and I went to my room, and felt as if my heart must break. 
. . . He only took a cup of tea while I was there, and choked 

The character of the illness was now clear beyond a doubt, 
and the examination of the physicians also revealed unmis- 
takable physical signs, that it was gastric or low fever. Dr. 
Jenner broke the intelligence to the Queen, telling her, in 
the kindest, clearest manner, ^ that they had all along been 
watching their patient's state, suspecting fever, but unable 
to judge what it might be and how to treat him till that 
morning ; . . . that the fever must have its course, viz. a 
month, dating from the beginning, which he considers to 
have been the day Albert went to Sandhurst, the 22nd of 
November, or possibly sooner ; that he was not alarmed, and 
that there were no bad symptoms, but he could not be better 
until the fever left him. . . . He would tell me everything, 
I might be sure. Albert himself was not to know it, as he 
unfortunately had a horror of fever. . . . What an awful 
trial is this, to be deprived for so long of my guide, my sup- 
port, my all ! My heart was ready to burst, but I cheered 
up, remembering how many people have fever. . . . Good 
Alice was very courageous and tried to comfort me.' 

Sir James Clark had been made so hopeful by the state 
of the Prince the previous day, that he was surprised and 
disappointed, on arriving at the Castle, to find the turn the 


Bymptoms had taken. He did his best to keep up the spirits 
of the Queen by encouraging assurances. Already Her Ma- 
jesty was beginning to feel the additional burden thrown 
upon her in the discharge of her daily duties by the want of 
the Prince's assistance. They occupied much of her time, 
'but I seem to live,' is the entry (7th of December) in the 
Royal Diary, ' in a dreadful dream. Later in the day, my 
angel lay in bed, and I sat by him, watching. The tears fell 
fast, as I thought of the days of anxiety, even if not of 
alarm, which were in store for us ; of the utter shipwreck of 
our plans and of the dreadful loss this long illness would be 
publicly as well as privately ; and then, when I saw Sir James 
and Dr. Jenner, I talked over what could have caused this 
illness. Great worry, and far too hard work for long. That 
must be stopped.' 

When the Prince retired for the night, *his pulse was 
good. Dr. Jenner was going to sit up with him, as well as 
Lohlein (the Prince's valet). My poor darling, I kissed his 
hand and forehead. It is a terrible trial to be thus separated 
from him, and to see him in the hands of others, careful and 
devoted though they are.' 

The next day (8th of December) the Prince was consid- 
ered bv the doctors to be going on well. The day was very 
fine ; his window was open, when the Queen came to him in 
the morning ; and he expressed a strong desire to move into 
one of the larger rooms. Those immediately adjoining were 
now vacant, and his wish was carried into effect. ' When I 
returned from breakfast,' the Queen writes, * I found him ly- 
ing on the bed in the Blue Room,^ and much pleased. The 
sun was shining brightly, the room was fine, large, and cheer- 
ful, and he said : " It is so fine ! " For the first time since 
his illness, he asked for some music, and said, '^ I should like 
to hear a fine chorale played at a distance." We had a piano 
brought into the next room, and Alice played, " Eivl} feste 
Burg ist unser Qott^'* and another, and he listened, looking 
upwards with such a sweet expression, and with tears in his 
eyes. He then said, " Das reicht hin " (" That is enough ").' 
It was Sunday. The Rev. Charles Kingsley preached, ' but 
I heard nothing,' are the Queen's significant words. 

^ In this room the Prince died. On the 7th he had asked to ^o to what 
were known as the Kind's Booms, of which the Blue Room was one, two apart- 
ments which immediately adjoined the room in which he had slept for some 
days, as they were larger and brighter than his own. 


The listlessness and the irritability, so foreign to the 
Prince's nature, but so characteristic of his disease, contin- 
ued ; and at times his mind would wander. But when, later 
in the day, the Queen read JPeveril of the Peak to him, he 
followed the story with interest, and by his occasional re- 
marks showed that he did so. When iter Majesty returned 
to him after dinner, she records with a touching simplicity, 

* He was so pleased to see me — stroked my face, and smiled, 
and called me " liehes Frauchen " {" dear little wife ") . . . 
Precious love ! His tenderness this evening, when he held 
my hands, and stroked my face, touched me so much — made 
me so grateful.' 

The illness of the Prince had by this time become too 
serious to be longer concealed from the public. Several 
guests had' been invited for the 7th, but the invitations had 
been countermanded ; and the papers of Monday the 9th 
spoke of increased feverish symptoms,' and of an illness 

* likely to continue for some time.' Lord Palmerston, him- 
self laid up with a severe attack of gout, was in constant 
communication with Sir Charles Phipps, and so seriously 
alarmed, that he was urgent that further medical advice 
should be called in, as well for the Queen's sake as Uo sat- 
isfy the iust expectations of the public' Similar views were 
pressed by Lord John Russell, Sir George Comewall Lewis, 
and other friends to whom the nature of the Prince's malady 
was known, all speaking, like the Duke of Newcastle, of ' the 
importance to the nation of the Prince's life,' as the reason 
for their urgency. 

Sir James Clark and Dr. Jenner were too conscious of 
their responsibility to the Sovereign and to the nation, not 
to be equally desirous of assistance from the ablest men of 
their profession. Thev selected Dr. (now Sir Thomas) Wat- 
son and Sir Henry Holland. It was arranged that Dr. Wat- 
son should see the Prince upon the 9th, and the Prince, 
greatly to the Queen's relief, expressed his entire concur- 
rence m the arrangement. After their interview, the Prince 
spoke of him to the Queen as ' quite the right man.' The 
tendency to wander in his mind had increased. But the doc- 
tors assured the Queen that * this was of no moment, though 
very distressing.' * He was so kind,' adds the Queen, ' calling 
me ^^gutes Weibchen^^ ("good little wife") and liking me 
to hold his dear hand. Oh, it is an anxious, anxious time, but 
God will help us through it. . . . The doctors were satisfied.^ 


Lord Palmerston wa8 well pleased to learn that Dr. Wat- 
son had been called in, but he still did not think this suf- 
ficient. In replying to Sir Charles Phipps's letter, reporting 
the Prince's condition the previous day, he wrote to him 
(10th of December) as follows : — 

' My dear Phipps — ^Many thanks for your letter of this morning and the 
aooount it gives, which is good — ^inasmuch as it is not bad. But I wish you 
would say from me to Sir James Clark and Doctor Watson, that it is possible 
that Doctor Watson may wish to share his responsibility with some other 
eminent medical man not yet called in ; and it seems to me, that in such case 
Doctor Watson ought to be allowed to choose freely bis coadjutor. 

' If such arrangement should be made, the Prince ought not to be worried 
by the personal visits of a greater number than he has hitherto had, and he 
ought to see only Sir James Clark, Doctor Watson, and the other person 
named by Doctor Watson. 

* This is a matter of the roost momentous national importance, and all 
considerations of personal feeling and susceptibilities must absolutely give 
way to the public interest* 

By this time the alarm had spread to other Ministers, to 
whom the Prince was best known. They all wrote to Sir 
Charles Phipps in the deepest anxiety. The feeling which 
pervades their letters may be gathered from what Lord Gran- 
ville says in a note to him : — * If there is any important 
change, I dare say you would write me one line without pre- 
face or signature. This sort of doubt makes one feel how 
deeply attached one is to the Prince, and how invaluable his 
life is.' 

The day this note was written (lOth of December) the 
Prince's condition presented a more hopeful appearance. He 
had passed a tolerably quiet night. The pulse was good, 
and Sir James Clark thought that everything so far was satis- 
factory. The mind occasionally wandered, but not more than 
was to be expected. It was thought desirable to give the 
Prince some change, and he was wheeled upon a sofa into the 
adjoining room. * Going through the door,' the Queen writes, 
' he turned to look at the beautiful picture on china of the 
Madonna, which he gave me three years ago, and asked to 
stop and look at it, ever loving what is beautiful.' ' When the 
Queen returned to him after a short absence, she ' found him 
a little excited about his letters, which Dr. Jenner asked him 

■ This was a copy on porcelain of the Madonna and Child by Baphael, 
known as the * Oolonna Madonna,' formerly in the Colonna Palace at Borne, 
and now in the Museum at Berlin. 


if I might open (they were about Alfred and Leopold), as 
yesterday, when I asked, he said " No," and feared they con- 
tained bad news. But I soon quieted him, and by his de- 
[sire read them to him. . . . After luncheon I went again, 
when he asked me to read out of Yamhagen von Ense's 
Memoirs^ and I remained with him by his desire till twen- 
^ ty minutes to four. The doctors were much pleased with 
his state.' 

In the evening Dr. Watson came. He was much struck 
with the Prince's improvement, and Dr. Jenner considered 
the last twenty-four nours a positive gain. * Dear Albert,* 
the Queen wntes, *was still very confused, but everything 
else was very satisfactory. He was very kind and affection- 
ate, when I went to wish him good-night, stroking my face, 
and I kissed him.' 

The next morning (11th of December) the Queen records : 
* Another good night, for which I thank and bless God. . . . 
I went over at eight, and found Albert sitting up to take his 
beef-tea, over which he always laments most bitterly. I 
supported him, and he laid his dear head (his beautiful face, 
more beautiful than ever, is grown so thin) on my shoulder, 
and remained a little while, saying, " It is very comfortable 
so, dear child I " which made me so happy.' As he was being 
assisted by the Queen from his bed to the sofa, he paused to 
look at his favourite picture, and said, ' It helps me through 
half the day 1 ' 

When the Queen returned a short time afterwards he was 
lying on the sofa, and seemed rapt in abstraction. The day 
passed on the whole satisfactorily. Dr. Watson, Sir James 
Clark, and Dr. Jenner considered the symptoms as upon 
the whole not unfavourable. They had, however, deemed it 
advisable to call in the assistance of Sir Henry Holland, 
who saw the Prince that day. As the result of their delib- 
erations it was deemed expedient to make the public aware 
by a bulletin, that the Prince was seriously ill, without, how- 
ever, creating apprehensions of any imminent danger. Dur- 
ing the evening, however, a slight change in the Prince's 
breathing became perceptible, which naturally excited some 
uneasiness. The Queen passed the greater part of the day . 
with the Prince, occasionally reading to him, and he showed 
an obvious reluctance to being left by Her Majesty even for 
the short intervals when her attendance was required else- 

VOL. V. — 16 


Next day (Thursday the 12th of December) the fever 
had increased, and the shortness in breathing became more 
marked as the day advanced. The listlessness and impa- 
tience were more marked, and the mind seemed upon occa- 
sion to be less imder controL But at other times it was clear 
and active as ever. During the evening he said to the Queen, 
^You have not forgotten the important communication to 
Nemours ? ' And upon Her Majesty asking which he meant, 
he said, ^ The one Lord Palmerston told you to make to him 
about his nephews.' This was, that the two French Princes, 
the Count of Paris and the Duke of Chartres, ought not to 
remain in the American army, if there should be a war with 

The anxiety of Lord Palmerston had increased as the 
days went on. He was kept constantly informed of every 

Ehase of the Prince's illness, and on the 12th of December 
e wrote no fewer than three letters on the subject to Sir 
Charles Phipps. The two first were full of hope and en- 
couragement ; but the third shows that Sir Charles Phipps 
had felt compelled by the symptoms, which had set in at the 
later part of the day, to prepare him for the worst : — 

* My dear Phipps,' he wrote — * Your telegram and letter hare come upon 
me like a thunderbolt. I know that the disorder is one liable to sudden 
and unfavourable turns, but I had hoped that it was going on without cause 
for special apprehension. 

' The result which your accounts compel me to look forward to as at least 
possible, is in all its bearings too awful to contemplate. One can only hope 
that Providence may yet spare us so overwhelming a calamity.' 

No change for the better was perceptible. Next day 
(Friday the 13th of December) the breathing had become 
quicker and more difficult, and Dr. Jenner had no alternative 
but to make the Queen aware that this symptom might be 
serious, and lead to congestion of the lungs. The critical 
condition of the Prince was also made known to the mem- 
bers of the Royal Household. It was noticed by the Queen, 
when the Prince was wheeled in as usual from his bed- 
room to the room in which he passed the day, that, for the 
first time, he took no notice of his favourite picture, and 
would not be turned, as he had previously been, with his 
back to the light, but remained, with his hands clasped, 
looking silently out of the window at the sky. When the 
Queen came in from a short walk in the afternoon, she found 


that there had been a sudden and alarming sinking. But to- 
wards evening the Prince rallied. The pulse improved, and 
he became for a time so much like his former self, so affec- 
tionate and gentle, that a gleam of hope and comfort was 
kindled for a time in the heart of the almost despairing 
Queen. All through the night cheering reports were brought 
to Her Majesty almost every hour. 

About six in the morning (Saturday the 14th of Decem- 
ber) Mr. Brown^ of Windsor (who had attended the Royal 
Familv medically since 1838, and was thoroughly acquainted 
with tne Prince's constitution'), came to inform Her Majesty 
that he had no hesitation in saying that he thought the Prince 
was much better, and that ^ there was ground to hope the 
crisis was over.' " * I went over at seven,' Her Majesty 
writes, * as I usually did. It was a bright morning, the sun 
just rising and shining brightly. The room had the sad look 
of night-watching, the candles burnt down to their sockets, 
the doctors looking anxious. I went in, and never can I for- 
get how beautiful my darling looked, lying there with his 
face lit up by the rising sun, his eyes unusually bright, gaz- 
ing as it were on unseen objects, and not taking notice of 

The Prince of Wales, who had been summoned from 
Maddingley by telegram the previous evening, had arrived 
at three o'clock that morning. Sir Henry Holland saw him 
on his arrival, and made him aware of his father's state. 
When Her Majesty returned to the Prince Consort's bed- 
room, about ten o'clock, she found the young Prince there. 
Both Sir James Clark and Dr. Jenner endeavoured to reas- 
sure the Queen. There had been * a decided rally,' but they 
were all ' very, very anxious.' The hours wore on in agonis- 
ing alternations of fear and hope. 

* The day,' Her Majesty writes, * was very fine and very 
bright. I asked whether I might go out for a breath of air. 

• Mr. Brown died in 1863, much regretted by the Queen and all the Royal 

" Encouraged by the favourable symptomB, Sir Charles Phipps had written 
to relieve Lord Palmerston's anxiety : — ^ A thousand thanks for your telegram 
and letter/ was Lord Palmerston's reply. * The former came like a rav of sun- 
shine through the gloom of despair. I sent it round immediately to tne Duke 
of Cambric^e, Granville, l^merset, Newcastle, Lewis, and G. Grey.' The 
same day (14th of December) Lord Clarendon wrote from * The Grove * to Sir 
C. Phipps : — * I am so utterly miserable at all I heard yesterday in London, 
that I must beg for one line — ^no more — ^to say if you have any hope. I quite 
shudder at the thought of all that may be in store for the dear 'Queen.* 


The doctors answered " Yes, just close by, for a quarter of an 
hour." At about twelve I went out upon the Terrace with 
Alice. The military band was playing at a distance, and I 
burst into tears and came home again. I hurried over at 
once. Dr. Watson was in the room. I asked him whether 
Albert was not better, as he seemed stronger, though he took 
very little notice, and he answered, "We are very much 
frightened, but don't, and won't give up hope." They would 
not let Albert sit up to take his nourishment, as he wasted 
his strength by doing so. " The pulse keeps up," they said. 
" It is not worse." Every hour, every minute was a gain ; 
and Sir James Clark was very hopeful — ^he had seen much 
worse cases. But the breathing was the alarming thing, it 
was so rapid. There was what they call a dusky hue about 
his face and hands, which I knew was not good. I made 
some observation about it to Dr. Jenner, and was alarmed 
by seeing he seemed to notice it. Albert folded his arms, 
and began arranging his hair, just as he used to do when 
well and he was dressing. These were said to be bad signs. 
Strange I as though he were preparing for another and great- 
er journey.' 

The Queen's distress was terrible. She only left the 
Prince's room for the adjoining one. Still the doctors con- 
tinued to comfort her with hope, but they could not blind 
her to the signs, that this precious life, this most precious of 
lives to her, was ebbing away. * About half -past five,' Her 
Majesty writes, *I went in and sat down beside his bed, 
which had been wheeled towards the middle of the room. 
" Gutes Frauchen^'^ he said, and kissed me, and then gave a 
sort of piteous moan, or rather sigh, not of pain, but as if he 
felt that he was leaving me, and laid his head upon my 
shoulder, and I put my arm under his. But the feeling 
passed away again, and he seemed to wander and to doze, 
and yet to know all. Sometimes I could not catch what he 
said. Occasionally he spoke French. Alice came in and 
kissed him, and he took her hand. Bertie, Helena, Louise, 
and Arthur came in, one after the other, and took his hand, 
and Arthur kissed it. But he was dozing, and did not per- 
ceive them. Then he opened his dear eyes, and asked for 
Sir Charles Phipps, who came in and kissed his hand, but 
then again his dear eyes were closed. General Grey and Sir 
Thomas Biddulph each came in and kissed his hand, and 
were dreadfully overcome. It was a terrible moment, but. 


thank God ! I was able to command myself, and to be per- 
fectly calm, and remained sitting by his side. 

* So things went on, not really worse, but not better. It 
was thought necessary to change his bed, and he was even 
able to get out of bed and sit up. He tried to get into bed 
alone, but could not, and Lohlein " and one of the pages of 
the back stairs helped to place him on the other bed. The 
digestion was perfect ; but when I observed to Dr. Jenner, 
that this was surely a good sign, he said " Alas ! with such 
breathing it is of no avail ! " The doctors said plenty of air 
passed through the lungs, and so long as this was so, there 
was still hope.' 

The Queen had retired for a little to the adjoining room, 
but hearing the Prince's breathing become worse, she re- 
turned to the sick chamber. She found the Prince bathed 
in perspiration, which the doctors said might be an effort of 
nature to throw off the fever. Bending over him she whis- 
pered, ^ Es ist kleines Frauchenl^ ("Tis your own little 
wife ! ') and he bowed his head and kissed her. At this time 
he seemed half dozing, quite calm, and only wishing to be 
left quiet and undisturbed, * as he used to be when tired and 
not well.' 

Again, as the evening advanced. Her Majesty retired to 
give way to her grief in the adjoining room. She had not 
long been gone, when a rapid change set in, and the Princess 
Alice was requested by Sir James Clark to ask Her Majesty 
to return. The import of the summons was too plain. 
When the Queen entered, she took the Prince's left hand, 
* which was already cold, though the breathing was quite 
gentle,' and knelt down by his side. On the other side 
of the bed was the Princess Alice, while at its foot knelt 
the Prince of Wales and the Princess Helena. Not far from 
the foot of the bed were Prince Ernest Leiningen, the physi- 
cians, and the Prince's valet Lohlein. Greneral the Hon. 
Robert Bruce knelt opposite to the Queen, and the Dean of 
Windsor, Sir Charles Phipps, and General Grey, were also 
in the room. 

In the solemn hush of that mournful chamber there was 
such grief as has rarely hallowed any deathbed. A great 
light, which had blessed the world, and which the mourners 
had but yesterday hoped might long bless it, was waning fast 

" A native of Coburg, who had been with the Prince since 1847. 

366 7H£ PRINCE'S DEATH. 1861 

away. A husband, a father, a friend, a master, endeared by 
every quality by which man in such relations can win the 
love of his fellow-man, was passing into the Silent Land, and 
his loving glance, his wise counsels, his firm manly thought 
should be known among them no more. The Castle clock 
chimed the third quarter after ten. Calm and peaceful grew 
the beloved form ; the features settled into the beauty of a 
perfectly serene repose ; two or three long, but gentle, 
breaths were drawn ; and that great soul had fled, to seek a 
nobler scope for its aspirations in the world within the veil, 
for which it had often yearned, where there is rest for the 
weary, and where ^ the spirits of the just are made perfect.' 


The grief that filled the Palace spread quickly through the 
land. It saddened every home, it penetrated through every 
rank of life, from the highest to the humblest. There were 
none of imagination so dead, of heart so cold, as not to feel 
what that Royal home had lost — above all, what the widowed 
Queen had lost, whom they had seen, through long years of 
all but unbroken happiness, leaning upon the love and ever- 
present guidance of him, who was so suddenly snatched from 
her side. The blow had fallen in an hour of peril to her 
land. It had struck her as a woman and as a queen. Her 
sorrow was the sorrow of her people, and, in their case, it 
was a sorrow not unmingled with remorse. So it was, that 
if ever a nation's prayers for a sovereign were offered up 
from its heart of hearts, such were the prayers that were of- 
fered up on that sad Sunday, when the tidings were flashed 
from town to town of the bereavement that doomed her 
henceforth to shine * a lonely splendour,' the brilliancy of 
whose reign had hitherto received a double lustre from com- 
panionship with that star of honour and of worth which had 
so suddenly been quenched in night. 

Soon the country learned that the influence of a character 
so wedded to duty as that of the Prince had survived to ani- 
mate the Sovereign, and to reconcile her to a life which his 
example had conhrmed her in regarding as a sacred trust for 
her family and her people. The healing influence of time 
could alone staunch the ' natural tears ' K>r a loss so great. 
But all were eager to minister such present consolation to 
the wounded spirit as could be derived from the assurance of 
general sympathy and from a recognition all but universal of 
the merits of one, who, as the reader of these volumes must 


have seen, sacrificed his life in the too eager desire to benefit 
his adopted country and mankind. 

Years, not many, have gone by : the grief of those who 
loved him has been purged of well-nigh all its pain. * Harsh 
grief doth pass in time into far music ! ' They can think of 
him calmly now, as having fought the good fight; as having, 
through the crowded years of a life charged with the gravest 
responsibilities, * wrought upon the plan that pleased his 
childish thought ; ' as having lived, not for himself, but for 
others : they can think of him as one who was ever * unwea- 
ried in well-doing,* and who thus approved himself a true 
follower of the Founder of the Christian faith, which he had 
striven by his life to illustrate. 

With kindred feelings he is thought of by those who 
know him only by his actions, and by such partial revela- 
tions of his opinions as have been published to the world. 
They mourn him not. Rather do they think of him as hap- 
py in dying when he did, in the fulness of his manhood and 
of his intellectual vigour, blest in having been enabled to work 
to the last for the advancement of human liberty and human 
good, and in leaving behind him a heritage of unspotted re- 

Peace, peace I He is not dead, he doth not sleep I 
He hath awakened from the dream of life i 

He lias out-soared the shadow of our Night. 

Envy and calumny, and hate and pain, 
And that unrest, which men miscall delight, 

Can touch him not, and torture not again. 

From the contagion of the world's slow stain 
He is secure ; and now can never mourn 

A heart grown cold, a head grown grey in vain — 
Kor, when the spirit's self has ceased to burn, 
With sparkless ashes load an unlamented nrn. 



L CeremonicU observed at the Funeral q/'H.R.H. the 
Prince Consort, December 23, 1861. 

On the morning of Monday, December 23, 1861, The Remains of 
Field-Mabbhal His Latb Royal Highness the Pbinoe Consort, 
Husband of Her Most Excellent Majesty, Duke of Saxony, and 
Prince of Saxe-Ooburg and Gotha, Knight of the Most Noble Order 
of the Garter, were removed from Windsor Oastle, and temporarily 
deposited in the entrance to the Royal Vault in St. George's Chapel, 
where they were to remain until the completion and consecration of 
a Maasoleum to be afterwards erected. 

A Guard of Honour of the Grenadier Guards, of which Regiment 
His late Royal Highness was Colonel, mounted at the entrance to the 
State Apartments of Windsor Castle. 

Shortly before Twelve o'clock, those appointed to take part in the 
procession from the Castle to the Chapel, having assembled in the 
Guard Room, the removal of The Remains of His late Royal High- 
ness was conducted from the State Entrance of Windsor Castle 
through the Norman Tower Gate to St. George's Chapel, in the fol- 
lowing order : — 

A Mourning Coach, drawn by Four Horses, conveying Two Valets 
and Two Jagers of His late Royal Highness, viz. : Mr. Lohlein, Mr. 
Mayet, Mr. E. S. Cowley, Mr. C. Robertson. 

A Mourning Coach, drawn by Four Horses, conveying Mr. Ru- 
landt, libarian, Mr. Meyer, Gentleman Rider, Mr. White, Solicitor to 
His late Royal Highness, and Dr. Robertson, Commissioner at Bal- 

A Mourning Coach, drawn by Four Horses, conveying Sir James 
Clark, Bart., M.D., Sir Henry Holland, Bart., and Dr. Watson, M.D., 
the Physicians who were in attendance upon His late Royal Highness. 

A Mourning Coach, drawn by Four Horses, conveying Colonel 
The Hon. Alexander Gordon, C.B., Equerry to His late Royal High- 
ness, M^jor Teesdale, C.B., V.C., Equerry to His Royal Highness 
the Prince of Wales, Colonel the Hon. James Macdonald, C.B., 


Equerry to His Royal Highness The Dake of Camhridge, and Colonel 
Home Purves, Comptroller and Equerry to Her Royal Highness the 
Duchess of Cambridge. 

A Moaming Coach, drawn by Four Horses, conveying Colonel The 
Hon. A. Hardinge, C.B., and Colonel H. F. Ponsonby, Equerries to 
His late Royal Highness, and Rear-Admiral Blake, and Major- 
General Charles W. Ridley, C.B., Gentlemen Ushers to His late 
Royal Highness. 

A Mourning Coach, drawn by Four Horses, conveying The Lord 
Camoys, the Lord in Waiting to The Queen, and Lieut.-General 
Sir Henry Bentinck, K.C.B., the Groom in Waiting to The Queen, 
Colonel Lord Alfred Paget, Clerk Marshal, and Colonel Biddulph, the 
Master of the Household. 

A Mourning Coach, drawn by Four Horses, conveying Four of the 
Supporters of the Pall of His late Royal Highness, viz. : — Major- 
General Wylde, C.B., and Colonel Francis Seymour, C.B., Grooms of 
the Bedchamber, and Lieut.-Col. The Hon. Dudley de Ros, and Major 
C. T. Du Plat, Equerries to His late Royal Highness. 

A Mourning Coach, drawn by Four Horses, conveying Four of 
the Supporters of the Pall of His late Royal Highness, viz. : — Lord 
Wateri)ark, Lord of the Bedchamber, Col. The Hon. Alexander Nel- 
son Hood, Clerk Marshal, Col. The Hon. Sir Chas. B. Phipps, K.C.B., 
Treasurer, and Lieut.-Gen. The Hon. Charles Grey, Private Secretary, 
to His late Royal Highness. 

A Mourning Coach, drawn by Four Horses, conveying the Three 
Great Officers of Her Majesty's Household, The Lord Steward, The 
Lord Chamberlain, and The Master of the Horse. 

A Carriage of the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, drawn by Six 
Horses, The Servants in State Liveries, conveying the Crown of His 
late Royal Highness, borne by the Earl Spencer, Groom of the Stole 
to His late Royal Highness ; and the Baton, Sword, and Hat of His 
late Royal Highness, borne by Lieut.-Col. Lord George Lennox, Lord 
of the Bedchamber to His late Royal Highness. 


adorned with Escocheons of His late Royal Highness's Arms, 

Drawn by Six Horses, and attended by an Escort of the Second 

Regiment of Life Guards. 

A Carriage of The Queen's Most Excellent Majesty ; drawn by Six 

Horses; the Servants in State Liveries. 

A Carriage of His Royal Highness The Prince of Wales, drawn by 
Six Horses ; the Servants in State Liveries. 

A Carriage of His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, drawn by 
Six Horses ; the Servants in State Liveries. 


A CftrriAge of Her Royal Highness The DacheBs of Cambridge, drawn 
by Six Horses ; the Servants in State Liveries. 

The Line of Procession was kept bv the Second Regiment of Life 
Gnards, dismounted, and by the First Battalion of the Regiment 
of Scots FusiUer Guards, with reversed arms. 

At Half-past Eleven o^Glock, those who had the honour to receive 
The Queen's Commands to attend the Ceremony, bat who did not 
take part in the Procession, were admitted to St. George's Chapel, 
by Wolsey's Chapel, and were at once conducted to Seats in the 
Choir, the Knights of the Garter j)resent occupying their Stalls. 

At Twelve o'Clock, The Royal Family and other Royal Person- 
ages who had arrived privately from the Castle assembled in the 
Chapter Room of St. George's Chapel, from which they were con- 
ducted to their Places in the Procession by the Lord Chamberlain, 
assisted by the Vice Chamberlain. 

The remainder of those appointed to form part of the Procession 
within the Chapel, having previously assembled in Wolsey's Chapel, 
were conducted to the Nave, and upon, the arrival of The Body at 
the South Porch, the Procession was formed, and moved up the Nave 
into the Choir in the following order : — 

Valets of His late Royal Highness. 
Mr. Lohlein. Mr. Mayet. 

Jagers of His late Royal Highness. 
Mr. E. S. Crowley. Mr. Charles Robertson. 

Bailiffs of His late Royal Highness's Farms. 

Mr. Brebner. Mr. Tait. 

Mr. Graham. Mr. Toward. 

Librarian to His late Royal Solicitor to His late Royal 

Highness. Highness. 

Mr. Rulandt. Mr. White. 

Gentleman Rider to His late 

Royal Highness. Commissioner at Balmoral. 

Mr. Meyer, Dr. Robertson. 

Apothecary to the Household at 
Apothecary toHis late Royal Windsor, who was in attendance 

Highness. on His late RoycJ Highness. 

Mr. C. Dupasquier, Mr. Henry Brown. 

Surgeons to His late Royal Highness. 

Surgeon- Mfy or W. H, Judd. Mr. James M. Amott. 

Mr. W. Fergusson. 


Physicians who were in Attendanee on His hite Royal Highness. 
Dr. Watson, Physician Extraordinary to the Queen. 

Sir James Clark, Bart., M.D., J ^"ffi^ ^mi%b^Zi^^^ 
Sir Henry Holland, Bart., M.D., \ gS%X Q^i^ 

Chaplains to His late Boyal Highness. 

The Key. Professor Lightfoot, M.A. 

The Rev. Professor A. P. Stanley, D.D. 

The Very Rev. the Dean of Ohristchurch, Dr. Liddell. 

The Representative of His Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Meck- 


The Baron von Boddien, Grand Ohamherkdn. 

The Representative of His Majesty the King of the Belgians. 
Lieut.-Gen. the Hon. Sir Edward Oust, K.O.H. 

The Representative of His Majesty the King of Hanover. 

General the Baron von Hammerstein, attended by his Aide-de-Camp, 

Oaptain Tobing. 

The Representative o( His Mtyesty the King of Saxony. 

Mons. de Seebach. 

The Comptroller and Equerry to Her Royal Highness 
The Duchess of Cambndge. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Home Purves. 

The Equerry to His Royal Highness The Duke of Cambridge. 
Colonel The Hon. James Macdonald, C.B. 

The Equerry to His Royal Highness The Prince of Wales. 

M^or Teesdale, C.B., V.O. 

The Gentlemen Ushers to His late Royal Highness. 
Rear- Admiral Blake. M^or-Gen. C. W. Ridley, C.B. 

• Equerries to His late Royal Highness. 

Colonel H. F. Ponsonby. Colonel Hon. A. Hardinge, C.B. 

Colonel Hon. A. Gordon, C.B. 

The Master of the Household to the Queen. 
Colonel Biddulph. 

The Equerry in Waiting to the Queen. 
Colonel The Lord Alfred Paget, Clerk Marshal. 

The Groom in Waiting to The Queen. 
Lieut.-General Sir Henry Bentinck, K.C.B. 

The Lord in Waiting to The Queen. 
The Lord Camoys. 




The Lord Steward. The Master of the Horse. 

The Earl of St Germans, G.C.B. The Marquis of Ailesbnry. 

The Choir of Windsor. 

The Canons of Windsor. 

The Hon. and Rev. E. Moore. The Rev. Lord Wriothesley Russell, 

Cliaplain to His late Royal Highness. 
The Rev. F. Anson. The Hon. and Rev. C. L. Gourtenay. 

The Dean of Windsor, 
The Hon. and Very Reverend Gerald Wellesley, D.D. 


Of His late Royal Highness, borne upon a Black Velvet Cushion, by 
Lieut. -Col. Lord George Lennox, Lord of the Bedchamber to 

His late Royal Highness. 


Of His late Royal Highness, borne upon a Black Velvet Cushion, by 

The Earl Spencer, Groom of the Stole to 

His late Royal Highness. 

The Comptroller in the The Vice Chamberlain 

Lord Chamberlain's Department, of Her M^esty's Household. 

Hon. Spencer Ponsonby. The Viscount Castlerosse. 

The Lord Chamberlain of Her Majesty's Household. 

Tlie Viscount Sydney. 

Supporters op the 

Col. The Hon. Sir Charles 

B. Phipps, K. C. B., 
Treasurer to His late 
Royal Highness. 

Lieut.-General the Hon. 

C. Grey, Private Sec- 
retary to His late Royal 

Mmor - General Wylde, 
0. B., Groom of the 
Bedchamber to His late 
Royal Highness. 

Colonel Francis Seymour, 
O, B., Groom of the 
Bedchamber to His late 
Royal Highness. 




Supporters of the 

Lord Waterpark, Lord 
of the Bedchamber to 
His late Royal High- 

Col. the Hon. A. N. 
Hood, Clerk Marshal 
to His late Royal High- 

Lieut. -Col. Hon. Dudley 
de Ros, Equerry to 
His late Royal High- 

M^or C. T. Du Plat, 
R.A., Equerry to His 
late Royal Highness. 


' Garter King of Arms. 
Sir Charles Yonng. 

Mt (Rhitt ^mtntt. 


supported by 

His Royal Highness Prince Arthur, 

and by 

His Royal Highness The Dake of Saxe-Coborg and Gotha, 

and attended by 
M^jor-General The Hon. Robert Brace. 

His Royal Highness the Crown Prince of Prussia. 

His Royal Highness The Duke de Brabant. 

His Royal Highness The Count de Flandres. 

His Royal Highness The Duke de Nemours. 

His Grand Ducal Highness Prince Louis of Hesse. 

His Serene Highness Prince Edward of Saxe- Weimar. 

The Count Gleichen. 
His Highness the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh. 

The Equerries Governor 

to His Royal Highness to His Royal Highness 

The Prince of Wales. Prince Arthur. 

Captain G. H. Grey. Mcyor Elphinstone, V.C. 

Lieut.-Col. F. C. Keppel. 

The Gentlemen in Waiting on His Royal Highness The Crown Prince 

of Prussia. 

Lieutenant-General The Baron Moltke. 
Chamberlain The Count Ftirstenstein. 
Lieutenant-Colonel von Obernitz. 
Captain de Lucadou. 

The Gentlemen in Waiting on His Royal Highness The Duke of Saxe- 

Ooburg and Gotha. 

Major von Reutem. The Councillor Samwer. 

The Gentleman in Waiting on His Royal Highness The Duke de 


The Count de Lannoy. 

The Gentleman in Waiting on His Royal Highness The Count de 

Major Burnell. 






The Gentleman in Waiting on His Royal Highness The Dnke de 


General The Ooont de Chabannes. 

The Gentleman in Waiting on His Grand Dncal Highness The Prince 

Louis of Hesse. 

The Baron Westerweller. 

The Gentleman in Waiting on His Highness The Mahariyah Dhaleep 


Colonel Oliphant. 

Upon arrival within the Choir, the Crown, and the Baton, Sword, 
and Hat of His late Boyal Highness were placed by the Bearers upon 
the Coffin. His Boyal Highness the Chief Mourner stood at the head 
of The Corpse, with His Eoyal Highness Prince Arthur and His 
Boyal Highness The Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha on either side. 
The other Eoyal Personages stood behind His Boyal Highness The 
Chief Mourner, and their Attendants near them. 

The supporters of the Pall were placed on either side of the Coffin. 

The Lord Chamberlain stood at the foot of the Coffin. 

The rest of the Procession, having previously advanced towards 
the centre of the Choir, stood on either side. 

The opening sentences of the Burial Service were sung by the 
Choir, to the Music by Dr. Croft, while the Procession moved up the 
Nave ; after which the 89th Psalm was chanted to the Funeral Chant 
adapted from Beethoven. 

The first part of the Service and the Anthem (Martin Luther^s 
Hymn) having been performed. The Corpse was lowered into the 
Entrance of the Boyal Vault, and the Dean concluded the Burial 
Service, in the course of which also two Chorales were sung by the 

Garter King of Arms having proclaimed the Style of His late 
Royal Highness, The Royal FamUy and other Royal Personages were 
conducted out of the Chapel, and the others composing the Proces- 
sion retired, while the Dead March in Saul was played. 

A Guard of Honour of the Grenadier Guards, of which Regiment 
His late Royal Highness was Colonel, mounted during the Ceremony 
at the entrance to St. George's Chapel, and presented Arms on the 
arrival of the Remains of His late Royal Highness, and also when the 
Body was lowered into the Grave. A troop of the Boyal Horse Ar- 
tillery was stationed in the Long Walk in Windsor Park, and fired 
Minute-guns during the progress of the Procession and the Ceremony. 

The following, who had the honour to receive The Queen^s Com- 
mands to attend the Funeral of His late Royal Highness, were con- 
ducted to Seats in the Choir of St. George's Chapel : — 


Mons. Van de Weyer . . . The Belgian Minister. 

The Count de Lavradio . . . The Portuguese Minister. 

The Count Brandenburg . . . The Prussian Charged' Affaires. 

Offickbs op State. 

The Lord Westbury . . . Lord High Chancellor. 

The Earl Granville, K.G. . . Lord President of the Council. 

The Right Hon. Sir George Grey, ) Secretary of State for the Home 

Bart, M.P., G.C.B. . . J Department. 
The Earl Russell .... Secretary of State for the For- 
eign Department. 
The Duke of Newcastle, K.G. . Secretary of State for the Colo- 
nial Department. 
The Right Hon. Sir George Corne- ) Secretary of State for the War 

wdl Lewis, Bart., M.P. . ) Department. 
The Right Hon. Sir Charles Wood, ) Secretary of State for the Indian 

Bart., M.P., G.C.B. . . ) Department. 
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, 

M.P Chancellor of the Exchequer. 

The Duke of Somerset . . First Lord of the Admiralty. 

The Lord Stanley of Alderley . Postmaster-General. 

The Right Hon. Edward Card- } Chancellor of the Duchy of Lan- 

well, M.P. . . . . f caster. 
The Right Hon. Thomas Milner ( President of the Board of 

Gibson, M.P. . . .J Trade. 
The Right Hon. C. Pelham Vil- J Chief Commisaoner of the Poor 

li^rs, M.P ] Law Board. 

The Earl of Carlisle, K.G. . . Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
The Right Hon. William Cowper First Commissioner of Works, 

The Hon. Charles A. Gore . First Commissioner of Woods. 

Offioees op the Queen's Household. 
The Viscount Bury . . . The Treasurer of the Household. 

The Comptroller of the House- 

> Lords in Waiting. 

The Lord Proby 

The Earl of Caithness 
The Viscount Torrington 
The Lord Rivers 
The Lord de Tabley . 
The Lord Cremome, K.P 
The Lord Harris, K.S.I. 
The Lord Methuen , 

The Hon. Mortimer Sackville West } ^ . ^^r .^ 

Colonel the Hon. G. Aug. Liddell \ ^^^^""^ ^"^ Waiting. 
Colonel The Lord James Murray 
General Sir Frederick Stovin, }- Extra Grooms in Waiting. 


Lient.-Colonel The Lord Angnstas ) 

Charles L. Fitzroy . . f Equerries. 
Major-General Seymour . . ) 
Lieut.-Oolonel G. A. Maude, O.B. Crown Equerry. 
Mr. Woodward . . . Librarian. 

Otheb IirriTATioNs. 

The Archbishop of Canterbury. 

The Duke of Buccleuch, K.G. 

The Duke of Athole, K.T. (The Duchess being Lady of the Bedcham- 
ber in Waiting upon Her Majesty). 

The Duke of Rutland . . ) Formerly Lords of the Bedchara- 

The Duke of Manchester . . f her to His late Royal Highness. 

The Duke of Wellington, K.G. (The Duchess being Mistress of the 

The Marquis of Abercorn, K.G. ) Formerly Grooms of the Stole to 

?h:?oTEbu1^y^^''"^ : \ His late Royal Highness. 

The Marquis of Breadalbane, K.T. 

The Earl of Derby, K.G. 

The Earl de la Warr. 

The Earl of Clarendon, K.G., G.C.B. 

His Excellency The Earl Cowley, G.C.B. 

The Lord Bagot, formerly Lord of the Bedchamber to His late Royal 

The Lord Bishop of London, Dean of Her Majesty's Chapels Royal. 

sasSp?f8hS5r : f^r&Kr"^^^^^^^ 

The Lord Bishop of Worcester. S ^"^^^ Highness. 

The Lord Colville, of Culross, Lieut. -Colonel Commanding the Hon- 
ourable Artillery Company, of which His late Royal Highness 
was Colonel and Captain-General. 

The Lord Portman. 

The Right Hon. Speaker of the House of Commons. 

Lieut-General Sir George Bowles, K.C.B. 

Lieut.-General Bouverie, formerly Equerry to His late Royal High- 

Colonel Lambert, Commanding the Grenadier Guards, of which 
Regiment His late Royal Highness was Colonel. 

The Rev. James St. John Blunt, Vicar of Old Windsor. 

The Rev. H. M. Ellison, The Vicar of Windsor. 

The Rev. H. M. Birch . . ( Formerly Tutors to His Royal 

Mr. Gibbs, C.B. . . . f Highness The Prince of Wales. 

Dr. Lyon Playfair, C.B., Formerly Gentleman Usher to His late Royal 

Mr. Becker, Formerly Librarian to His late Royal Highness. 



His Royal Highness The Dake of Cambridge, and His Serene High- 
ness The Prince of Leiningen, were prevented by iUness from 
attending the Ceremony. 

The following, who were to have joined in the Procession, were also 

unavoidably absent. 

Dr. Jenner, one of the Physicians who attended upon His late Royal 
Highness, in attendance apon the Queen at Osborne. 

Sir Benjamin Brodie, Bart., Surgeon to His late Royal Highness. 

Representatives of His Majesty- 

Don Manoel de Camara, 
Lieut. A. de Sampayo e Pina, 

The King of Portugal, who did 
not arrive in this Country un- 
til after the Ceremony. 

Colonel Tyrwhitt, Equerry in Waiting to His Royal Highness The 
Duke of Cambridge. 

The following had the honour to receive The Queen's Commands to 
attend, but were likewise unable to do so : — 

The Count Kielmansegge . . The Hanoverian Minister. 

The Count Vitzthum . . . The Saxon Minister. 

The Viscount Palraerston, K.G., 
6.C.B First Lord of the Treasury. 

The Duke of Argyll, K.T. . . Lord Privy Seal. 

The Lord Byron Extra Lord in Waiting to the 


Captain Sir Wm. Hoste, Bart., 1 

Lieut. -Colonel R. N". Kingscote . 

Lieut. -Colonel W. H. F. Caven- 

Sir H. Seton, Bart. 

The Hon. Charles A. Murray, ( Extra Groom in Waiting to The 
C.B ] Queen. 

Captain the Hon. Joseph Denman, R.N., Captain of Her Majesty's 
Yacht, detained at Osborne in attendance upon The Queen. 

The Marquis of Lansdowne, K.G. 

TheEarlofMorley . . ( Formerly I^rds of the Bed-cham- 

The Viscomit Olifden . . • ) ^!L ^'^ ^'^ ^"^ ^^'^ ^"^^' 

{ ness. 

Grooms in Waiting to the Queen. 


The Inscription on the ' Depositnm ' Plate on the Coffin of the 
Prince Consort was in the following terms: — 










n. Royal Mausoleum at Feogmobe. 

It will have been observed, from the preceding Ceremonial, that the 
Coffin of the Prince was onlj placed in the entrance to the Royal 
Vault, and not in the Vanlt itself. This was done in contemplation 
of its being removed to a separate Mausoleum, which Her Migestj 
had determined to erect for its permanent reception. On the 18th of 
December, 1861, the Queen, accompanied hj the Princess Alice, 
drove to the gardens at Frogmore, where Her Majesty was re- 
ceived by the Prince of Wales, Prince Louis of Hesse, Sir Charles 
Phipps, and Sir James Clark. Since the death of the Prince Consort, 
the Princess Alice had developed a force of character, combined with 
tact and judgment truly admirable, settling and arranging everything 
for the Queen with Ministers and officials, and sustaining Her Majesty 
by her own firmness and skilfully ministered sympathy. And now 
leaning on her arm, the Queen walked round the gardens, and se- 
lected the spot in which all that was mortal of the Prince Consort 
should be finally laid to rest. 

No time was lost in preparing the designs for a Mausoleum, 
which from its nature might fitly symbolise the character of him 
to whom it was dedicated; and the work was proceeded with so 
rapidly, that within a year it was ready to receive the Prince's re- 
mains. Accordingly, on the 18th of December, 1862, a little before 
7 A.M., the Coffin was raised from the entrance to the Royal Vault 
to the level of St. George's Chapel. The Prince of Wales, Prince 
Arthur, Prince Leopold, and Prince Louis of Hesse, arrived at seven 
in the Chapel, where the Lord Chamberlain (Lord Sydney), the Dean 
of Windsor, Sir Charles Phipps, General Grey, and Colonel Biddulph, 
were already present. The Crown and Baton on one Cushion, and 
the Sword and Hat upon another Cushiou, which rested upon the 
Coffin, were committed to the charge of Messrs. Ldhlein and Mayet, 


the two valets of the Prince Consort, who were in attendance. The 
Coffin was then remoyed by bearers to the sonth door of the Chapel, 
and conveyed to the Mansoleum in a hearse with fonr horses. The 
members of the Boyal Family, the Lord Chamberlain, and the other 
persons above named, followed in Mourning Coaches. In one of 
these the Valets followed with the Crown, Baton, Sword, Hat, and 

A temporary Sarcophagus of stone had been placed in the centre 
of the Mausoleum, round which a scaffolding covered with black 
cloth had been raised for convenience in lowering the Coffin into 
the Sarcophagus. 

When all had assembled in the Mausoleum, the Coffin was brought 
in and lowered into the temporary Sarcophagus. Two members of 
the Royal Household had previously brought from St. George^s 
Chapel to the Mausoleum the wreaths and palm-branches which had 
been placed upon the Coffin at the time of the Funeral. These were 
replaced upon the Coffin by the members of the Royal Family. The 
Baton and Sword were also placed upon it by the Prince of Wales, 
but it was foimd that the Crown and Hat were too high to admit of 
their being included in the Sarcophagus. The stone slab was then 
placed upon the Sarcophagus. 

In this state the Coffin remained until the 26th of November, 
1868, when it was placed at 7 a.m. in the permanent Sarcophagus, 
which had in the meantime been prepared for its reception. 


The following corrections have been made in some of the later edi- 
tions of this work. Those who possess the earlier editions will be so 
good as to consider what follows as containing the final expression of 
the author's views on the matters referred to. 

In the description of the flight of Pope Pius IX. from Rome, Vol. 
II., pp. 124-25, read: — * On* the evening of that day, dressed in the 
ordinary priest's black cassock, he passed the gates of Rome along 
with Count Spaur, the Bavarian Minister Plenipotentiary, and in that 
gentleman's carriage. Leaving this a little way beyond Aricia for 
the carriage of the Countess Spaur, who was waiting for the fugitive 
sovereign, the Neapolitan frontier was soon crossed, and having 
reached Gaeta in safety, he threw himself upon the protection of the 
King of Naples.' 

In the mention of the siege of SCistria, Vol. III., p. 68, the name 
of Lieutenant J. A. Ballard (now General Ballard, C. B.) should be 


added to the names of Captain Batler and Lieutenant Nasmyth, as 
having contributed by their gallantry and skill to the maintenance of 
the successful resistance to the Russian siege. 

The letters from the Crimea quoted at pages 137 and 138 of Vol. 
III. were written by the late Lord James Murray. 

On page 169, Vol. III., instead of the last sentence of the first 
paragraph as originally published, read as follows : — * Still, he would 
have been prepared to try it rather than let the Government be dis- 
solved, which he considered would at this moment be a real calamity 
for the country. When, however, the matter had come before the 
Cabinet that day, they had not seen their way to carry on the Gov- 
ernment after the secession of Lord John Kussell, and had come to 
the determination to tender their resiguations.' 

On page 876, Vol. lY., after the sentence beginning ' AU Mr. 
Gladstone's sympathies also were with Italy,' read : — * So, too, were 
those of Mr. Muner Gibson. But if their enthusiasm might have 
blinded them in some degree to the personal objects of the French 
Emperor, and predisposed them to join with him in measures of ac- 
tive intervention for the liberation of Italy, the other members of the 
Cabinet, however deeply they felt with the Italian people, were in 
no way disposed to swerve from the line which the voice of Parlia- 
ment had prescribed. This balance,' &c. 



ABD-EL-KADER, noble conduct of, Queen on negotiations with Austria, 

V. 133. 143 ; Prince's memorandum on arm^ 

Aberdeen, first visit of Queen and organisation submitted by, to Cabi- 

Piince to, ii. 93 ; British Association net, 146 j public indignation against 

meeting at, iv. 407-410. his Ministry, 164 ; accusations un- 

Aberdeen, Lord, present at con versa- just, 165 ; reply of, to Lord John 

tion between the Queen and Louis- KusselPs proposition regarding dis- 

Philippe regarding the alliance with placing Duke of NewcasUej 167 ; let- 

Spdn, 1. 155 ; satisfaction with his vis- ter to, by Queen, expressing confi- 

it to Fnmce, 156 ; conversation with, dence in, receives Order of Garter, 

and views of the Emperor of Kussia 168 ; resigns office, 171 ; letter by the 

on political questions, 182, 183, 184 ; Queen to, 177 ; visits by Queen and 

regret of Queen and Prince at liLs re- Prince at Haddo House, iv. 119 ; 

tirement from office^ 271 ; views of, death of, v. 213. 

on the Spanish mamagos, 285-7, 292 Abney Hall, iv. 39. 

-5. Applied to, but declines to form Academy, Royal, speech of Prince Al- 

a Ministry, ii. 284 ; becomes Premier, bert at, ii. 304 ; remarks on pictures, 

392 ; strength of his Cabinet, 393 ; v. 84. 

letter by, to Her Majesty on the East- Acland, Dr., his opinion of Prince, iv. 

em question, 417 ; nis policy regard- 20. 

ing Turkey, 422 ; interview witn the Adelbert, Prince of Prussia, ii. 406. 

question, 428-429 ; Czar's letter to dinia, v. 48. 

Queen, submitted to, 430 ; her reply, Aflfghanistan, complete reconquest of, 

430 : letter by, to Queen, on attacks i. 128 ; war between England and 

on Prince, 439 ; refutes calumnies in Persia regarding, iv. 24. 

Parliament, 456 ; proposes day of hu- Affre, Monseigncur d', Archbishop of 

miliation, iii. 58 ; speech by, m reply Paris, ii. 101. 

to Lord Lyndhurst, 73 ; effect of it. Agricultural, Royal, Society, meeting 

74 ; his explanation and vindica- of, at York, ii. 79-81 ; and at Wind- 

tion of his conduct, 75-6 ; vehement sor, 313. 

attacks on, 85 ; feeling of French Airey, Sir Richard, inculpated by Re- 
Emperor re^rding, 102 ; illness of, port of Commissioners m Crimea, iii. 
Queen's invitation to, 113 ; his arri- 370. 
val at Balmoral, 114 ; opinion re- Akbar Khan defeated, i. 128. 

farding Sebastopol, 115 ; letter to, Albemarle^ Lord, i. 86. 
y Prince, on reinforcements for the Albert, Pnnoe. parentage of, 1. 13 ; de- 
army, read by, to Cabinet, 127 ; in- scription ana character of, 14, 16, 17 ; 
forms Her Majesty of arrangements place of education, 17 ; confirmation, 
for relief of forces, 133 ; letter by, to 20 ; visit to Mecklenburg and Berlin, 

VOL. V. 17 




20 ; tour in GermanT, &<?., 21 ; visit 
to KeiL^iniStoii Palace, ii's; to Bruft- 
Feb*, i^J ; Pari*, 'J9 ; Stfickmar's opin- 
ion of, in l*»:i»J, 1^'^ ; f^tudiea at 
Bniiweis an<icr Baron Wiechmann 
and M. Quetclct, 29 ; his prr>l'e>jor8 
at Univereity of Bonn, 3*1 ; tour 
through Switzerland and Italy, Zl ; 
pmject of marria^, 33 ; viuit u/Brus- 
M;]:*, 33 ; BeixiratioD from hid brothor, 
34 ; vl->it to ItalVj 1»3^. residence in 
Florence, S5 ; vikit to Kome and Na- 
ples, 37 ; tour in Italy and return to 
Cobuj^, l839j 87 ; Stockmar'iS im- 
pre!<8ion of bi» character, 1839, 39; 
arrival at Windsor, 1**39, 43 : Queen's 
impression of, 43 ; betrr>thal^ 44 : re- 
turn to Germany, meeting with fCin^ 
Leopold and ^aron Su>c*kmar, 47 ; 
public announcement of betrothal in 
England, 55-6 ; official declaration at 
Co burg, 63; invested with Order of 
the Garter J 534 ; departure from Go- 
tha, fears m England regarding his 
crocd, 57 ; discu^ssions as to annuity, 
59 ; question of rank and precedence, 
61, 62, 63; iv. 63; his reception in 
England, 64 ; difficulties of his posi- 
tion in private, 67 ; and in public 
lifcj 70-1 ; rule of conduct, 71 ; de- 
votion to mu:<ic and art. bO-1 ; ajv 
pointed a director of tno Antient 
Concerts, 81 : first public speech, 
81 ; appointea Re-^ent, 83 ; relation 
between the Prince and Baron Stock- 
mar, 84^8 ; enjoyment of the coun- 
try, 86 ; studies jurisprudence under 
Mr. Selwyn. 87 ; macle a member of 
the Privy Council, 87; Colonel of 
the 11th Hussars, 87 ; accident while 
skating, 92; visit to Wobum Ab- 
bey, <fec., 102 ; his extraordinary 
self-control, 105-6: becomes Presi- 
dent of the Fine Arts Commission, 
107-9; interview with Sir C. East- 
lake, 110 ; difficulties with regard 
to sponsors to Prince of Wales, 111 ; 
first vwit to Scotland, 1842, enthu- 
siastic reception, 127 ; impressions 
of Scotbnd, 128; devotes himself 
to politics, 130 ; his appointment 
to the office of Commander-in-Chief 
contemplated by the Ministry, 130 ; 
his circumspect conduct overcomes 
the prejudices of the people, 130 : or- 
tranisation by him of Koyal house- 
hold, 135-8 ; holds levees for the 
(2ueen, 142 ; animadversions on, 142 ; 
visit to France, 149-50 ; tour in Bel- 


giam. 15S : degree of LL. D. oon- 
ferrea <mi nim at Cambrid^pe, 159; 
visit to the Woodwardian Museum, 
ifec, 159-60 ; viflitB to Dragon Manor 
and Birmingham, 165 ; visit to Chats- 
worth and Bel voir, 166 ; proves him- 
self a bold rider, 166 ; sudden death 
of his lather, 170 ; visit to Cobui]?, 
174 ; letters to Queen, during hia a6- 
Bcnce in Gennany, 175-9; Empenor 
of Russia's opinion of^ 184; cordial 
relations with Prince of Prussia, <fec., 
196; second visit to Scotland, 1844, 
197 ; visit to Burleigh, 205 ; visit to 
Osborne, 20S \ visit to Ireluid post- 
poned, 225 ; vLsit to Gennany, 227 ; 
htay at Bi^hl, festivities at Bonn 
ana Cologne, 231, 282; journey to 
Coburg, 234-36 ; stay at Cobuiv and 
the Bosenau, 237-243 ; goes wiUi the 
Queen through the Th&ringer-Wald 
to Keinhardtsbrunn and Gotba, 24S- 
45 ; fetes at Gotha, 248-49 ; return by 
Eisenach and Frankfort to Col<>gne, 
25<J-51 ; embarks at Antwerp for Tr6- 

Sr)rt, 251 ; second visit to the Chateau 
'£u, 252 ; return home, 253 ; reply 
to Stockmar's letter on the Peel ail- 
ministration, 261 ; Prince's presence 
at debate on Com Laws misinterpret- 
ed, 266 ; visit to Liverjxx)!. lavs the 
foundation stone of Sailors Home, 
275-78 ; views on the Spanish ques- 
tion, 285; indignation at Spanish 
marriages, 299 ; Clumcellorship of 
University of Cambridge offered to, 
315 'result of election, 316 ; urged by 
Sir K. Peel to accept, 317 ; letter an- 
nouncing his acceptance, ceremony 
of inau^ration, 317, 323 ; installation 
at Cambridge, 324 ; letter to Baron 
Stockmar on Portuguese question. 
336 ; account of trip to west coast or 
Scotland, &c., 342-44 ; stay at Ard- 
vcrikie, 845-47 ; political studies, 
826 ; memorandum on Italian af&irs, 
84S ; letter to Lord John Russell on 
England's foreign policy, 851-353 ; 
memorandum on German alEEurs, 356 ; 
correspondence with Baron Stock- 
mar, 865-372; death of Dowager 
Duchess of Gotha, 389 ; musical taste 
and musical works of, Appendix A, 
895-402 ; music selected by, for An- 
tient Concerts, &c., 402-408 ; letter to 
Baron Stockmar on state of Germany, 
1843, ii. 23 ; letters alter Chartist 
meeting of April 10, 38 ; speech at 
meeting for improvement of, and 




sympathy with working classes, 49 ; 

I)lan for oi^anisation of Grermany, 66 ; 
etter to his stepmother on the state 
of Europe, 70 ; to Baron Stockmar 
on European affairs, 73-74 ; visit to 
York, speech at meeting of Royal 
Agricultural Society, 80-1 ; letter on 
German unity, 86-7 ; on Keichsver- 
weser Ministryj 89 ; first visit to Bal- 
moral, impressions of, 96 \ j)lan for 
reform of studies at Cambridge, 101 ; 
correspondence on University Edu- 
cation, 103-110 ; success of his plans, 
111 ; opinion of the press, 112-13 ; 
letter to Dean Wilbenorce on func- 
tions of bishops in House of Lords, 
115-17 ; memorfuidum and letter by, 
on state of Ireland, 117-19 ; memo- 
randum addressed to German sover- 
eigns recommending course of action, 
132 'j accuracy of observation, active 
habits of, 136-37 j lays foundation 
stone of Great Gnmsbv Docks, 142 : 
speech for Servants* Provident and 
Benevolent Societv, 143; Great Ex- 
hibition projected by, 186 ; offers 
chair of History at Cambridge to Mr. 
Macaulay who declines, and to Sir 
James Stephen who is appointed, 
169-70; visit to Ireland, 172-178; 
thence via Glasgow to Balmoral, 179 ; 
plan for free Univeraity for Ireland, 
181; correspondence with Sir R. 
Peel, on Irish University, 181-82; 
refuses Chancellorship of Irish Uni- 
versity, 184 ; propounds views re- 
garding a great international Indus- 
trial Exhibition, 187 ; anxiety for 
welfare of working classes, 190 ; grief 
at death of Mr. Anson, 192 ; attends 
opening of New Coal Exchange, 192 ; 
preparations for Great Exhibition, 
201 ; speech by, at Mansion House, 
on the subject, 204; plan for utilisa- 
tion of sewage^ 208; proposal by 
Duke of Wellmgton that Prince 
pJiould succeed him as Commander- 
in-Cliief^ 209 ; Prince's decision and 
rcason for it, 209-16; approved of 
by Duke, Lord John Russell, Sir 
Robert Peel, and Baron Stockmar, 
216-17; letter by, to Baron Stock- 
mar on outrage on Queen, and debate 
on Greek question, 235; opposition 
to site of Exhibition, 237 ; his friend- 
ship for Sir R. Peel, regret at death 
of latter, and letters regarding it, 
238-40 ; fears regarding Great Exhi- 
bition, 239 ; guarantee fund to defray 


expenses created, 246; interview 
with Lord Palmerston. 253 ; memo- 
randum by, on the sutyect of Lord 
Palmerston, 253-55 ; opmions of, on 
Schleswig-Holstein Question, 269 ; 
visit to Edinburgh, 260 ; lays stone 
of National Gkilleiy, 262; arrival at 
Balmoral, employment there, 264; 
schools built, agricultural improve- 
ments, &c., 265 ; letter by, on attack 
on General Haynau, 269; letter to 
Baron Stockmar on death of Queen 
of Belgians, 270 ; attends banquet at 
York, 272; his speech there, eulo- 
gium on Sir R. Peel, 273 j memoran- 
dum by, on the Church crisis, 279-81 ; 
on formation of Ministry, 287-89; 
arrangements for opening the Great 
Exhibition, 292 ; culogium by, on 
Sir Charles Eastlake, at Royal Acad- 
emj Dinner, 804; presides at 150th 
anniversaiy of Society for Propa^- 
tion of Gospel, 305-6 ; his lively m- 
terest in literature, art, and science ; 
lays foundation stone of City Con- 
sumption Hospital ; attends meeting 
of British Association at Ipswich, 
809 ; speech by, to Royal Agricul- 
tural Society, 318-14 ; refuses mvita- 
tion to fete at Paris, 316 ; application 
of surplus from Great Exhibition, 
817-19 ; letter to Baron Stockmar on 
death of Prince Ferdinand, and opin- 
ions on Cousin's Jntrodudian Poli- 
tique, 820-21 ; visit to Liverpool, 
822-24 • to Patricroft and by Bridge- 
water Canal to Worsley Park, 324 ; 
visit to Manchester, 325-26; while 
there, to Dean Mills factory, near 
Boltonj 326 ; return to Windsor, 327 ; 
final visit to Exhibition, 328 ; pres- 
ent at closing of it, 828 ; letter by, to 
Lord John Russell on conduct of 
Lord Palmerston. 341 ; Lord John 
Russell's reply, 841-42 ; conversation 
with Duke of Wellington on Lord 
Palmcrston's retirement, opinion of 
the Duke, 347 ; culogium on Prince, 
by Lord Palmerston, 349 ; letter to 
Lord John Russell on national de- 
fences, &c., 353-54; letter to Duke 
of Wellington on same, 854-55 ; 
opinion of Militia Bill, 354 ; Reserve 
1 orce, 355 ; his scheme for it, 361 ; 
purchase of the South Kensington 
estate by, 362 ; list of books read by, 
in 1852, 364 ; letter on death of Count 
Mensdorff, 367 ; visit to Belgium, 
871 ; interview with Prince Massimo 




at Edinbuin^h, 375 ; receiver ncw.n of 
death of Duko of Wcllinjirton, 377 ; 
estimate of hia character, dso ; viait 
to tubular brids^ over Menui Straits), 
3.S5 ; elected Ma.ster of Trinity Ilouite, 
885 ; letter by, on Iriah National Ed- 
ucation. 8HS : character of, by l*rin- 
oesM Ilouenlono, 31K> ; oommenoefl col- 
lection of Raplmel drawingit, 89S; 
letter by, on treatment of refiu!;ccs, 
899, 4HH) ; presides at Trinity Ilouso 
dinner, 401 ; InApects camp at Chob- 
Imm, 401-02; illneas of, 403; Spit- 
head described by, 405-06 ; inspects 
works in harbour at Ilolyhead ; sec- 
ond visit to Ireland, K^cat Dublin 
exhibition, 409 ; letter by, to Baron 
Stockinar, on financial state of coun- 
try, dec, 410; on Eastern Question, 
416, 419^ 421, 423; memorandum by, 
for consideration of the Cabinet, 425- 
27 ; letter by, to Baron Stockmar ; 
war has become probable, 431-82 ; on 
un^settlod state of MinUtry, 433 ; on 
attacks on himself, 434; propo^ted 
statue to, 434; his objection to it, 
435 ; systematic attacks on, 43G ; let- 
ter by, to Baron Stockmar on subject, 
433 ; reply by, to Baron Stockmar on 
probable causes of hostility to him- 
self, 451-52; character of attack-*, 
453; their groundlessness, 454; ab- 
surd rumours regarding, 455 ; vindi- 
cation of, in Parliament, 456 ; letter 
to Baron Stockmar on the subject, 
456 ; good effect on the public, 457 ; 
Memorandum by, on disposal of sur- 

Slus from Great Exhibition, Appen- 
ix, 461-64 ; reaction of public opin- 
ion in favour of the Prince, iii., 13- 
14 ; survey by him of political posi- 
tion in Europe, 21-24 ; letter bv, to 
Kins Leopold on policy of England 
in Eastern question, 28-30 ; to Baron 
Stockmar on Reform Bill and prepa- 
rations for war, 35-36 ; on Baltic 
fleet, 86; on revolution in political 
world, 41-43; letter by, to Lord 
Clarendon on position of Austria and 
Prussia in Eastern question. 53 ; to 
Baron Stockmar on policy of England 
regarding Bussia, 55-56 ; to Dowager 
Duchess of Coburg, 61 ; indignation 
of, at policy of Prussia. 62 ; his speech 
a^Festival of Sons of Clergy, 63 ; mul- 
tifarious occupations of, 64, 65 : Court 
festivities, 66 ; speech of, at Trinity 
House dinner, 67 ; value of Prince's 
services to Trinity House, 67; plan 


for invasion of Crimea, 78-79 ; 
cepts invitation of French JSmpsror, 
82 ; letter by, to Baron Stockmar on 
singular aspect of oolitics, 84-5 ; in- 
disposition of, 86 ; letter oa death of 
Baron Stockmar* a brother, 87 ; liis 
opinion of Kin^ of Prussia, 88 ; re- 
ply to letter of Kins, 89 ; visit of^ to 
r ronch Emperor, 91 ; letters by, to 
Queen during his stay at Boulo^e, 
92-97 ; visit to the camps, 94 ; sub- 
jects of oonversationB with the £iii- 
pcror^ 98-95 ; memorandum b^, on 
nis visit to Boulogne, 98-109 ; his im- 
pressions of the Emperor, 98 ; sab- 
^ects of conversation, 4&c., 99 ; opin- 
ions of, on Finance, 103 ; on Govern- 
ment, 104 ; on German politics, 105 
on union of Spain and Portu^, 106 
on the Austrian-Italian frontier, 107 
on Poland and Schlesw^-Holstein^ 
103 ; French Emperor's impressions 
of, 109 ; his interest in the details of 
the war, 118 ; letter by Prince to 
Colonel Hood, 118 ; visit of, to Hull 
and Grimsbyj 119-20 ; letter by, on 
Prussian policy, 121-22; to King 
Leopold on prospects of war, 124-26 ; 
to Lord Aberdeen on reinforcements 
for the army, 127-29 : his su^estions 
adopted, 129 : letter by, to Duke of 
Newcastle regarding reinforcements, 
133 ; correspondence with the Duke 
and Lord Hardinge on the subject, 
his confidence in success of enter- 
prise, 138 ; records of battle of Inker- 
man preserved by^ 137 ; Lord Claren- 
don asks his opinion regarding nego- 
tiations with Austria, memorandum 
bv, in reply, 141-43 ; suggestions to 
Mr. Sidney Herbert regarding rein- 
forcements for army, 14^-46 ; meetins^ 
with Duke of Newcastle and Lord 
Harding to discuss the subject, his 
plan suomittcd to Cabinet and adopt- 
ed, 146 ; sympathy of, with army in 
Crimea, 151 ; letter by, to Duke of 
Newcastle on defects of Military sys- 
tem, 152 ; his plan for weekly reports, 
152 ; adopted, 153 ; memorandum by, 
on army organization, 158-63 ; letter 
by, to Dowager Duchess of Coburg 
on excited state of public feeling, 180 ; 
proposes purchase of Bernal Collec- 
tion for Museum of Art, 180 ; memo- 
randum by, on suspicions against 
himself, 185-87 ; calumnies against, 
unfounaed.-187: memorandum by, 
on Lord Clarendon's visit to Empe- 




por Napoleon at Boulome, 194-97; 
Protocol of Conference arsiwn up by, 
memorandum by. on plan of opera- 
tions, approved or, by Emperor, 205 ; 
scheme for future operations in Cri- 
mea, present at Council, 212 ; memo- 
ranaum by, on the Austrian peace 
proposals, 219 ; his opinion concurred 
m by Cabinet, 219: letter by, to 
Prince of Prussia, defending rejec- 
tion of Austrian proposals, 222: 
memorandum by, on necessity or 
European concert for settlement of 
Eastern question, 225-27 ; letter by, 
to Baron Stockmar on movements of 
Peace party, 235; on pur prospects 
in the East, 239 ; to Lord Aberdeen 
regarding impression made by policy 
of his colleagues, <&c., 241 ; to Baron 
Stockmar on position of military mat- 
ters in Crimea, 243 ; speech oy, at 
Trinity House dinner, 245 ; corre- 
spondence with Baron Stockmar, 
247: letter by, on Lord Raglan's 
death, 262; proposal by, regarding 
"Westminster school, 263; letter by, 
to Baron Stockmar on aspe<}t of affairs, 
arrival of. in Paris, <&c., 264 ; details 
of visit there, 264-289 ; letter hy, to 
King of Bel^ans on visit to Paiis, 
291 ; to Baron Stockmar on same sub- 
ject, 293: to Duchess of Kent, 294; 
and Duchess of Coburg, 296 ; letter 
by, to Baron Stockmar on f£dl of Se- 
bastopol, 298 ; his remarks on Duke 
of Newcastle's letter, 301 ; and letter 
to Lord Clarendon on the war, 301- 
803 ; letter to Baron Stockmar on 
betrothal of Princess Royal and 
Prince Frederick William of Prussia, 
805-307 ; remarks by, on attack made 
by The Times on the alliance, 309; 
plan by, for command of army, 314 ; 
adopted by the Government, 816; 
letter by, to Baron Stockmar on state 
of affairs, 316 \ reply of, to letter from 
Prince Frederick William on state of 
Prussia, 318 ; address by, to Birming- 
ham and Midland Institute, 321 ; 
meeting with Duke of Newcastle on 
return of latter from East; colours 
presented by, to Grcrman Legion, 333 ; 
views of, on the Concordat,' 338 ; at- 
tacks upon, for signing Guards' Me- 
morial, 389; letter by, to Baron 
Stockmar on the subject, 340 ; to Em- 
peror of Germany on attacks by the 
press on the British army, 341: to 
King Leopold on the position of Eng- 


land, and the Austrian Ultimatum, 
342-45 ; strong English feeling ofj 
846 ; letter by, forwarding to Lord 
Clarendon King of Prussia's tele- 
gram, 348; views of, regarding the 
political situation, 351 ; accused as 
instigator of measure for creation of 
liie-peerages, 359 ; letter by, to King 
Leopold reading admission of Prus- 
sia to Conterences, 866 ; to Prince of 
Prussia on same subject, 368; to 
Baron Stockmar on Peace negotia- 
tions, 376 ; on confirmation of Prin- 
cess Royal, 383 : how announcement 
of signature of Peace nas been taken 
in England and France, 387 ; of ar- 
rangements for education of Prince 
Alfred, 392 ; visit of, to Aldcrshot, 
895 ; present at groat naval review at 
Spiuiead, 396-96 ; memorandum by, 
on reform of Army system, 397 ; let- 
ter by, to Baron Stockmar on his 
daughter's death, 401 ; review at Al- 
dcrshot, 405; in Hyde Park, 406; 
letter by, to Baron Stockmar on for- 
eign politics, 414 ; to Dowager Duch- 
ess of Coburg, on death of Prince 
Leiningen, 418; to Duke of Cam- 
bridge on education of officers, 419 ; 
correspondence of, with French Em- 
peror^ Appendix, 425-32; Prince's 
practical philanthropy, iv. 11 ; his 
sympathy with working classes, 14; 
views of; on art education ,.20; plan 
of^ for a National Gallery, 21 ; views 
of, on amateur art, 22 ; letters by, to 
Dowager Duchess of Coburg, an- 
nouncmg birth of Princess Beatrice, 
&c., 30^81 '^ to French Emperor on 
proposed visit to Paris or Grand 
Duke Constantine, 82-5; Manches- 
ter Fine Arts Exhibition opened by, 
87 ; letter by, to Queen on the sub- 
iect. 89; statue of Queen in Peel 
Park unveiled by, 40 ; addresses by, 
41-2 ; letter by, to Baron Stockmar 
on vote of dowry to Crown Princess, 
44 ; on European politics, 50-1 ; on 
Archduke Maximilian, 56: presides 
at Conference on National Education, 
58 ; his speech at the Conference, 58 : 
title of * Prince Consort' conferred 
on, 60 ; letter by, to Dowager Duch- 
ess of Coburg on change of title, 62 ; 
interview with M. de Tocqueville, 
64 ; letter by, to Baron Stockmar on 
outbreak in India, &c., 76 ; to Prince 
of Prussia on same subject, 77-80 ; 
to Baron Stockmar on state of aimy, 




Ac, 82-3 ; interview between French 
Emperor and, 84 ; memonuidum bj, 
on conversations with French Empe- 
ror during visit of latter to Oftbome. 
89-101 ; visit of, with Queen and 
Royal Family, to Cherbourg? and Al- 
dcmey, 102-1(>7 : letters by, to Baron 
Stockmar on Inaian Mutiny, 110-13 ; 
on iilnesa of King of Prussia, dec, 
118; on improved news from India, 
119; on death of Duche88e de Ne- 
mours, 122 ; on financial crisis in En^ 
land, 125 : after the marriaee of tuo 
Princess Hoy^, 142 ; to the Dowager 
Duchess of Coburg on the prospect of 
separation from Crown Princess, 144 ; 
letters by, to Crown Princess, and to 
Baron Stockmar after her departure, 
146-7 ; to Crown Princess on her arri- 
val in Germany, 149-53 ; to Baron 
Stockmar on Princess's reception in 
Germany, 153 ; on Ministerial crisis, 
1C4-5 ; alterations in Indian Bill sug- 
gested by, 172 ; letters by, to Baron 
Stockmar on appointment of Duke of 
Malakoff as I<rench Ambassador to 
England, &c., 174-184 ; on project- 
ed visit to Germany, 175-6 ; extracts 
from letters to Crown Princess, 177- 
8, 185 ; on his impressions of Queen 
Stephanie of Portugal, 187 ; memo- 
randum by, on Lord Canning's letter 
of explanation, 195; visit to Germa- 
ny, extracts from letters by, to the 
Queen, 199-205 ; letter by, to Stock- 
mar on visit to Babelsberg, 205 ; visit 
of, to Stoneleigh Abbey, 206, and 
to Birmingham, 207 ; spoedi by, at 
Trinity House dinner, 218 ; letters 
by, to Baron Stockmar before visit to 
Clierbouig", 219-21 ; impression pro- 
duced on, by stren^h of French na- 
val force, 233 ; visit of, to Grermany, 
234-51 ; death of his valet, 236 ; visit 
of, to Leeds, 254-55; memorandum 
by, on reorganisation of the Indian 
Army, 259-61 ; letter by, to Stock- 
mar on Regency of Prince of Prussia, 
266 : letter of congratulation by, to 
the Prince, 267 ; to same on the new 
Prussian Ministry, 269, 270, 273 ; hia 
opinion of the Montalembert prose- 
cution, 277 ; illness of, 281 ; remarks 
of, on Charles Kingsley's and George 
Eliot's novels^ 282-284 ; apprehen- 
sions of a War in Italv, 285 ; letter to 
Baron Stockmar on the subject, 293- 
94 ; to Lord Malmesbury on conduct 
of French Emperor, 295; to King 


Leopold on state of Europe, 296-98 ; 
on M. Nothomb's despatcn, 299 ; let- 
ter by, to Stockmar on prospect of 
war, <&c., 300 ; on birth of Princess 
Royal's son, 801 ; to King Leopold 
on 'the occasion, 802 \ on French Em- 
j«ror*s letter regarding fears of hos- 
tile European coalition, 303 ; doubts 
of, as to Emperor's sincerity, 308 ; 
comments by, on French Emperor's 
speech, 813 ; reply of, to letter by 
Prince Regent, asking advice, 817- 
20 ; library presented by, to Welling- 
ton College, 320 : military library at 
Aldershot formea by, 821 ^ letterlby. 
to Baron Stockmar on anniversary or 
marriage, 822 ; on political aspject of 
affairs, 327 ; letter by, on position of 
Prussia, 831 ; to Stockmar on the 
Italian question, 831 ; to Crown Prin- 
cess on return of Lord Raglan and 
Captain de Ros from Bcrnn, 333 ; 
memorandum by, on the Congress 
proposal, <fec., 338-40; letter by, to 
Baron Stockmar, enclosing memo- 
randum, 840; to King Leopold on 
political situation, 843-46 ; to Dowa- 
ger Duchess of Coburff on state of af- 
lairs, 352 ; to Kin^ of JBelgians on the 
failure of negotiations, <&c., 352 * on 
conduct of Austria, 356 ; and efforts 
of England for X)eace. 356 ; to Prince 
Regent on the state oi affairs, 857-58 ; 
to Stockmar on Austrian ultimatum, 
<fec., 859-60 ; views of, regarding Vol- 
unteer forces, 861 ; letters by, to Ba- 
ron Stockmar, on the war m Italy, 
367 ; on the New Ministry, 376 ; 
opinion of, regarding termination of 
war in Italy, 382 ; letter by, to Crown 
Princess on death of Queen of Por- 
tugal, 386 ; to Baron Stockmar oq 
result of Peace of Villafranca, 898 ; 
visit of, to Channel Islands, 396; 
anxiety of, re^rdin^^ foreign affairs, 
899; inspection or 32nd Regiment 
from India at Portsmouth by, 400 ; 
letter by, to Baron Stockmar from 
Balmoral, conference of, with Prince 
of Wales* professors at Edinburgh, 
400 ; letter oy, to Crown Princess on 
Prussian policy, 405-06 ; inaugural 
address of; to British Association at 
Aberdeen, 407-09 ; opening of Glas- 
gow water- works by. 412 ; illness of, 
413; letter by, to Baron Stockmar, 
415-420-422 ; to Crown Princess, 420- 
423 ; to the Dowager Duchess, 423 : 
to Baron Stocknutr on policy or 




French Emperor, v. 23 ; opinion of, 
regarding expediency of concluding a 
Concordat with the Pope, 25-7 : re- 
garding the position of French Em- 
peror, the Commercial Treaty, &e., 
80-2 ; letter by, to Baron Stockmar 
on twentieth anniversary of marriage, 
89 ; to Prince Re^nt of Prussia on 
the annexation ot Savoy by France, 
the action of England, <&c., 51 ; to 
Baron Stockmar on same subjects, 
53-5 ; extracts from letters by, to 
Crown Princess, 65-6: opinion of, 
regarding German politics, 62-68 ; 
speech by, on opening of Clothwork- 
ers' Hall, 78 : letter bv, to Princess 
Frederick William on aeaUi of Prince 
Hohenloho-Langenbyrg, 77; to Ba- 
ron Stockmar on political situation of 
the continent, 82; remarks by, on 
Royal Academy, 84 ; dedication to 
him of Idulla of the King^ 84 ; letter 
bv, to Mr. Tennyson, 85 ; to Sir 
Cfharles Wood on order for India, 
93-5 ; to Princess Royal on his mul- 
tifarious pursuits, 99 ; regulations by, 
in reference to annual medal in Wel- 
lington College, 103 ; speech by, at 
206tli Anniversary of formation of 
Grenadier Guards, 104r-05 ; at Trini- 
tv House dinner, 106-07 ; office of 
President of Statistical Congress ac- 
cepted by, 122 ; his addr^ at it, 
122-26 ; letter by, to Lord John Rus- 
sell, on meeting of Emperor of Aus- 
tria and Prince Regent of Prussia at 
TSplitz, 138-89 ; to the Prince Recent 
on the subject, 140-41 ; toLordPSm- 
crston on the Naval Reserve, 145- 
46 ; to Lord Hardwicke on manning 
the Navy, 146^ his distrust of Ca- 
vour and opinion of Italian move- 
ment, 162-63 ; journey of, to Coburg, 
165-67 ; present at ftmeral of Dowa- 

?er Duchess, 170 : accident to, 172- 
3 ; departure of, from Coburg, 178 ; 
letter by, to Baron Stockmar from 
Brussels, 182 ; twenty-first anniver- 
sary of betrothal, 183 ; arrival of. 
in England, 188; letter by, to Lord 
Palmerston and Lord John Russell, 
with account of meeting of Emperors 
of Russia and Austria with Prince 
Regent at Warsaw, 190-92 ; opinion 
of, regarding Lora John RusselPs 
despatch to Sir James Hudson, 192 ; 
feelings of, regarding attacks by The 
Times on Prussia, 193-94; letter by, 
to Crown Princess on the subject, 


194 ; to Baron Stockmar on betrothal 
of Princess Alice, 212 ; to Crown 
Princess, on same subject, 214 : tem- 

Ejrary illness of, 214; letter by, to 
ord Palmerston on naval force. 214 ; 
to Lord J. Russell, on same suojcct, 
215 ; to Duke of Somerset on increase 
of number of ironclads, 215-16 ; i*eply 
of, to memorandum by Crown Prin- 
cess on Ministerial responsibility, 
217-21 ; to same after Christmas day, 
225 ; to Baron Stockmar with New 
Year's greetings, 226 ; habits of life 
of, 228-30 : his view of political po- 
sition of affiiirs at home and abroad, 
231-32; Portsmouth, Gosport, &c., 
visited by, 237 ; letter to, by Sir C. 
Wood, on scheme for Indian army, 
237 ; to Baron Stockmar on domestic 
and political news, 239 ; on death of 
Dr. 6al;^, 240 ; active part in arrange- 
ments for E.^ibition of 1862 taken 
by, 242; letter of, to Baron Stock- 
mar on eve of twenty-first anniver- 
sary of marriage, 243 ; to Duchess of 
Kent on the anniversary, 246 ; symp- 
toms of failing health of, 246 ; let- 
ter to Baron Stockmar^ 246-7 ; mem- 
orandum by, on Italian questions, 
251-52 ; letter by, to King of Prussia 
on investiture of latter as Knight of 
the Garter, 253-54; to Duchess of 
Kent, also to Baron Stockmar, on 
death of Sir G. Conner, 255-56 ; to 
King of Prussia on French politics, 
the consequent danger for Europe, 
&c., 259-62; to Baron Stockmar on 
death of Duchess of Kent, 269 ; la- 
bours of. as executor to Duchess of 
Kent, 277 ; letter by, to King on po- 
sition of Prussia. &c., 278 ; to Baron 
Stockmar from Osborne after leaving 
Frogmore, 279 ; insinuations in Times 
against, 281-82 ; views ofj regarding 
Prussia and the Schleswig-Holstein 
<luestion, 286-88 : letter by, to friend 
in Berlin on conduct of Prussia, 290- 
92 ; presence o^ at opening of Royal 
Horticultural Garden, 295; interest 
shown by, in proposed International 
Exhibition, 293-296 ; remarks by, on 
memorandum of scheme of military 
education, 304r-5 \ letters to Baron 
Stockmar on political news, 307-309 ; 
visit of, to Portsmouth, 810 j letter 
by, to Crown Princess on visit of, 
with Queen, to Mausoleum at Frog- 
more, 811 ; visit of, to Ireland, 313- 
19; to Carnarvon and Bcddgellert, 




and journey of, to Balmoral, 3'JO ; 
letter by, to Baron Stockmar, 8*J<); 
to Kin^ of Fruiteb on German unity, 
d2'i-24; to Lord Clarendon on h'is 
views upon German atHaint, 3:f(>-27: 
to Kin;^ of Fni^j^ia by bands of Lord 
Clarendon, 82^ ; reply of, to Lord 
Ellen borough on volunteer move- 
ment, 336 ; letter by, to Lord I*alm- 
erBton on breocb-loadin^ rifle, 835- 
3«J ; la*t letter from Balmoral to 
Baron Htockmar, 83«i-87 ; foundation 
t<t')ne of Pot«t Otnce and Museum in 
Edinburj/h laid by, 337 ; letter by, to 
Crown Jrrincesrt on death of Kinsr of 
Portujral, 841 ; last letter by Prince 
to Baron Stockmar, 341-42; letter 
by, to Crown Princess on twenty- 
lirHt anniversary of her birthday, 
343 ; visit of, to Sandhurst to inspect 
new college, 845 * vi^it of, to Prmcse 
of Wales at Maddingley, 346 ; out of 
health and spirits, 346 ; last politi- 
cal memorandum by, 849-50: last 
entry in Diary, 354 ; continued illness 
of, 864-55 • Dr. Jenner's report of 
nature of illness of, 357 ; general anx- 
iety concerning, 859 ; death of, 856. 

Albert, Boyal. launch of, iii. 63. 

All:>erlo Amaaeo, Duke of Genoa, of- 
fered and rcfuflcfi crown of Sicily, ii. 

Aldemey, iv. 107. 

Aldershot, review at, iii. 895 ; military 
library there formed by Prince, and 
kept up by Queen, iv. 321. 

Alexander II., Emperor of Russia, 
manifesto by, iii. 191^ Imperial re- 
script by, 811 ; coronation, 411. 

Alexandra, Princess of Denmark (now 
Princess of Wales), meets Prince of 
Wales at Speier, v. 891. 

Alexandrine, Princess of Baden, mar- 
riage of, i. 116. 

Alfred, Prince, birth and baptism of, i. 
19&-94; arrangements for his educa- 
tion for the Navy, iii. 892 ; studies at 
Alverbank, iv. 119, 203; examina- 
tion passed by, 252 ; departure of^ in 
the FuTJ/alus, 268 ; coroial reception 
of, 288 ; sails for Malta, 401 : in Cor- 
fu, 421 ; confirmation of, v. 75 ; visit 
of, to Cape, 82, 195 ; reception of, at 
Cape Town, 195; Sir G. Grey's re- 
port ofl 196; foundation of breakwa- 
ter in Table Bay laid by, 197 : return 
of, to his ship, 237 ; arrival (^ at 
Barbadoes, 269 ; return of, from West 
Indies, 813 ; arrival of, in Halifax, on 


hU way to join expedition to Mezioo, 

All, Mehcmet, i. 76, 183. 

Alice, Princess, birth and baptism of, 
i. 143 ; betrothal of, to Piinoe L«ouis 
of Ilesse, V. 212 ; intended niarria^ 
of, announced, 292 ; attendance of, on 
the Prince during last illness, 351, 
358, 864, 365. 

Alison, Sir Archibald, ii. 34. 

Aliwal, i. 273. 

Allied armies, ravages of cholera in, iii. 
87 ; land in the Crimea, 113 ; bottle 
of the Alma, 114-17 ; flank march 
of, 119 ; delay of, in attacking Sebas- 
topol, 120; open fire, 123: state of, 
butbre Sebastopol, 182-83 ; Piedmon- 
tese contingent furnished by King of 
Sardinia to support, 193 : successes 
of, and repulse of, at Maiakoff and 
the Bedan, 251 ; condition of, in 
Crimea, 393. 

Alma, news of victory on the, iii. 114 ; 
details of battle reach £ngland^ 117. 

Alten, d\ Prince studied under, i. 30. 

Alvensleben. General, iv. 242. 

Alverbank, iv. 119, 203. 

Amateur art, Prince's views on, iv. 22. 

Ambulance system (English). M. Bau- 
dicux's favourable report or, iii. 394. 

Am^lie, Marie, Queen. See Marie 

America, difficulty with, iii. 402 ; Lord 
Napier appointed English AGnister 
in, 402 ; sends the BesoluU as a ^fb 
to the Queen, 418 ; visit of Prince of 
Wales to, V. 199 et seo, ; conflict be- 
tween Northern and Southern Stat^ 
of, 302; the 'Rrcnt affair, 347; ad- 
justment of dispute, 351-53. 

Amusements for the people, the Princa 
on, iv. 15 et s^. 

Anapa, fall of. iii. 248. 

Ancona, bomDardment and surrender 
of, V. 163. 

Anne, Grand Duchess, death, v. 148. 

Annuity to Prince, oiscussion on in 
Parliament, i. 59-60. 

Anson, General, death of, iv. 70. 

Anson, Mr., appointment of, as private 
secretary, i. 56, 57 ; Stockmar's judg- 
ment of, 89 1 memoranda of, 1845, 
canvassing Sir B. PeePs views, 223 ; 
accompanies Queen and Prince to 
Germany, 1845, 227; sudden death 
of, ii. 191. 

Anti-Com Law League, meeting at 
Manchester, to revive, ii. 359. 

Antient Concerts, L 81, 402-406. 




Antonolli, Cardinal, ultimatum sent by 
Count Cavor to, v. 158. 

Apponyi, Count, Austrian Ambassa- 
dor, terms for armistice rejected by, 
iv. 877. 

Aquila, Count d% appointed Lieuten- 
ant-General of Sicily, i. 386. 

Ardverikie, i. 847. 

Army, British, fine spirit in, iii. 149 ; 
expressions of sympathy with^ from 
Queen and Prince. 151 ; suflrerings 
of J 152; causes or break-down of 
military arrangements, 156-57; me- 
morandum by Prince on Army or- 
ganisation, 158-63; improved state 
of, suggestions of press regarding, 
188; besieging batteries open fire, 
201 ; attacks by the press upon, 341 ; 
excellent condition of, 346, 893; re- 
form of, 398. 

Army, Indian, reorganisation of, iv. 
258 ; Prince's memorandum on, 259- 
61 ; scheme for reoi^nisation ma- 
tured, V. 287; letter to Sir Charles 
Wood, expressing Queen's satisfac- 
tion with liis treatment of subject, 

Amdt, Professor, presented to the 
Queen at Bonn, 1. 232. 

Art education, Prince's views on, iv. 

Art Treasures Exhibition, Manchester, 
iv. 87 et seq, 

Arthur, Prince, buth and baptism of, 
ii. 218-19. 

Ascot races, i. 184-86 ; prize of 500?. a 
year founded by Emperor of Russia, 

Ashburton treaty, i. 139, 272. 

Ashley^ Lord, opposed to Maynooth 
Bill, 1. 219 ; measure by, for preven- 
tion of Sunday delivery of letters, ii. 
222. See also Shaftesbury. Lord. 

Ashley, Mr. Evelyn, his uie of Lord 
Palmerston, ii. 231, 251, 837, 343, 
340, 891, 893, 395, 898, 428, 441 ; iii. 
129, 176, 177 ; iv. 113, 158, 213, 367, 
372, 382 ; V. 18, 29, 71, 117, 185, 233, 
239, 252, 257, 303. 

Association, British, meeting at Aber- 
deen ; address by Prince to, iv. 

Aston Hall, royal visit to, iv. 207, 287. 

Ateliers Nationaux, ii. 68, 70. 

Auckland, Earl of, i. 274. 

Auerswald, General, ii. 92. 

Auerswald, Prussian Minister of State, 
iv. 268. 

Aumale, Duo d', pamphlet letter by. 


addressed to Prince Napoleon, v. 


Austria^ Ferdinand, Emperor ofj abdi- 
cates m favour of his nephew, li. 121. 

Austria, Emperor of, meeting of, with 
Emperor of Bussia, at Weimar, iv. 
116 ; autograph letter hj Queen Vic- 
toria to, 325 ; meeting of, with French 
Emperor at Villafrancaj 879; mani- 
festo issued by, 880 ; objections of, to 
a Confess, 894, 395; meeting of, 
with Prince Regent of Prussia at 
Toplitz, V. 138 ; and with same and 
Emperor of Russia at Warsaw, 188- 
89 ; concessions by, to Hungary, 189. 

Austria, war with Sardinia, ii. 19 ^ rev- 
olution in Vienna, 101 ; negotiation 
for surrender of Lombardy declined, 
75, 100 ; abdication of Emj)eror Fer- 
dinand, proclamation of his nephew. 
121 ; proposed mediation of England 
and France between Austria and 
Sardinia, 122-23 ; relations between 
Germany and. 138; sends contin- 
gents in aid oi Pope, 163 ; publishes 
draft of now Constitution, 165 ; vic- 
tory of, at No vara, 166; advances 
troops into Tuscany, reinstates 
Princes of Parma and rnodena, 197 ; 
uncertain tenure of her possessions, 
198; Archduke John (Reichsverwe- 
scr) resigns, 198; incorporates her 
German provinces into a Federal 
State, 199; demands extradition of 
Hungarian and Polish exiles ; diplo- 
matic relations with Turkey sus- 
pended, 200 ; war between Prussia 
and, averted by Olmlitz convention, 
257 ; attack on General Haynau, 266 j 
Government abandons pledges of 
constitutional reform, 821 ; declines 
to send representatives to Duke of 
Wellington's funeral, 884; attempt 
to assassinate Emperor of, 899 ; Vi- 
enna Note by four great Powers, 415 ; 
Emperor of Russia's conditions sub- 
mitted by Count Orlolf to Conference 
at Vienna, iii. 20 ; refuses to prom- 
ise neutrality, 20 ; Protocol of Con- 
ference at Vienna, 26 ; joins confeder- 
acy against Ru^^isia, 86 ; embarrassing 
position of, in Eastern question, 53; 
concludes a convention with Porte, 
occupies Principalities, 69 ; negotia- 
tions with, marred, 120 ; efiect of 
occupation of Principalities by, 128: 
project of Treaty with England and 
France, submitted by, 140 ; reply of 
Englisli Cabinet, 143 ; executes treaty 

394 INDEX. 


with France and Eojerlandf 144; Rub- Balj, Dr., Her Migesty's Pliysidxin, 


defcnoe of their" rejection, 222-34; Baring^ Sir Francis, iii. 238-40, 244. 

reasons for policy ot\ 237 ; proposals Barrington, Lady Caroline, ii. 302. 

of peace suggested oy, declined by Bathurst, Hon. W. L., v. 102. 

England, 323 ; terms of ultimatum Baudieux, M., sent to Ciimea to report 

by, settled, 835 ; concordat between on English ambulance system, iii. 

Pope and, 337 ; animosity of, to 894. 

France, iv. 212 ; feelings of irrita- Baudin, Admiral, ii. 65. 

tion in, at conduct of France, 292; Bavaria, Conooruat with Pope by, v. 

attempt of, to enter into an alliaaco 24. 

with Prussia, 299 ; proposal by, of Bcan^ attempts Queen's life, i. 124. 

disarmament of Great Powers, 350 ; Beatrice, Pnnccps, birth and baptism 

demand made by, upon Sardinia, of, iv. 81, 54. 

864; troops of, cross the Ticino, 357 ; Becker, Oscar, life of King of Prassia 

irresolution ot, 368 : terms of peace attempted by, at Baden, v. 808. 

between Franco and, 879 ; bauKrupt BeddgeUcrt visited by Prince, v. 

condition of, v. 16; official declara- 320. 

tion by^ of non-interposition in Ital- £t'fle^ Adam, Prince on, iv. 284. 

ian imairs, 20; denouncement of Bedford, Duke of, royal visit to, at 

Garibaldi's enterprise by, 89 ; appre- Wobum Abbey, i. 100. 

hensions of revolution in, 90 ; mutual Beethoven's ntatuc at Bonn, uncovering 

agreement between England, Prussia, of, i. 231-33. 

and, 108 ; uneasy position of, 138 ; Belfast, royal visit to, ii. 177. 

determination of, regarding Venetia, Belgians, Queen of, Louise, Princess 

232 ; conflict between Hungarian sub- of Orleans, visits England, i. 103: 

jects and, ultimately ac^usted, 252. character of, 103 ; grief at death of 

her brother, the Duke of Orleans, 

BABELSBERG, iv. 201-238. 125; at the Chateau d'Eu, 151; at 

Baden, concessions by Grand Duko Buckingham Palace, 174 ; meets 

of, ii. 23 ; revolution m, insurgents Queen and Prince on their visit to 

defeated, 168; Grand Duke of, Germany, 229-33' letter to, from 

brought back to his capital, 168; King Louis Pliihppe on Spanish 

meeting at, of Emperor of French marriages, 302; illness of, ii. 259; 

with Prince Regent of Prussia and death, 270. 

German Princes, v. 110; Becker at- Belgium, remains unshaken during 

tempts King of rrussia's life at, 303. revolutionary epoch, 1848, ii. 29-30 ; 

Baden, Grand Duke of. Concordat royal visit to, 371 ; oflcrs re^mcnts 

signed by, v. 24. to assist in suppressing Indian mu- 

Balaclava, nank march to, iii. 119-20 ; tiny, iv. 113; menacing communi- 

charge of Light Brigade at, 123 ; sue- cations to, from France, 160 ; French 

cessml charge of Heavv Cavalry Emperor's language concerning, 295, 

Brigade at, 126 ; railroad from, to 296 ; relying on Euroj^an guarantee, 

Sebastopol. 146. makes no defensive move, 368 ; un- 

Bal Costume at Buckingham Palace, easiness caused by French threats of 

jeu d' esprit upon, i. 119. annexation, v. 90; French propa- 

Ballast heavers, memorial to Queen, gandists in, 129. 

iv. 13. Bellemarre, attempts to assassinate Em- 
Balmoral, first visit of Queen and Prince peror Napoleon, iii. 297. 
to, their impressions of, ii. 96 ; im- Belvoir Castle, royal visit to, i. 166. 
provements at, schools built, <fec., Bern, Hungarian refugee, ii. 200. 
265 ; purchased by Queen, 368 ; new Bengal, mutiny in, iy. 67. 
mansion house decided on, 375 ; com- Bentinck, Lord Grcorge, death of, ii. 
pleted, iii. 112. 98. 
Baltic fleet, sailing of, iii. 86 ; disap- Berlin, revolution in, submission of the 
pointment about. 116 ; successful King, ii. 25-28 ; suppression of Na- 
oombardment of Sweaborg by, 259. tional Assembly in, 127-28 ; city in 




state of siege, 129; tranquillity re- 
stored, 130. 

Bcrnal (Jollection, proposal to purchase, 
ill. 180. 

Bernard, Dr. Simon, trial of, iv. 181-82. 

Bernard, General, iii. 261. 

BemstorffL Count, Frusijian Ambassa- 
dor in England, v. 108. 

Bessarabian frontier, discussions as to, 
iii. 419. 

Bcssborough, Earl of, i. 274 ; death of, 

Bethell, Sir Eichard, iv. 158. 

Bethman-Hollweg, i. 22 ; iv. 321. 

Biddulph, Major (afterwards Sir Thom- 
as), appointed Master of Household, 
ii. 312 ; death of, iv. 19. 

Billault, M., Minister of the Interior, 
dismissal oj iv. 159. 

Birch, Mr. Henry, appointed tutor to 
Prince of Wales, ii. 148 ; retii-es, 312. 

Birmingham and Midland Institute, 
address by Prince to, iii. 321. 

Birmingham, Prince visits, i. 165 ; 
Queen and Prince visit, iv. 207. 

Blair Castle^ royal visit to, i. 196. 

Blanc, Louis, speech at the Luxem- 
bourg, ii. 68 ; Ateliers Nationaux, 

Blatchford, Lady Isabella, Osborne pur- 
chased from, 1. 209. 

Bloomfleld, Lord, iv. 235. 

Boar drive in Thuringian forest, i. 247. 

Bolgrad, iii. 380, 419. 

Bombay Presidency, mutiny in, iv. 111. 

Bonin, General, Prussian War Minis- 
ter, dismissal of, iii. 65 ; iv. 242, 208. 

Bonn, royal visit to, 1845, i. 231, 232, 

Borel de Bretizel^ General, iv. 103. 

Bosphorus, English fleet ordered to, ii. 

Boston, United States, Prince of Wales 
at. V. 202. 

Boulogne, review at, iii. 288 ; depar- 
ture of Queen and Prince from, 289. 

Bouverie, General, iv. 479. 

Bowatcr, Sir Edward^ goes to Cannes 
as Governor of Pnnco Leopold, v. 
336 ; illness and death of, 346. 

Bowles, Sir George, ii. 311, 312. 

Bowrinff, Sir Jolm, iv. 27. 

Boxer, Admiral, iii. 249. 

Brabant, Duke of, French Emperor's 
opinion of, iii. 100. 

Bracebridgc, Rev. Mr., with his wife, 
goes to seat of war with Miss Night- 
ingale, iii. 150 ; introduced to Queen 
and Prince at Bii-mingham, iv. 206. 


Brandenbui^, Count, head of Prussian 
Conservative Ministry, 1848, ii. 128. 

Brassey, Mr. Thomas, iv. 224. 

Brassier de St. Simon, Count, v. 186 ; 
Prussian Minister at Turin, 248. 

Breadalbane, Lord, goes to Berlin with 
insignia for investiture of King of 
Prussia as Knight of Garter, v. 253, 

Breech-loading rifles, letter by Prince 
on, V. 335-36. 

Bresson. Count, i. 291, 296. 

Bricquebec, Royal excursion to, iv. 105. 

Bridport, Lady, i. 102. 

Bright, Mr., speech of, regarding Tur- 
key, iii. 27 ; disapproving of war, 
58 ; on sufferings of army m Crimea, 
154 J speech in debate on Su* Francis 
Baring^ s motion, 244; defeated in 
election in Manchester, iv. 30: ob- 
jections by, to Government of India 
Bill, 173 ; opposition of, to Mr. Card- 
welPs motion, 193-96 : speech by, on 
reform, &c., 810 ; Mr. Disraeli's 
scheme of reform opposed by, 328 ; 
speech on annexation of Savoy to 
Irance^ v. 43; denounces measures 
for national defence, 115. 

Brighton, i. 155. 

BritLsh Association, meeting at Ips- 
wich, 1851, ii. 309; Aberdeen, iv. 
407; at Balmoral, 411. 

Brocket Hall, Queen's and Prince's 
visit to, i. 100-2. 

Brocklesby, Prince's visit to, ii. 142. 

Brougham, Lord, i. 58, 63, 156 ; ii. 202, 

Brown, Mr., of Windsor, physician of 
Duchess of Kent, v. 273 ; attends 
Prince during last illness, 356, 363. 

Browne^ Sir George, ii. 452 ; commands 
expedition to Kertch, iii. 233 ; letter 
by General Codrin^n to, 265 ; Com- 
mander of Forces m Ireland, v. 315. 

Bruce, Lady Augusta, v. 268, 27^-74. 

Bruce, Hon. Frederick, arrives at Bal- 
moral with Treaty of Tien-tsin, iv. 

Bruce, Hon. Colonel Robert, iv. 219, 
256, 270 ; v. 365. 

Bruffes, royal visit to, i. 158. 

BrQnl, royal visit to Palace, i. 230, 

Brunnow, Baron, influences Corps Di- 
plomatique to refuse pfesontincf ad- 
dress at opening of Great Exhibition, 
ii. 295 ; letter by, to Lord John Riis 
sell^ on change in Forei^ Office, Hei 
Majesty's opinion of this letter, 34-1 ; 




attends conference in Paris, iii. 868 ; 
interview with Lord Clarendon, 364. 

Brussels, rojal visit to, i. 158 ; meeting 
of Statistical Congress at, v. 121. 

Buchanan, Mr.. President of United 
States, letter oy, to Queen Victoria, 
offering welcome to Prince of Wales, 
V. 75 ; letter, same to same, as to re- 
sults of visit,204. 

Buckingham, l>uke of, royal vLsit to, 
at Stowe, i. 210. 

Buckstone, J. B., v. 285. 

Budbeiig. Baron do, iii. 21 ; iv. 359. 

Buller, Charles, i. 119. 

Bulwer, Sir E. Lytton. See Lord Lyt- 

Bulwer, Sir Henry, his Life of Palmcr- 
Bton quoted, i. 87, 286 ; Lord Palm- 
erston^s letter to^ on Spanish marri- 
ages, 296 ; on pohcy of Spanish Grov- 
emment, ii. 63 ; despatches returned 
by Spanish Government, oYdered to 
quit the kingdom, 64. 

Bunscn, Baroness, visit to Osborne, ii. 
45; on Prince of Prussia, 56; ac- 
count by, of masque on anniversary 
of royal marriage, iii. 15-16. 

Bunsen, Chevalier de, Prussian Am- 
bassador, i. 196-229^ declines Minis- 
try of Foreign Affairs at Frankfort, 
ii. 87; is summoned to Berlin. 89; 
letter to Prince on Universitv educa- 
tion, 114 ; letter by, to Max Mailer on 
Great Exhibition, 330 ; falls into dis- 
credit in England because of his 
change of opinions, iii. 43 ; opinion 
of Prince on his conduct. 49; dis- 
missed by King of Prussia, 61 ; brings 
letter from King of Prussia to Queen, 
65 ; death of, v. 253. 

Buol, Count, on Lord John Russcirs 
inconsistency, iii. 254: distrust of 
Sardinia, iv. 292 ; appeal by, on pros- 
pect of war, to state of German Con- 
federation, 299. 844 ; sends summons 
to Sardinia to disarm, 351. 

Burghersh, Lord, bearer of despatches 
from Lord Baglan, iii. 117. 

Burgoyne, Sir i^hn, Duke of Welling- 
ton's letter to, on National Defences, 
ii. 15; memorandum by, iii. 119; 
flank march to Balaclava ascribed to, 
122 ; letter by, on prospects of army 
before Sebastopol, 164; letter by, to 
Captain Matson, on condition of Brit- 
ish Armv. 183 ; instructed to prepare 
note of deliberations of Lord Palmer- 
ston and others, preparatory to Coun- 
cil of War at Windsor Castle, 206 ; 


memorandum of his views regarding 
future operations in Crimea, 212. 

Burleigh, royal visit to, i. 205. 

Bursaries established by Queen, ii. 265. 

Butler, Captain, at Silistria, iii. 65. 

Byng, Mr. J his motion on commercial 
treaty with France, v. 42. 

CABUL, disasters, L 118 ; Ghnznco 
and Cabul retaken, 128. 

Ca^liari, case of the, iv. 183. 

Caims, Mr. (Lord Cairns), Solicitor 
General, 1858, iv. 166 ; speech by, 
on Reform BUI, 841. 

Cambridge, Duke of, death, ii. 240. 

Cambridge^ Duke ot^ appomted Com- 
mander-in-chief, iii. 408. 

Cambridge, Royal visit to, L 159 ei 

Carnbridge University, appointment of 
Prince as Chancellor of, i. 816-19 ; 
Prince's plan for reform of course of 
studies there, ii. 101 et teq, 

Campan, Madame, recollections of, iii. 

Campbell. Lord, proposes appointment 
of Lords Justices for the Adminis- 
tration of Royal functions during 
Queen's absence abroad, i. 227 ; vin- 
dication of Prince's position as ad- 
viser of tlie Queen, by, ii. 456; his 
objections to proposed Star of Eng- 
land and India, v. 96. 

Campbell, Sir Colin. See Lord Clyde. 

Canada, visit by Prince of Wales to, v. 
75, 198-200. 

Canning, Lady, death o^v. 356. 

Canning:^ Lord, letter to Queen on state 
of India, iv. 75 ; letter to, by Queen, 
on feelings of Europeans towards na- 
tives of Lidia, 129 ; attacks on, 156 ; 
letter to Lord Granville on suDJect, 
156-57; Oude proclamation, 189; 
Lord EUenborough's despatches to, 
189 ; his letter of explanation to Lord 
Ellonborough, 195; to Sir Jamea 
Outram, 195 ; created Viceroy of In- 
dia ; letters by, to Queen on Indian 
Proclamation, 279 ; his own Procla- 
mation, 280; letter to, by Queen in 
acknowledgment of his services, and 
proposing Star of India, 362 ; his re- 
ply, 863 ; letter as to name of Order 
for India, v. 93. 

Cimrobert, General, accounts from, as 
to British force, iii. 132; telegram 
from, regarding battle of Inkermann, 
132; resigns command, 282; char- 
acter of his policy, 233 ; return of, to 

INDEX. 397 


France • Queen's opinion of, 208 ; Cawdor, Earl of, v. 189. 

receives Order of the Bath, 270. Cawnpore, destruction of granison at, 

Capua, surrender of, v. 188. iv. Ill ; defeat of rebels under Nana 

Cardigan^ Lord, loss of Li^ht Cavalry Sahib at, 132. 

un(fer, liL 123 ; commands at Review Chablais and Faucignj^ v. 48, 50, 53. 

of Household troops, 203 ; blamed by Changamier, General, li. 196 ; iv. 167. 

Commissioners in Crimea, 370. Channel Islands, Koyal visit to, iv, 396. 

Cardwell, Mr., (Lord Cardwell,) i. 212 : Charlemont, Lady, v. 315. 

notice of motion by, on affiEurs of Charles Albert, King of Sardinia, in- 

Oude, iv. 192 ; motion withdrawn, vades Milanese territory, ii. 19 ; de- 

196; appointed Irish Secretary in feated at Custozza, 76; at Novara; 

Lord Palmerston's Ministrv, 375 ; ap- his abdication and death, 163. 

pointment of, to Chancellorship of Charles et Georges^ aftair of, iv. 276-7. 

I)uchy of Lancaster, v. 308. Charlotte, Princess, death of, i. 22. 

Carlisle^ Lord, ii. 148 ; speech on Great Charlotte, Princess, of Bel^um ( Arcli- 

Exhibition of 1851, 203; Royal Visit duchess Maximilian), i. 159; be- 
to, at Castle Howard, 259 ; receives trothed to Archduke Maximilian, iv. 

Queen and Prince at Dublin, v. 55-56 ; marriage, 80 ; visit to Queen, 

313. V. 309-10, 320. 

Carlot, General, iii. 95. Charlottenburg, Royal visit to, iv. 246. 

Carnarvon, visited by Prince, v. 320. Charrier, Madame, i. 166. 

Cart, M., Prince's valet, death of, iv. Chartist agitation, i. 75; arrest of lead- 

236. ers. 1842, 127 ; renewed in London 

Carton, Royal visit to, ii. 176. ana Glasgow (1848), ii. 33-36 ; failure 

Castlerosse, Lord, Royal visit to at Kil- of meeting of April 10th, 37 ; riots in 

larney, v. 318. London, 38 ; leaders arrested, con- 

Cathcart, Sir Geoi^e, killed at Inker- victed, and sentenced, 71-2 ; collapse 

mann, iii. 136. of Chartism, 93. 

Cavaignac, General, appointed Dicta- Chatham, St. Mail's Hospital, Royal 

tor ; quells insuiTcction in Paris, ii. visit to (1856), iii. 396. 

73. Chatswortli, Royal visit to, i. 165. 

Cavour^ County present at naval review Cherbourof, Royal visit of English Roy- 

at Spithead, ui. 395 ^ refuses to com- al Famuy to, iv. 102 ; second Royal 

ply with demands ot France^ iv. 182 ; visit to, 222-7. 

views on the Cagliari question. 183 ; Chicago, Prince of Wales at, v. 239. 

policy of, 211 ; secret meeting of with China, war with (1842), i. 117 ; peace 

Emperor of the French at Plombieres, concluded, 128; terms of, 128; war 

211-12; resolutions o^ regarding with, iv. 27; treaty of Tien-tsin, 

Austria and Italy, 345-46 ; sum- 256 : enforced in 1860, 257 ; disaster 

moned to Paris by Emperor^ 347 ; on tne PeihOj 410 ; successful conclu- 

interview with Count Wolewski, 348 ; sion of Englisih and French expedi- 

witJi Emperor, 349 ; assents to a Con- tion to, v. 224. 

gress, 351 ; resigns, 881 ; objections Chiswick, i. 184 ; fi§te at, 186. 

to alliance of three Emperors, 395 ; Chobham Conmion, proposed as site for 

feelings with regard to cession of Sa- camp, ii. 396 ; Queen and Prince 

voy and Nice to France, v. 20 ; de- present at manoeuvres of troops at, 

nies existence of any arrangement for 401-3. 

their surrender, 35 ; reluctance to Christian, King of Denmark, accession 

sign treaty of cession, 39 ; his influ- of, v. 288. 

ence in struggle for national unity. Church, crisis in ; memorandum by 

88 ; words of, to M. Benedetti, 137 ; Prince on, ii. 279-81. 

agents of, at work in Naples ; Roman Cialdini, Greneral, v. 161. 

States occupied, 156; ultimatum sent Cincinnati, Prince of Wales at. v. 201. 

by him to Cardinal Antonelli, 158 ; City of London election (1841), i. 102- 

his circular to diplomatic a^nts or 103. 

Sardinia, 159 ; approval of his policy Civil list, settled on accession of Queen, 

by France, 188 ; nis difficulties and i. 213. 

decision in regard to Rome, 249-50 ; Clabon, Mr. John, his interview with 

death, 296-7. the Prince, iv. 16-17. 




Clanricardc, Lord, attack by on Lord 
Aberdeen, iii. 74. 

Claremont, i. 125. 

Clarence, Duke of, marriage of, 1819, i. 

Clarendon, Earl of, President of Board 
of Trade, 1840, i. 274; reoort, as 
Lord-Lieutenant, on state of Ireland, 
ii. 117 ; his views of effect on Ireland 
of Royal visit, 178 ; office of Foreign 
Sccretai^ offered to, and declin^ 
342 * opinion as to unreasonableness 
of Kussia's demands on Porte^ 414 ; 
letter to, by Sir Hamilton Seymour, 
on Count Nes8clrode, iii. 19 ; ap- 
proves Her Miyesty*s letter to Kin^ 
of Prussia on Eastern q^uestion, 48 ; 
letter bv to Prince on position of Aus- 
tria and Prussia ; reply of Prince, 53 ; 
despatch of Lord Bloomfield to. 69 ; 
speech by on the war, 71 ; declines 
to co-operate in formation of Minis- 
try (1855), 175 ; visits Emperor Na- 
poleon at Boulogne, 194 ; conference 
between Emperor and, 195; its re- 
sult, 197 ; letter by to Prince on Bus- 
sia's acceptance of ultimatum, 849; 
death of liis mother, 853 ; letter by, 
to Queen, offering himself as nego- 
tiator at Paris Conference, 354 ; reply 
to Lord Derby's speech on question 
of peace, 357 ; denies reports of Eng- 
land's insincerity, 858 ; bearer of let- 
ter from Queen to French Emperor, 
360 ; arrives in Paris ; reports inter- 
view with Emperor, 362; interview 
of with Baron Brunnow, 364: and 
with Count Orloff, 365 ; letter by. to 
Lord Palmerston, on suggestion of an 
European Congress, 376 ; difficulties 
prior to meeting of Conference, 380 ; 
reports conversation with French 
Emperor regardins Danubian Prin- 
cipalities, 880-1 ; letter to Queen an- 
nouncing signature of Treatv of 
Peace, 384; reply to Queen's letter 
on same sumect, 385 ;. refases Legion 
of Honour, 885 ; conferences of with 
Emperor of the French, 388-9 ; of- 
fered advancement in peera^; de- 
clines, 390 ; return from Pans, 396 ; 
letter by to Prince, on policy of 
France and Bussia^ iv. 49 ; letter by 
to Queen, on reinforcements for In- 
dia, 82 ; conferences with French 
Emperor regarding Principalitiesj 85 : 
letter to Queen on effect of visit or 
Emperor and Empress to Osborne, 
88; to Prince on reports regarding 


national defences, 108 ; opinion as to 
affairs in India, 113 ; letter r^anling 
Princess Boval, 151 ; letter to Prince 
on proposed Congress, 837 ; speech 
in House of Lords, 338, 852 * account 
of interview with French Emperor, 
v. 150-1 ; appointed to represent 
Queen at coronation of Kinjg^ of Prus- 
sia, 824 ; letter to Her Migest^ after 
coronation, 830 ; letter on mischie- 
vous effect of articles in The Times, 

Clark, Sir James^ recommends Balmo- 
ral to Her Miycsty, ii. 96; note by, 
on Irish National Schools, 174; ac- 
count of reception of Queen and 
Prince in Ireland, and ^ood effects 
of visit, 177 ; visits Berlm in Boyal 
suite; his opinion of A. Humboldt, 
iv. 241-3 ; attends Prince in his last 
illness, v. 357-9. 

Clergy, sons of, speech by Prince at 
festival of, iii. 63. 

Clerk, Sir George, i. 212. 

Clothilde, Princess, proposed marriage 
of to Prince Napoleon, iv. 212; mar- 
riage, 305. 

Clothworkers Hall, Prince's speech at 
opening of, v. 73. 

Clyde, Lord, gets command of division 
under Sir W. Codrington, iii. 316; 
^oes to India as Commander-in-Chief, 
IV. 70 J letter to, by Queen, on British 
victories in India, 129 ; account bv, 
of gallant conduct of troops at Luck-* 
now, 132 ; defeats rebels at Cawn- 
pore, 132; at Lucknow, 188; Her 
Majesty's recognition of his services ; 
Lord Derby's letter to him on the 
subject, 188 ; supports Prince's views 
regarding reorganisation of Indian 
Army, 261 ; invested with Order of 
Star of India, 365. 

Coal Exchange, New, opening of, ii. 

Cobden, Mr., violent attack on Sir Rob- 
ert Peel, i. 139 ; offer of office of Vice- 
President of the Board of Trade to, 
258 ; opposes Lord John Russell's 
Budget, ii. 16 ; his mistaken estimate 
of state of France, 18 ; moves for re- 
duction of public expenditure (1850), 
221 ; speech on Turkev, iii. 27 ; speech 
in debate on Sir F. Baring's motion, 
243 ; motion condemning war in 
China, iv. 26; defeated at Huders- 
field election, 30; declines place in 
Pahncrston Administration, 376 ; 
commercial Treaty with France no- 




gotiated by (1860), v. 40; opposes 
measures for national defence, 115. 

Coburg, Ernest, Duke of Saxe-Cobmv- 
Saalfeld (Prince's father), i. 13; <£- 
voroe of' 16 ; letter by Pnnce to, 104 ; 
deatliof(1844), 170. 

Coburgf, Duchess of (the Prince's moth- 
er), 1. 16. 

Coburg, Dowager Duchess of (Prince's 
paternal gi-andmother), i. 16; her 
death, 24. 

Coburg (Alexandrine), Duchess of, iv. 
200, V. 167. 

Coburg, Dowager Duchess of (Prince's 
stepmother), i. 21 ; letters by Prince 
to, ii. 133^ 218^ 367, 399 ; sympathy 
with Bussia, iii. 61 ; letters by Prince 
to, iv. 30, 118, 131, 852, 423 ; iUness 
and death, v. 153, 166. 

Coburg, Ernest, Prince (brother of 
Prince Albert), Duke of Saxe-Co- 
burg and Gotha, description of, &c., 
i. 14, 16, 17, 18, 29, 30, 83 ; separation 
from his brother, 85; enters active 
military life at Dresden, 85 ; coming 
of age, Coburg (1839), 37; visit to 
"Windsor, 43 ; letter to Queen, 51 ; 
marriage, 116 ; visits England with his 
bride, 125 ; death of his father^ 200 ; 
succeeds him, 170 ; royal visit to, 
236 ; visits England, 389. 

Coburg, first Royal visit to, i. 236-243 ; 
second Royal visit^v. 167-78. 

Coburg, Ferdinand, Prince of Saxe-Co- 
burg, death of; his familv, ii. 320. 

Cock bum, Mr. Alex. (Lord Chief Jus- 
tice), speech in defence of Lord Palm- 
erston's policy Q850), ii. 231. 

Codrington, Sir W., succeeds General 
Simpson as Commander-in-Chief in 
the Crimea, iii. 316; returns from 
Crimea, 405. 

Coercion, Irish, Bill, i. 270; passed. 

Cole, Henry (Sir), ii. 187, 188, 319, 391. 

Colloredo, Count, iii. 143. 

Cologne, Royal visit to (1845), i. 231- 

Colonels, addresses of (1858), iv. IBl. 

Combe, George, his pamphlet on Edu- 
cation, i. 384. 

Comet, Donati's, iv. 256. 

Commander-in-Chief, proposal by 
Duke of Wellington for appointment 
of Prince, ii. 209 ; declined, and rea- 
sons, 209-216. 

Commercial crisis (1847), i. 373. 

Commercial treaty with Fi-ance (1860), 
V. 40, 209. 


Communion, Sacramental, strong feel- 
ing by Prince in regard to, iv. 176. 

Compton, Henry, v. 238. 

Concha. General, i. 387. 

Concordat, Papal, with Austria, iii. 
837 ; with Baden and Wurtemberg, 
v. 24; Prince's opinions as to Con- 
cordats, 25-7. 

Congress, International Statistical, 
opening of the, 1860, meeting of, at 
Brussels. Paris, and Vitmna, v. 121 ; 
Prince elected President of, 122 ; his 
address to. 1860 v. 123-6. 

Consolidated Fund Appropriation Bill, 
iii. 257. 

Consort, rumours of intention to con- 
fer title of King Consort on Prince, 
i. 215 ; title of Prince Consort con- 
ferred on him, iv. 63. 

Conspiracy Bill (1858^, iv. 162-8. 

Constantine, Grand Duke, iii. 248 ; iv. 
82-5, 49, 54. 

Convention as to occupation of Syria, 
V. 133. 

Cork, Royal visit to, ii. 172. 

Com Law League, i. 167 ; revived, ii. 

Com Laws, Lord J. Russell and Lord 
Palmerston support Mr. Cobden in 
urging abolition of, i. 97; abolition 
of supported by Caoinet, 264 ; oppo- 
sition, 265; Corn Bill introduced, 

Corry, Mr., Secretary of Admiralty, i. 

Coscnz, General, v. 155. 

Coup-d?Etat (December 2, 1851), ii. 

Couper, Sir George, death of, v. 307. 

Courts, County, extension of juribdic- 
tion of, ii. 256. 

Cousin, M., opinion of Prince on his 
Introduction IbUtique^ ii. 320, 321. 

Couza, Piince, elected Hospoaar by 
Danubian Principalities, iv . 215. 

Cove of Cork, arnval of Queen and 
Prince at, receives name of Queens- 
town, ii. 172. 

Cowell, Lieutenant (Sir John, K.C.B.), 
Governor of Prince Alfred, iii. 392- 
6 ; letter from Cape, v. 196-7. 

Cowley, Lord, letter by Emperor of 
the French to, iii. 77 ; urges vissit of 
Prince to Boulogne, 81 ; account of 
Prince's landing at Boulogne, 92; 

fives French Emperor's opinion of 
*rince, 109 ; English representative 
at Council of War in Paris, 347; 
diflS-culties of, prior to Paris (Jonfer- 

400 INDEX. 


cnce, 877 ; oflfercd step in peerace ; Cubitt, Mr. Thomas, ii. 187. 

declines, 890 ; letter by to Lord Clar- Curra^h, review of troops by Quocn at, 

endon on impressiond made bv visit ot v. 315. 

Emperor and Empress to Osborne, Custozza, battle of, ii. 76. 
iv. 88; explanations with French 

Emperor by, on Conspiracy Bill. 168 rv AIILMANN, HERR, ii. 92. 

-169 ; letter by to Lord Malmesbury U Daily Newa^ attack by on Prince 

on appointment of Duke of MalakofF, (1854), li. 438. 

170 ; on invitation by French Empe- DiilhousiCj Lord, i. 212 ; returns from 

ror to Queen and Prince to visit Cher- India, hi. 400 ; letter to Queen on 

bourg, 217 ; his report of French Em- leaving India (1856), iv. 24 ; death 

perors words re«irdinff prospect of of, v. 189. 

war, 293; regarding the agi*cemcnt Dallas. Mr., United States Minister in 

with Count Cavour at Plombieres England, v. 75. 

298; mission to Vienna, 325; visit to Damiiscus, outra^^ by Turks in, v. 

London^36 ; impressions regarding 182. 

Frencli JEmjwror's desire for a Con- Dantzi^, fortification of by Prussia, an 
grcss, 837 ; interview with French act of hostility towards England and 
Emperor ; letter on subject to Lord France, iii. 89. 
Maunesbury, 848 ; report of inter- Danubian Principalities, question as to 
view with French Emperor at Chan- future disposal of, iii. 877 ; opinions 
tilly, 389. 890 j conversation with of French Emperor and Lord Claren- 
Count Waiewski as to European Con- don on the subject, 877-8 ; general 
gross, 891 ; despatch to Lord John uneasiness on subject of, iv. 45-6 ; 
Russell reportinj^ interview between views of Emperor of the French re- 
count Waiewski and Prince Mctter- carding, 48 ; arrangement between 
nich, 899 ; conversations with Em- Emperor and England as to, 101 ; 
peror of i rench on Savoy and Nice, discussions in regard to, 214-15 ; dit* 
v. 20, 88, 37-8 ; remarkable discus- Acuities arranged, 215. 
sion with Emperor of the French, Dcj;^, Francis, v. 189, 252. 
44-7 J M. ThouvencPs remark on Dean Mills Factory, Bolton, Prince 
Russian demands (1860), 80. visits, ii. 326. 

Cowper, Lord, death o^ in. 396. Defences, National, ii. 15, 353-5 ; v. 

Cracow, occupation of by Allied forces 103-8 ; saying by Count Moltke on, 

of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, i. 215 ; letters bv Frince to Lord Palm- 

310 ; city and temtory annexed by erston and Lord John Russell on 

Austria, 310 ; protest against annexa- British naval force, 214:-15 ^ to Duke 

tionby France and England, 311. of Somerset on increase ol numbers 

Cramond Hoase, occupied by Duchess of ironclads^ 215-16. 

of Kent, V. 145. Defoss^, Admiral, in command of fleet 

Crampton, Mr. ^Sir John), English at Cherbourg, iv. 224. 

Minister at Wasnington, iii. 402 ; am- Dclangle, M., appointed Minister of the 

bassador at St. Petersburg iv. 345 ; Interior for 1 ranee, iv. 210. 

despatch to by Lord John Russell, v. Delhi, in possession of Mutineers, iv. 

80. 69 ; retaken by British, 120. 

Creptowitch, Count, Russian Ambassa- Denlson, Mr. John Evelyn, elected 

dor at English Court^ iii. 396. Speaker of House of Commons, iv, 

Crimea, invasion of. iii. 75; Prince's 42. 

plan for, 78-9 ; Allied forces sail for, Denmark, invasion of by Prussia, ii. 

112 ; great storm in, 144 ; sufferings 75 ; intervention of othef Powers, 

of army in, 151 ; severity of winter, truce arranged, 75 : denounces armis- 

154 ; Queen distributes medals to in- tice of Malmoe ; threatens to renew 

valids from, 230: fall of Sebastopol, hostilities, 165 ; war witJi Schleswig 

297 ; return of English troops from, Ilolstein Duchies, 256 ; temporary 

405. settlement of question by Olmutz 

Crisis, commercial (1857), iv. 126. Convention, 257 ; action regarding 

Crowe. Mr. J. A., report on state of Schleswig and JHolstein, 'v. 286 ; 

Soutn of Germany (1860), v. 62. Duchies surrendered by, 289. 

Croxteth, Royal vifdt to, ii. 322. Derby, Eaii of, forms a' Ministry ; its 




character, ii. 859; Militia Bill car- 
ried, 3G1 ; speech oy, after Duke of 
Wellington's funeral, 383; defeated 
on Budget and resigns, 391 ; speaks 
in vindication of Prince. 456^ accuses 
English Government or having mis- 
led Kussia, iii. 80 ; sent for by Queen 
on rcsi^ation of Aberdeen Ministry, 
171 ; declines to form a Ministry, 
172-3 ; speech in House of Lords on 
the question of peace, 857 ; raises 
question regarding creation of life 
pe^iigos ; Ministry defeated, 358 ; 
moves for appointment of Committee 
to consider tne question, 359 ; raises 
discussion regai-ding duties of Com- 
mander-in-chief and Secretary of 
State for War, 371 ; impugns conduct 
of Chinese war ; defeated, iv. 27-28 ; 
Ministry formed by (1868), 163 ; his 
programme, 165 ; letter to the Queen 
on the India Bill, 174 ; action of his 
Government on the Uagliari ques- 
tion, 183 J letter to by Queen, on re- 
organisation of Indian army, 258 ; 
lays scheme of reform before Queen, 
323 ; his opinion of conduct of Aus- 
tria. 355; moves vote of thanks to 
civil and military functionaries in In- 
dia, 362 ; resits, 374. 

Dering, Sir E., lii. 87. 

Dhuleep Singh, Maharajah, invested 
with Order of the Star of India, iv. 

Diet, Frankfort, dissolution of, ii. 87. 

Dietrichsen, M., ii. 73. 

Disraeli^ Mr., opposition to Maynooth 
Bill, 1. 219 ; opinion of position of 
Sir K. PeePs Government in 1845, 
225 ; remark on Lord John Bussell's 
Budget (1848), ii. 16 ; on Chartism, 
85 ; becomes leader of his party in 
House of Commons, 139 ; opposes re- 
peal of Navigation Laws, 189 ; moves 
lor inquiry into state of nation (1849), 
162 ; motion as to local taxation, 220 ; 
Chancellor of Exchequer and leader 
of House of Commons, 859 ; his Bud- 
get (1852) defeated \ Ministrv resign, 
391 ; remarks on Sir J. Granam ana 
Sir C. "Wood's attacks on French 
Emperor, 396 ; his opinion of Prince, 
456 ; motion on conduct of war with 
Bussia (1855), iii. 286 ; negatived, 
238 ; eulogium on defenders of Ears, 
356 ; speech on Indian affairs, iv. 81, 
127 ; speech on marriage of Princess 
Boyal, 153; appoint^ Chancellor 
of the Exchequer (1858), 165 ; an- 


nounocs honourable close of differ- 
ences with France to the House, 169 ; 
introduces Government of India Bill, 
171 ; his Budget well received, 180 ; 
speech at Slough on collapse of Mr. 
Cardwell's motion, 196 ; letter to 
Queen on India Bill, 197 ; substance 
of speech of, in debate on the Italian 

Suestion, 329 ; introduces Keform 
iill, 329 ; debate described by, 341 ; 
speech on affairs of Italy, v. 28; 
states policv of Conservative Opposi- 
tion, 238 ; language in seconding ad- 
dress of condotence to Queen on death 
of Duchess of Kent, 270. 

Donisthorpe's wool-combing machine, 
Prince's discovery of defect in, ii. 80. 

Dover Admiralty Pier, works inspected . 
by Prince, iii. 199. 

Downing, Major (Mr. Davis), letter 
from, V. 200. 

Dramatic College, foundation stone laid 
by Prince, v. 100. 

Drayton Manor, Royal visit to, i. 65. 

Dresden^ tumults at, ii. 23 ; rising in, 
provisional government proclaimed, 
city taken by Prussian and Saxon 
troops, 167. 

Drouvn de Lhuys^ M., at Boulogne 
witli Emjperor, liL 92; Emperor's 
opinion or, 100 ; leaves Vienna, 218 ; 
approves of Austrian peace proposals, 
218 ; resigns, 220-1. 

Droysen, J. G., pamphlet by, iv. 150. 

Drummond, Mr.^ secretary to Sir Rob- 
ert Peel, assassinated, i. 139. 

Druses, massacre of Maronitcs by, v. 

Dublin, arrival of Queen and Prince 
in, ii. 174 ; visit to public institutions 
of, 175; review in Phoenix Park, 
visits to Royal Irish Academy, Roval 
College of Surgeons, Roval Dublin 
Society, 175 ; second Koyal visit, 
great industrial exhibition, 408-9; 
third Royal visit^ v. 314r-19. 

Ducane, Mr., motion by defeated, v. 

Duchies, Italian, declare for annexation 
to Sardinia, v. 16 ; homage of accept- 
ed by Kiix^ Victor Emmanuel, 48. 

Duces, M., ill. 205. 

Duelling case of Colonel Fawoett and 
Lieutenant Monro, i. 145; Prince's 
endeavour to put a stop to, 146; 
amendment of Articles of War, with 
a view to suppression of duelling, 

Dumailly, Colonel, iv. 103. 




Dunoombc, Thomas, Mr., opposes May- 
nooth Bill, i. 219. 

DuDdas, Admiral, demands for the re- 
call of, iii. 116; Baltic fleet under 
command of, 259. 

EASTEEN QUESTION, i. 81 ; his- 
tory of, li. 411; Turkey demands 
modifications of Vienna I^ote, Kussia 
declines, 416 ; Turkey declares war, 
421: England and France support 
Turkey^ 422; four Powers declare 
Bussia m the wron^r, 424 : manifesto 
by Emperor of BuAsiaj 429. 

Eastlake, Sir Charles, mtcrview with 
Prince. L 110; letter on effects of 
Fine Arts Commission, 110 ; paints 
pictures for the Queen and al^ for 
the Prince, 179 ; eulo^um on Prince 
Albert at Boyal Acac^my dinner, ii. 

Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, ii. 283, 290. 

Eckhardtsbcrg, burial-place of the Duke 
of Saxe-Coburg. i. 179. 

Edinburgh, Royal visit to. i. 127 ; Na- 
tional Gallery, Prince lays founda- 
tion stone of, ii. 2G2 ; foundation 
stones of Post Office and Industiial 
Museum l^d by, v. 827. 

Education, National, Prince presides at 
conference on, iv. 58. 

Education of Koyal children, ii. 149- 
155. 156-9 ; education of Prince Al- 
frea, iii. 892 ; educational conference, 
iv. 58 ; Prince presides at, 58-9. 

Eglinton, Lord, on Irish education, ii. 
869, 888. 

Egypt, French attempt to secure con- 
trol of, i. 77 ; attempt baffled, 77. 

Elcho, Lord, motion m House of Com- 
mons on subject of prop<Ked Peace 
conference, iv. 895. 

Elgin, Lord, selected as British envoy 
to China, iv. 29 ; visit of, to Japan, 
257 ; returns to England, goes back 
to China to enforce treaty of Tien- 
tsin, 857 ; burning of Summer Pal- 
ace Dv, V. 224. 

Eliotj George, her novels, Prince's high 
estunate of, iv. 288-4. 

Ellenborough, Lord, i. 129 ; opens nav- 
igation of Indus, 161 ; attack on ar- 
my and administration by, iii. 228 ; 
his opinion on transfer of government 
of India to the Crown, iv. 158 ; Pres- 
ident of Board of Control (1858), 165 ; 
views on Government of India Bill, 
172 • despatches to Lord Canning on 
Oude proclamation, 189-91 ; resigns. 


192 ; speech on Volunteer movoment, 
v. 883-4. 

Ellesmcrej Lord, speech by, on Peace 
treaty, iii. 898 ; letter to by Prince 
on proposed Art Treasures exhibition, 
iv. 88 ; Royal visit to, at Worslcy 
Hall, 64. 

Elliot, Mr., (now Sir Henry), British 
Minister at Naples, v. 86. 

Elliot, Lord, i. 212. 

Elmes, Mr., architect of St. George's 
Hall, Liverpool, i. 275-6. 

Elphinstone, Captain (now Sir How- 
ard), superintends education of Duke 
of Connaught, iv. 119. 

Elvey, Sir Geoi^, i. 130. 

Ely, Marchioness of, iv. 22. 

Emmanuel, Victor, protest by, against 
demands made oy France, iv. 182 ; 
negotiation regardung marriage of his 
daughter with Prince Napoleon, 211 ; 
address to Chambers, 291 ; claims 
armed support from France, 814 ; re- 
fuses to annex Tuscany and the Ro- 
magna, 408 ; accepts homage of Ital- 
ian States, v. 48 ; his knowledge of 
Garibaldi's Sidlian expedition, 87 ; 
opinion r^arding Garibaldi, 90 ; his 
army in possession of Papal States, 
162 : h^led as King of Italy by Gari- 
baldi, 188 ; defeats royalist troops on 
the Gari^liano, 188 ; opens first Ital- 
ian Parliament, 248 ; assumes title of 
King of Italy, 249. 

* Eos,' Prince's favourite greyhound, i. 

Erfurt, Federal Parliament at, ii. 200. 

Essling, Princess d', iv. 224. 

Estcourt, General, death of, iii. 249. 

Esterhazy, Count, bearer of Austrian 
ultimatum to Russia, iii. 885. 

Esticnne, Henri, ii. 186. 

Eupatoria, Allied armies land at, iii. 
112 ; defeat of Russian cavalry near 
(Oct. 29, 1855), 812. 

Evans, General Sir de Lacy, iii. 126 ; 
attacks bv, on General Simpson, 
Colonel Gordon, and others, 372 ; 
charge against, by Lord Claud Ham- 
ilton, 872. 

Exchange^ New Royal, opened by 
Queen, 1. 204. 

Exeter, Lord, visit of the Queen and 
Prince to, i. 205. 

Exhibition, Great, of 1851, projected, 
ii. 169; preparations for, <fec., 201- 
205 ; attacked in Times, 235 ; oppo- 
sition toproposed site in Hyde Park. 
288 ; difficulties, 240 ; guarantee fimd 




created, 247 ; arran^ments for oi)en- 
ing, 292: opened, 297-801 ; fSteffiv- 
ea to omcials at raris, 816 ; appuca- 
tion of surplus, 817, 461, 464 ; lost 
Royal visit to, 828 ; Prince's objec- 
tion to his own statue as a memorial 
of, 434 ; Eidiibition of 1862, v. 242, 
Byre^ Jane^ Miss Bront&'s, iv. 225. 

FAIRBAIRN, Mr. Peter, Mayor of 
Leeds, iv. 254. 

Fanti, General, Commander-in-Chief of 
Victor Emmanuel's army, v. 161. 

Farm, model, Prince's, at Windsor, 
and Osborne, i. 1^1. 

Farr, Dr., Secretary of Statistical Con- 
gress, V. 122. 

Faucit, Miss Helen, in * Lady Mac- 
beth,' iv. 137. 

Fawcett, Colonel, i. 145. 

Felix, Prince of Schwarzenbcrg, ii. 122 ; 
trios to restore order in Austria, 122 ; 
dismisses Imperial Diet, 165 ; Minis- 
ter President, 321. 

Ferdinand, Prince, brother of King of 
Portugal, death of, v. 840. 

Fermoy, Lord, a^tation by, defeated, 
V. 118. 

Ferrara, occupied by Austrian troops, 
i. 387. 

Fichte, the younger. Prince studies 
under, i. 30. 

Fine Arts Commission, names of mem- 
bers of, 108 ; exhibition of cartoons, 
143 ; success of, 143. 

Finlay, Mr. John, dispute with Greek 
Government, ii. 223. 

Fisher, Mr., tutor to Prince of Wales, 
iv. 4<)1. 

Flahault; Count, interview of, with 
Lord Palmerston, v. 70-1. 

Fleury, Colonel, opinion of regarding 
proposal of Emperor Napoleon to go 
to the army in the Crimea, iii. 194 ; 
sent to Austrian camp after battle of 
Solferino with proposals for armistice, 
iv. 378. 

Florence, revolution in, iv. 867. 

Florschlitz, M., of Cobui^, tutor to 
Prince Albert, i. 16. 

Flotwell, Hen-j Prussian Minister of 
the Interior, iv. 268. 

Fonblanque, Mr. Albany, his opinion 
of conduct of Queen in Ministerial 
crisis (1845), i. 261-2 ; on reforms at 
Cambridge, ii. 113 ; on Lord Palm- 
erston 249 

Fortifications Bill (1860), v. 129.